Full text of "The great plateau of northern Rhodesia, being some impressions of the Tanganyika Plateau"

See other formats

kSk-

©uqufsne(llniu(?rsilyi

^wf

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2010 with funding from

Lyrasis IVIembers and Sloan Foundation

http://www.archive.org/details/greatplateauofnoOOgo

THE GREAT PLATEAU
OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

LuiTiKiLA River.

F. H MctlaiiJ./'hot.

THE GREAT PLATEAU
OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Being Some Impressions of the
Tanganyika Plateau

CULLEN GOULDSBURY

OP THK BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY'S ADMINISTRATION, AND
AUTHOR OF 'god's OUH'OST,' 'THE TREE OF BITTER FRUIT,' ETC.

AND

HUBERT SHEANE, F.R.A.I., F.R.G.S.

OF THE BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY'S SERVICK, AND
EDITOR OF 'WEMP V GRAMMAR*

With an Introduction by
SIR ALFRED SHARPS, K.C.M.G., C.B.

ILLUSTRA TED

LONDON

EDWARD ARNOLD

1911

Ad rights reservdl

TO
THE MEMORY OF THE LATE

ROBERT CODRINGTON, C. M.G.

ADMINISTRATOR OF NORTH-EASTERN RHODESIA, 1898-1907,

TO WHOSE MASTERFUL ENERGY AND TIRELESS DEVOTION

NORTH-EASTERN RHODESIA OWES SO MUCH,

THE HUMBLE TRIBUTE OF THIS BOOK

IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED

JUN 9 - 196T

NOTE BY SIR ALFRED SHARPE

I HAVE been asked by the Authors to write a short intro-
duction to their work — which deals with one of the most
fascinating districts of Tropical Africa. We read in these
days many books on Africa, most of which contain the
impressions gathered by travellers passing through on
fleeting visits. Their opinions are the result of informa-
tion hastily gleaned from others, and are in many cases
quite unrehable. To get at the bottom of things in
Africa there is only one method — long continued residence
— backed by a proper sympathy with native ideas. The
Authors of this book have spent a considerable portion
of their Hves in the land and among the peoples they
write of, and no one could be better qualified than they
to deal with the subjects they have taken in hand.

I knew the Tanganyika Plateau well twenty years ago :
it is a charming land, cut off, as the Authors state, from
all that we understand as 'civilisation,' where everything
is peaceful, the natives kindly and willing, the climate
deUghtful and fairly healthy.

How long will this remain so ?

The Plateau lies on the backbone of Africa, along
which the existence of valuable minerals is being every
year more clearly proved. The Rand, Southern Rhodesia,
and Katanga all lie on this continental watershed, and
even the distant Kilo gold-mines (Albert Nyanza). It
will probably not be long before the scheme outlined
by the Authors on page 328, of a line of rail and water
communication from the sea-coast (Beira) to Tanganyika

viii THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

is carried out, thus giving an outlet with cheap transport
for the Tanganyika Plateau and Northern Katanga.

Meantime, the Authors of this volume give a description
of native life on the Tanganyika Plateau — as it now
exists — minute, reliable, and deeply interesting.

Alfred Sharps .

12th September 1911.

AUTHORS' PREFACE

Year by year the glamour of the Outer Fringe is fading,
and it is becoming more difficult to enlist the sympathies
of the stay-at-home upon the side of the Silent Places.
European Royalties and vivacious journalists, Republican
Presidents, and lady travellers are contracting a habit of
invading the immemorial vastness, of disturbing the im-
memorial silence of tropical Africa.

And, in inverse ratio to this depreciation of glamour, the
output of literature dealmg with the sub-contment increases.
Every month witnesses many additions to the bibliography
of Africa — almost every year some new society springs into
being, avowedly constituted to drag from the unfortunate
land whatever rags maj^ yet remain of its mantle of pristine
mj^stery. As a natural consequence, almost every new
volume bearing upon African affairs opens with an apology.
Let us, at least, be original upon this point if upon no
other, and, waiving apology, preface our work with the
statement that an urgent need exists for some exposition
of the conditions which govern life upon the Southern
Tanganyika Plateau at the present da}^

Our aim is to give some impression, however blurred or
imperfect, of an almost unique, and hitherto unrecorded,
phase of colonial isolation. Alone among other British
African dependencies, we possess neither coast ports nor
railway termmi to connect us with the Empire at large.
Consequently, the Plateau native, preserved from the perils
of progress, has maintained his distinctive characteristics.
His folklore and customs are still intact ; his country is
still a happy hunting-ground for the ethnologist. And,
also, the existence which is led by the few Europeans now
in the country differs very materially from the stereotyped
exile prevailing in other dependencies or possessions. In
many ways our lives resemble those of dwellers in the

X THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Indian Empire ; yet our luxuries and our hardships are
quite other than theirs.

But all this is, pre-eminentlj% a passing phase. Slowly,
but none the less surelj', the Cape to Cairo Railway is
penetrating to the fringes of our territory, to be foUowed
inevitably by a wave of European immigration. While
the German railway, forging ahead to the shores of Lake
Tanganyika, is bringing in its tram the influence of the
Arab and of the East Coast native.

And yet, although existing conditions would appear to
be threatened on every side, although we are upon the verge
of amalgamation with the sister territory of North-western
Rhodesia, when it is probable that the individuahty of this
sphere will be submerged, no book has, hitherto, been written
upon this tract of country — more than fifty thousand square
miles in extent — with which we propose to deal. The
meagre papers upon North-Eastern Rhodesia which have,
so far, appeared, are scattered through the ephemeral files
of magazines, or buried in the journals of the learned
societies. Bearing this in mmd, it may, perhaps, be held
not too presumptuous an aim to endeavour to depict the
conditions of a country, and the manners and customs of
a people, while, for the moment, they still remain primitive
— before thej^ fade and are forever obhterated by the
corrosive contact of civihsation.

It may here be necessary to define with some exactitude
the precise sphere of which these pages treat. A glance at
the map will serve to show the area dealt with. That
area Mes, for the purposes of general definition, between
the 8th and 12th parallels of south latitude, and between
the 30th and 34th parallels of east longitude. And its
claim to be considered as a concrete whole, to the exclusion
of other portions of the territory, is based upon the fact
that this area was, until quite recently, the sphere of in-
fluence of one of the most interesting, virile, and warlike
tribes of Central Africa — the Awemba, or subjects of the
Crocodile Kings.

There is, moreover, an important topographical reason
for the selection of this particular tract of country for treat-
ment, which is that the major part of it consists of a plateau.

AUTHORS' PREFACE xi

varying in height from four to six thousand feet above
sea-level, bounded on the south by the Muchinga Highlands,
and begirt b}^ the four great lakes of southern Central
Africa. 1 Of this territory Sir Lewis Michell has said : ' The
fact of its being high plateau land is, I think, of enormous
importance. It would be criminal to tempt people from
this country to go to the malarial swamps and rivers of
some portions of Africa. But a country that possesses
thousands of square miles of high plateau land in the heart
of Africa is a very valuable possession indeed, and the day
will come when the inhabitants of these crowded isles may
be glad to go to a country like that and make it their home.
That was the dream of Mr. Rhodes 's life. . . .'

This book is in no sense a history of the whole of
North-Eastern Rhodesia. Neither is it intended as a guide-
book upon the country ; such a task would lie bej^ond the
powers of the writers, who have, unfortunately, no intimate
knowledge of the southern portion of the territory.

Naturally the treatment of such a subject ofifers many
difficulties. It obtrudes the temptation to neglect matters
of general interest in favour of sheer anthropology. It
demands a fine sense of proportion in balancing the claims
to consideration of many lesser peoples, whose customs and
beHefs resemble in all essentials those of the dominant
Awemba, and yet present many interesting divergences
upon minor points. While, in so young a country, where
all are groping individually for the truth amid the shifting
sands of unstable native record and tradition, an attempt
to enshrine any definite facts in print is a dangerous offer-
ing of hostages to fortune in the person of the critics. But
perhaps the crowning difficulty of all is the effort to present,
in terms which shall be mtelligible to the stay-at-home, a
picture of the fife which is led by a mere handful of white
men and women scattered through a tract of country at

^ Those who are iuterested in the natural configuration of this Plateau
country cannot do better than read the paper by Mr. L. A. Wallace, C.M.G.,
on North-Eastern Rhodesia [Geographical Journal, vol. xxix. pp. 369-400),
which contains a clear and most interesting account of its main physical
and geological features, illustrated by an excellent map. Roughly speaking,
the whole of North-Eastern Rhodesia is composed of n series of plateaus, of
which the Tanganyika Plateau is the greatest.

xii THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

least as large as England ; a tract which, from our view-
point, is still in its infancy, and which has behind it only a
quarter of a century of civilisation.

Again, upon the Tanganyika Plateau there are, at present,
no vital questions of policy at issue. Our exports do not
swell the markets of the world ; our views upon inter-
national subjects have for the moment not the sHghtest
weight. We float in a peaceful backwater, where no
ripple disturbs the quiet of our daily existence, where
neither wars nor rumours of wars may serve to quicken our
pulses or thrust us out upon the swirling flood of public
notice.

Later — ^it may be in ten, or it may be in fifty years — we
shall arise and step into our allotted place in the poHcies
of the nations. One day the railway will reach us ; one
day prosperity, long denied, will come to us like the Prince
in the story-book, and kiss us into life. But that day is
not yet.

Meanwhile, in quiet, unobtrusive fashion, the work goes
on. Day by day the grim shadow of pristine barbarity
fades and pales — imperceptibly, it may be, yet none the less
surely. And thus, living as we do in a land which, if little
known, yet bears within its womb germs which may one
day blossom into greatness, it is, perhaps, no presumption
in us to take up our pens and to endeavour to depict this
unique aspect of Imperial expansion.

In conclusion, we must express our thanks to all those
who have so generously assisted us by information, sug-
gestion, and advice. Our special thanks are due to
H. H. Mr. Justice Beaufort, Acting Administrator ; Mr.
H. C. Marshall, Magistrate at Abercorn ; Dr. J. A. Chisholm,
Livingstonia Mission, Mwenzo ; Mr. F. H. Melland, Assistant
Magistrate, Mpika ; and Mr. David Ross, Kasama. Our
obligations to others will be found noted in the text.

C. G.
H. S.

North-Eastern Rhodksia,
July 1911.

AUTHORS' NOTE

Chapters i., in., v., vii., x., xiii., xiv., xv., xix., xx. —
comprising the European and General section — have been
dealt with by Cullen Gouldsbury.

Chapters ii., iv., vi., viii., ix., xi., xii., xvi., xvii.,
XVIII. — comprising the Ethnographic section — have been
dealt with by Hubert Sheane.

Each section has, however, been jointly revised, though
no attempt has been made to achieve uniformity of style.
The matter, as thus divided, falls naturally into two
parts, European and Native, and the collaborators, while
realising that this method is open to criticism, consider
that its advantages outweigh its defects.

CONTENTS

PAGE

NOTE BY SIR ALFRED SHARPE, K.C.M.G., C.B vii

CHAPTER I. THE PLATEAU IN PERSPECTIVE

The cachet of N.E.R.— Does not belong to the South— Exemption from
boisterous Commercialism — Unique among the Countries of the
World— Our primitive Peacefulness— Domestic Difficulties— Quinine
—Sobriety of Residents— No Dutch Element— Contrast with the
South— The Clean Record as to Risings— The pleasant Condition of
the Native— Praiseworthy Attitude of White Settler— Cotton and
Rubber promising— The Life lonely— Stations far apart— Postal and
Telegraph Service— Stations— Good Buildings— Domestic Make-
shifts-Market Rates— Excessive Cost of Imported Goods— Charm
of the Country— Religion of the Native— His Mental Attitude— The
White Man's Work and Interests— The Fascination of Sport— Horses
—Bicycles— Machilas— Donkeys— Calico— Substitution of Coinase
— Notes on Tribes . . . . . . " . 1

CHAPTER IL THE CROCODILE KINGS

The Blind Court Singers— The Wemba Kings, Lords of the Crocodile
Totem— Their Generosity and Kingliness described by Livingstone
—Their Boundaries— Matriarchal Principle of Succession— The
'Mothers of the Kings,' their Polyandric Privileges — Rites of
Succession and Enthronement— Ruthless Wemba Administration-
Officials at the Capital— Duties of Wachilolo, Wakabiro, and
Priestesses— Officials in the Provinces— Guardians of the Gates—
Walashi, District Headmen— Wasichalo Village Headmen— King's
Messengers— His Spy System— A Royal Progress . . .16

CHAPTER III. THE OLD ORDER AND THE NEW

Chronological Survey previous to White Occupation— Congolese Origin
of Awemba— Story of Simumbi— Question of fabricated Genealogy—
Lacerda's Notes on Awemba— Resumt^ of Alungu History— The
Tafun as— Contemporary History of the Nyasaland Protectorate—
The African Lakes Corporation — Mr. Rhodes's Subvention —
Mr. Johnston and the Northern Territories— The Taking-over by
the Chartered Company — Establishment of Kalungwisi and
Abercorn— Advent of White Fathers— Establishment of Fife-
Capture of Slave Caravans — Fighting at Chiwali— Power of
Awemba broken, and Slave Trade crushed— Mr. Codrington made
Admmistrator— Foundation of Civil Service— Magisterial Districts
—Hut Tax— Commercial Development and Temporary Decline-
Hopes for the Future ...... 03

CHAPTER IV. NATIVE LEGAL NOTIONS

Natives prone to criticise White Man's Justice— Queer cases in Native '
Courts— The King the Fount of Justice— Livingstone's Impressions
— Straightening the King's Word '—Attitude of Commoners to

xiv THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

PAGE

Customary Law — Every African a Born Lawyer — Doctrine of
Corporate Responsibility — Mutilations — Wemba Tribunals — At the
Capital and District Courts — Crimes against the King — Adultery
with Kings' Wives — OfiFences between Equals and Common People
— Murder — Assault — Adultery — Theft and Robbery — Perjury —
Civil Law — Inheritance and Family Succession — Land Law and
System of Tenure — Ideas on Evidence — ' Mwavi ' Ordeal — Boiling
Water Test — The Coming of European Law — For and against
Codification ... ..... 48

CHAPTER V. THE ADVENT OF WHITE MAN'S LAW

Administration Stations and Officials — Police — Equipment, Training,
Morale, Failings — Native Messengers — Contrast between North-
Eastern Rhodesia and South Africa — Standard of N.E. R. Native
higher — Continuity of Tribal Administration — Native Needs —
Paternal Administration — Native Attitude to Taxation — Contempt
of Court Prisoners — Gaols — Gang Chains — Routine — Food — Women
Prisoners — Rareness of Escapes — Capital Punishment — English Law
replaces Roman Dutch — Extraordinary Local OfiFences — Game Pits
— Mitanda — The Native Commissioner, his Work and Difficulties
— Statutes and Regulations — Distressed British Subject — Treat-
ment of White Ofifenders— Contrast between primitive Barbarity
and pi'esent Security . . . . . . .65

CHAPTER VI. ANIMISM AND WITCHCRAFT

Religiosity — The Idea of God — The Nature Spirits (Milungu)—
Ancestral Spirits (Mipashi) — The Possessed Women — Reincarnation
in Animals — Domestic Spirits and Family Worship — The Evil
Spirits (Viwanda)— The Wemba Hierarchy— The King and the
Priestly Class — Prophets and Seers— Exorcists — Diviners and
Divination— Sorcerers and Wizards— Methods of Black Magic —
Poisoning — Ghoulish Banquets— Amulets and Charms — The Lilamfia
— Notes upon Totemism and upon the Custom of Taboo . . 80

CHAPTER VIL THE OFFICIAL CHEZ LUI

Two Types of Plateau Stations — Relaxations and Amusements —
Description of ' One Man ' Stations- Danger and Fascinations of
Routine — Importance of Exercise— Neurasthenia — The Lure of
Olendo— Hobbies— An Official Day— The Official Healer — The
Native Clerk — Guard-Mcunting — Sleeping Sickness Patrol —
Native Cases— An Inherited ' laano '—Marriage Laws— Native
Assessors —Mail Day— Headquarter Returns— European Visitors-
Administrator's Visit of Inspection— Light and Shade— The White
Woman's Viewpoint— Handing down the Flag— All's Well ! . 99

CHAPTER VIII. THE PLATEAU NATIVE (i)

Livingstone's Admiration— The Missing Link— Prominent Gestures-
Strength and Speed— Load Carrying— Spear Throwing and Archery

Aptitude for Drill— Eyesight— Long Distance Messages- Taste

and Touch— Heredity— Pathfinding— Acclimatisation— Smallpox —
Spiritual Healing— Native Drugs and Treatment— Fever— Malaria
—Tick Fever— Leprosy and Skin Diseases— The Paradise of the Para-
site-Ophthalmia-Abdominal Diseases— Pneumonia— Madness and
Epilepsy— Surgical Skill— Recuperative Powers— Abnormalities-
Albinos— !\Iulenga, the Azrael of the Awemba— Erythrism and
Dwarfs— Webbed Fingers— Hernia . . • • .113

CONTENTS xvii

CHAPTER IX. THE PLATEAU NATIVE (n)

PAGE

Overgrowth of Fashionable Theories— The Armchair Scientist — Native
Power of Logical Reasoning shown in Language and Government —
Wisdom of the Elders — Capacity for Abstract and Spiritual
Thought — Receptivity and Zeal for Knowledge — Memory — Super-
stition and Sensuality — Mental Instability — The Irony of Fate —
Sources of Emotion — Complexity of the Native Conscience —
Respect for the Quiet Man — Altruistic Trammels — Honesty of Bush
Native — The Reverse of the Picture — Aimlessness — Absence of
Will Power and Reliability — Love of Cruelty — Maternal Affection —
Deceitfulness — Unbusinesslike Attitude — Thriftlessness — No Sense
of Value of Time— The Final Stumbling-Block — Sexuality— Theory
and actual Practice of the Moral Code — Eugenics . . . 12S

CHAPTER X. THE VAGRANT OFFICIAL

The OflBcial in a hurry — A Nomadic Existence — 'Ulendo' defined —
Preparations — The Science of Packing — The Difficulties of Starting
— A Typical Camp — The 'Bwana's' Fire — The Carriers' Quarters —
The Dead Hours — Lion Attacks — The Strength of a Ulendo — The
Village Headman — Etiquette — Aims of District Travelling— The
Village Unit — Influence of the Chief— Centralisation— Subdivisional
Boundaries — A Day's Work — The Native at Homo — Scandal and
Gossip — Charm ........ 143

CHAPTER XL INITIATION MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE

The Four Formal Festivals — Match-making — The 'Chisungu'
Ceremony — Distinction between ' Chisungu ' and 'Bwinga'— The
Directress of the Rites — The Mbusa Tests— The Suitor — Lungu
Bwinga Ceremony — The Pages — The Ceremony day by day — Good
Advice — The Silent Bride — Puzzles in Polygamy — Feminine
Factors — The ' Ceremonial ' Wife — The ' Commercial' Wife — Ques-
tions of Bride Price — The Slave Wife — Wiwa Monogamy — ' The Poor
Native Woman ' — A Much Bitten Husband — Girls as Suitors —
Cases of Separation — Cattle DoM'ries — Wife Inheritance — Widows
and Widowers — Marriage Affinities — Antiphonal Marriage Song . 156

CHAPTER XII. BIRTH AND DEATH

A Pathetic Custom^Midwifery and the Confessional — Stillborn
Children — Namegiving — The Godfather — Weaning — Chinkula
Children — Death not a 'King of Terrors'— Fatalism — A Mambwe
Burial— 'The Bitter Pole '—The Funeral Oration— The Hunting
Test — Lustral Ceremonies — Mourning — Post-mortems — The Burial
of the Weniba Kings at Mwaruli— Embalming — The Ifingo — Human
Sacrifices — The Sacred Grove — Priestesses of the Dead — Burial of
the Sokolo — Reincarnation . . . . .176

CHAPTER XIIL GAME AND THE CHASE (i)

Excellent Hunting Country — Conditions Difficult but Interesting —
Native Assistance — Abundance of Carriers — Summary of I'rincipal
Game — Smaller Mammals— Wild Birds — Snakes — "The Mythical
Cockatrice — The best Season for Shooting — 'Nj'ika' Shooting —
Habits of Game — Necessity of Shooting for the Pot — 'Records' —
Weights of Game — Vultures — Stern Chases — The Fundi and his
Value — His Duties — Warthog — Native Methods of Hunting — Size of

xviii THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

PAGE

Tushes — Dangerous wheu wounded — Game at Bay — Savage Bushbuck
— Bufialo — Their Habitat and Habits — Calves — A Narrow liscape —
Rhino — Antbears — Lions— The 'Chisanguka ' or Were Lion —
Species of Lion — The Swamp Leopard— The Crocodile — Supersti-
tions — Traps — Nets — Pits — Harpoons — Fishing — Narcotising
' Wuwa' — Attitude of Natives to the Animal World— No Sportsman
— An Ideal Battery — Extracts from Mr Chesnaye's Notes on
Fauna ......... 190

CHAPTER XIV. GAME AND THE CHASE (ii)

The Commercial Aspect — Export Duty— Average Weight of Tusks —
Habits of Elephant — Period of Gestation — The Guild of Elephant
Fundis — Their Marks — The ' Nsomo ' Nerve — Cntting-up Cere-
monies and Songs — ' Chimbo ' and ' Songwenams ' — The Chirire
Dance — Drying the Meat — Native Methods of Hunting — Supersti-
tion as to the Governing of Elephants' movements — A Marvellous
Coincidence — The Risks of the Game — Casualties and Escapes—
'Toudos' Dust-Baths — The Elephant on the March — Their Loyalty
to one another — A Typical Hunt — Notes on the Game Laws and the
Native Names of Game ...... 209

CHAPTER XV. THE MISSIONARY AND HIS WORK

A Dangerous Subject — The Value of Criticism — Cordial Relations — Fair
and Unbiassed Study possible in N. E.R. — The Stock Complaints
against Missionary Work examined — Intellectual Training —
Industrial Training — The Curse of the Swollen Head — Family
Dissensions — Interested Conversions — Development of New Failings
— The Self-assertive Native Teacher — The Gospel of Self-advance-
ment— What the Native thinks of the Missionary — Muscular
Christianity — Difficulties of the Missionary Calling — History of
Missions in N.E.R. — The London Missionary Society — The White
Fathers — The Livingstonia Mission — Admiration of a Herculean
Task — The Peril of Mohammedauism ..... 230

CHAPTER XVI. VILLAGE SOCIAL LIFE

The Native a Polished Gentleman — Native Dress — Feminine Fashions
— Personal Ornaments — Hairdressing — Rings— Bracelets — Painting
andTattooing — WhiteningFaces — Tribal Marks — Teeth Deformation
— ' Pelele' — Salutations and Hospitality — .•\ge Classes — The Greater
Clans — Secret Societies — The Butwa — The Lodge in the Forest —
' DyingButwa'— The Butwa Guitar — Butwa Burial— Beer— Bhang —
Dancing — Drummers — The ' Dancing Man ' — The ' Luapula Twins ' —
Court Minstrels — Native Music and Harmony — Musical Instruments
— Chanties — Machila and Hunting Songs — Bisa Folk-Lore Story —
Wemba Proverbs — Riddles — Children's Games — Diabolo — Girl's
Games — Wiwa Dolls — Tops — Hoops — String Puzzles — The Ball
Game . . . . . . . .251

CHAPTER XVII. VILLAGE ARTS AND INDUSTRIES

The Foundation of a Village— Ceremonies and Hut Building — Village
Purification Ceremonies — The Birth of Twins — Furniture of a
Typical Winamwanga Hut — Major Industries — Smelting— Spears
— Wire-drawing — Fishing — Bisa Customs^Canoe-making — Nets —
Robes^'The Kapopo Mukali' — Salt-making— Daily Tasks of the
Women — Fire-worship — Native Dietary and Relishes — Eating
Customs — Minor Arts — Pottery — Bark Cloth — Dyeing and Taiuiing
— Leather Work— Basket-making — Moribund Arts : Ivory Work,
Idol-making, Weaving — Trade and Commei-ce . . . 274

CONTENTS xix

CHAPTER XVIIT. NATIVE HUSBANDRY

PAGE

Agriculture Paramount — Sacrifices for Drought — ' The Neck-Twisters '
— The Agricultural Calendar — Sowing Superstitions — Harvesting
and the Firstfruits — Yombwe Ritual — Kafwimbi's Taboo — The
' Chitemene ' System — The Wizard's Harvest — A Tree-cutting ' Bee '
— Firing of the Vitemene — Table of Foodstuffs — The Hunger Season
— Mixed Menus — Locusts — Damage done by Game — Watchtowers —
Garden Tools — Defects of the Vitemene System — The need for a
Forestry Department — The Pastoral Side — Cattle : their Treatment
amongst the various Tribes — Scab — Mambwe Cattle Kraals — Bang-
weolo Sheep — Fowls — Pigeons — Bees ..... 291

CHAPTER XIX. WAYS AND MEANS

Every Man his own Storekeeper — Roiites, Fares and Freights, via
Chinde, via the Cape — The Advantages of Imported Stores — Outfit
— The little Things that matter — Health — Tents — Machilas — House-
keeping— Furniture — Boys : their Points and Peculiarities — Rules
for taking up Land and Farms ..... 309

CHAPTER XX. LOOKING AHEAD

A Prophet in his own Country — Our Awakening — Rhodes's Idea — The
German Railway — The Congo Market — Possible Railway Routes and
their Results — Benefit to Farmers through Death of Head Transport
— Motor Cars and Road Engines — Waterways— Draught Animals :
Elephant, Zebra, and Eland — Rubber and its Problems— Root Rubber
— Cotton — Kilubula and Kalungwisi Falls — Fibres — Tobacco — Gum
Copal — Valuable Timber — Cattle — The German Border — The Pro-
blem of the Fly Belts — Sheep and Goats — Cloth Weaving — The
Trading Industry — The greatest Asset : the Native himself — His
Possibilities as an Agriculturist — The Labour Supply — The
Southern Mines — Their Advantages and Drawbacks — Sleeping
Sickness — Amalgamation — The Salubrious Plateau — White Colon-
isation ......... 326

Index ......... .353

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

luitikila rivbr
magistrate's office, fife '\
post office, abercoiin j
lake chi la, near abercorx
the chambeshi river ^
the munekashi river j
chief chdngu and his wives "j
the late chief mpolokoso j
mushota, a wemba chief
mututu, a lungu chief

CHIEF MAKASA's BAND

ANGONI WARRIORS

CHIEF KATIETK HEARING A CA«K j

A NATIVE CASE IN PROGRESS j

CHIEF MPOLOKOSO ENTERING THE 'B')MA

KOPA, PARAMOUNT EISA CHIEF

PRISONERS IN CHAINS— ALL MURDERERS

THE ENGLISH MAIL

KALIALIA, A WITCH-DOCTOR "j

A DIVINER AND HIS BONES J

' LILAMFIA ' FETISH

FETTISH TO CHARM AWAT WILD BEASTS FROM A VILLAGE

FETISH AT KAMUTONIKI

FOUNDATION STONE OF A WINAMWANGA VILLAGE

SERGEANT, N.E. RHODESIAN CONSTABULARY

NATIVE CLERK

RE-THATCHING AN OFFICIAL'S HOUSE

SELLING GRAIN AT THE STATION

. Frontispiece

To face page 4

» >i 8

„ „ 14

„ „ 18

11 n ^"1

104

110

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

XXI

..}

flNG "I

WIWA GIRL
MAMBWE WOMAN

WIWA bot's ulendo kit

CUPPING

TRAVELLING IN MACHILA

men's EARLY MORNING BREAKFAST

PITCHING CAMP

CROSSING THE LUANSENSHI RIVER

PAINTINGS AND FIGURES INSIDE THE INITIATION

HUT OF THE GIRLS
THE CHI3UNGU CEREMONY, WEMHA
THE ' MBUSA ' IMAGES

BRIDE AND BRIDESMAID AT A NATIVE WEDDIN
NATIVE WEDDING
BANANA BAND TO SHOW MOURN
TWINS IN A BASKET
WART HOG
LION

LIONESS J
LEOPARD
SABLE ANTELOPE
ORIBI

waterbuck
bull elephant
cutting up

type of mission boy 1

what the native can produce with white 1-
supervision j

a dwelling-house, l.m.s
kayambi church
native game
'spinning seeds

wemba drummers and dancers j
wemba professional dancers j

•1

-'iNSOLO' 1
~)S' GAME j

To face page 118

134

)» )i

» »)

148

152

„ « 160

„ „ 170

„ „ 180

„ „ 196

,, ,. 202

„ „ 208

M M 218

„ 236

M » 242

„ 258

„ „ 26

THE GREAT PLATEAU OF NORTHERN
RHODESIA

CHAPTER I

THE PLATEAU IN PERSPECTIVE

The world at large is, perhaps, too apt to regard Rhodesia
in the lump ; to judge it as a whole by the appUcation, for
comparative purposes, of the standards of the south ; to
invest it, in short, with all the attributes of a South African
dependency.

As usual, the world at large is wrong. North-Eastern
Rhodesia, indeed, belongs far more definitely to Central
than to Southern Africa. Her traditions, her general
atmosphere partake infinitely more of the nature of those
lands which he about the equator than of those which
breed mining magnates, rejoice in networks of railways
and comprehensive telephone systems, revel, in short, in
the variegated luxuries of Europe in Africa.

North-Eastern Rhodesia — of which our Plateau is an
integral part — is, hke her southern sister, administered by
the British South Africa Company, the Imperial Govern-
ment exercising its supervision through Pretoria. The
peculiar cachet of the country is considerably more in
keeping with that of Zanzibar or Mombasa than with the
utilitarian civilisation of Sahsbury or Bulawayo ; and, for
some occult reason, we regard any connection with South
Africa with a comical mixture of irritation and dismay.

Here on the Plateau — rimmed about by the encircling
lakes, overshadowed by the hiUs of old ; exempt, the gods
be praised ! from the boisterous commercialism of twentieth-
century civihsation — ^we lead a lotus-Ufe of our own. Away
in the dim distance, within hearing of those tourist hordes

2 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

that flock to view the Victoria Falls, lie Broken Hill and the
railway. But, between us and that outpost of modernity
there are many many miles of dim bushland, and swamps,
and rugged hills. It is a six- weeks' walk from Tanganyika
to the Zambesi, and, in a month and a half, one finds ample
scope for a change of viewpoint.

North-Eastern Rhodesia indeed — and more especially
that northern central portion of it which constitutes the
Plateau proper — ranks unique among the countries of the
world. Twenty years ago maybe, Bulawayo represented,
for many people, the Ultima Thule of African travel. Half
a century back a glamour lay upon the Gold Coast and the
banks of the Niger — even British Central Africa, which is
now the Nyasaland Protectorate, was decked about with
the glories of romance. But nowadays there is electric
light at Zomba, and a photographer at Blantyre ; Bulawayo
possesses a Grand Hotel and a roller-skating rink, while the
West Coast is hardly less frequented than Piccadilly.

But here upon the Plateau we stiU tread the old, primitive
paths. Our mails and stores must reach us, if at aU, through
the channel of the native carrier — ^who is, by the way, by no
means to be despised. Maihunners are four weeks on the
road between Abercorn and Broken HiU. Our European
population, dispersed over fifty thousand square miles,
numbers considerably under one hundred. We have neither
part nor parcel in the turmoil of European poUtics ; our
international relations consist in an interchange of courtesies
and cooling drinks with Germany on the north and Belgium
on the west. PostaUy, we are outside the Union ; geo-
graphically we inhabit the region between the 8th and 12th
degrees of south latitude, and between the 30th and 34th
parallels of longitude east of Greenwich. Philosophically,
we are ' quite nicely, thank you,' and not in the least dis-
turbed at our remoteness from civiUsation.

It is scarcely possible for the untraveUed epicure to
picture a life which is Uved, now and again, without flour —
or sugar — or Egyptian cigarettes, or a petit verre after dinner.
Nevertheless, on occasion, one can eke out a cheerful and
praiseworthy existence upon four-inch nails, kitchen soap,

THE PLATEAU IN PERSPECTIVE 3

and a modicum of paraffin, which, beyond caHco and native
blankets, is about all that the local stores can sometimes
quote as available.

Quinine, perhaps, should be mentioned. That, as an
article of diet, ranks high. The accepted dose is forty-five
grains a week ; five a day with ten on Thursdays and
Sundays. Whether or not it is really necessary is a moot
point — the climate, in most parts of the Plateau, is absurdly
healthy for Central Africa — but it lends a zest to existence
to imagine that one would promptly succumb without the
drug. And, incidentally, it gives pomt to the evening peg.

It has become the fashion — Heaven alone knows why ! —
to depict the white man in Africa as a gin- or whisky-
sodden individual, whose life is spent in the pursuit of
imaginary spiders, whose death occurs to the accompani-
ment of snakes and sulphur in a rat-riddled native hut.
ReaUty, of course, differs totally. For one thing, a large
proportion of the officials, and the bulk of the missionaries,
are married, and have their wives with them. Never was
there so much-married a community in a young country
as are we. For another, there is not a single Hquor-Ucence
in force upon the Plateau. And so, although the evening
whisky-and-soda becomes a ceremony on no account to be
omitted save when the gods are evilly enough disposed
to decree a shortage in the land, yet two or three drinks a
night is usually the outside Hmit except at seasons of un-
wonted jubilation. Bear in mind that wine, beer, Uqueurs
are practically unknown. Yet we survive — though, now
and agaui, we may sigh for the early days of immigration,
with their cheerful orgies, their jubilant laxity of Hfe.

There is no Dutch element here. We have said good-bye
to the ox-waggon, the ' span,' the Voorlooper, and — thank
heaven ! — to the town ' boy,' that exotic in a ragged shirt
and a dirty tweed cap, with the vices of both black and white
and the virtues of neither. Our ' vleis ' have become nyika
— which is surely a prettier word ? — our ' sluits,' and
' spruits,' and ' drifts ' are merged in canoe ferries, presided
over by ancient heathen, who have the air of having walked
out of some early book of travel. We call things, more or

4 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

less, by their right names — a man is a man, not a ' boy,*
and the ' nigger ' has given place to the * native/ There
are no bars and no race-meetings, no small shopkeepers,
with their everlasting little bills, neither town comicils
nor sanitary boards. And it is, perhaps, for these reasons
more than for others that the country is, in. verity, a lotus
land.

As yet, too, the necessity has not arisen for the Plateau
to bewail a fearful past. No other African dependency or
possession can show so clean a record. Hitherto there has
been no shadow of rebellion to stain the annals of the
country ; nor is it easy to see why such a contretemps
should ever arise. For here your native lives in the lap
of luxury, and, making allowances for small divergences
between his point of view and that of the white man upon
such minor points as sanitation and human sacrifices, exists
in far greater peace and safety than of yore, being freed
from the dread, once ever present, of Angoni or Wemba
raids and their attendant barbarities.

The country is, essentially, his own. White settlers —
farmers, traders, and the like- — are welcomed, but on the
understanding that their interests shall not conflict with
those of the native to whom the land belongs. And, indeed,
the savage self-interest of the settler, so deplorably to the
fore in many other African dependencies, is here conspicuous
by its absence. Missionaries there are, in plenty, but they
work, for the most part, upon common-sense lines, and
preserve excellent relations with the tribes. The native
is administered, in so far as is possible, through his chiefs
and headmen — ^whom he himself elects. It is not, perhaps,
a system which encourages the money-grubber ; but at
least it makes for the peace of the people.

Meanwhile, on the other hand, we have no particular
industries, if cattle-ranching be excepted. In the far south
of the territory, and outside the scope of this book, there
is a gold-mine. A little farther north cotton — excellent
cotton — is grown. Here on the Plateau, owing to excessive
cost and transport difiiculties, cotton and rubber, though
pregnant of promise, have only reached the experimental

J ■

Magistrate's Office, Fife.

/•" H. Mellnnd.phot.

Post Office, Abercokx.

THE PLATEAU IN PERSPECTIVE 6

stage. Wlience it follows that, save for a cattle-farmer
or two, the white population consists almost entirely of
missionaries and administrative officials.

As a natural consequence the life is a lonely one.
Stations are few and far between — anything, indeed, from
forty to a hundred miles apart, and, m most cases, the
only method of intercommunication is by native runner.
Certain favoured stations — ^Abercorn and Fife — are served
by the African Transcontinental Telegraph line ; the others
keep in touch with the outer world by means of a remark-
ably well-organised weekly postal service.

That postal service is a marvellous thing. Wet or fine,
storm or rain, letters and papers arrive each week from
Broken HiU, six hundred miles away, within an hour of
scheduled time. Perhaps once a year a stray lion may play
havoc with a bag or two {teste Postal Notice, No. 8 of 1907) ;
and in the wet season it is no uncommon thing for magazines
and periodicals, more especially such as are printed upon
glossy paper, to arrive in an undecipherable condition owing
to the bags having been saturated en route. But they
arrive — ^which is the main thing — with the regularity of
clockwork.

Needless to say, such a system costs money in the upkeep
— and, even so, is run at a loss. It is intensely aggravating
to receive budgets from home, which have travelled,
immune from the tax-stamp of the postal official, under
the segis of a penny King's head, when, with us, half an
ounce costs twopence-halfpenny.^

Our stations are funny little places. The blatant cosmo-
politan would probably look upon them with scorn. Picture
a congeries of buildings, thatched or tin-roofed, comprising
three or four dwelling-houses, a homa or office (palatial
enough to one accustomed to the south), a surgery, a gaol
like the toy forts which, in our youth, we received as Christ-
mas presents, and a brick sentry-box roofed with slabs of
iron. That is Abercorn — which, you will be pleased to
note, is the city of the Plateau, the metropolis of the north.

And yet, in many ways, we rise superior to our less

1 This disability has now been removed from April 1, 1911.

6 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

fortunate brethren * down below.' For our buildings are,
at least, of well-made bricks — the roofs, whether of grass
or tin, are substantially constructed and moderately water-
proof. Timber, well-grained and of a good colour, is a
feature of the country ; were it not for the cost of trans-
port it would, undoubtedly, form a lucrative article of
export. Nor is the native fundi, or carpenter, to be
despised. For seven pounds a year, plus a yard of calico
a week wherewith to purchase rations, you may buy, body
and soul, a personage who, with a little white supervision,
will turn out work that would not discredit a London
cabinetmaker. In the majority of cases these men have
been educated at one or other of the mission stations which
are scattered throughout the territory.

Here, where the cost of transport is the hete noire of the
average man's existence, a housewife makes excellent glue
from the hoofs of buck, zebra, or domestic cattle. From
cassava-root most serviceable starch can be concocted.
It is quite within the bounds of possibility to turn out
remarkably good home-cured bacon, pork-pies, potted meat,
cocoanut ice, iced cakes, and a variety of other comestibles
for which, in Europe, you would be forced to send round
the corner. Bricks, of course, are made on the premises
— ^where the right clay is available, houses are frequently
tiled — there is nothing like native mats, at four for a shilling,
or two for a yard of calico, both for ceiling and for carpeting
purposes ; a dj'-e called 7ikula (camwood), properly prepared,
yields a dark, red fluid equal to the best distemper for
mural decoration ; local chalk makes good lime for white-
washing, and, for a small quantit}^ of salt, one can purchase
peas, potatoes, eggs, onions, or fowls in quite respectable
quantities.

Market rates among the natives are ridiculously low —
but none the less quite high enough for the present stage
of the develoj)ment of the country. A full-grown sheep
fetches three shillings, a goat half-a-crown ; eggs vary,
but, generally speaking, a teaspoonful of salt per egg is a
fair price. Needles, matches, a hunk of meat or an old
hat will purchase most things which are for sale. And the

THE PLATEAU IN PERSPECTIVE 7

average rate of a man's wages per month — excepting
domestic servants or highly-skiUed specialists, such as
carpenters or bricklayers, is three shillings, which is also
the amount of the yearly tax upon each hut. Neverthe-
less, this cheapness is more than counterbalanced by the
exorbitant price of necessaries imported from overseas.

It would be the task of a genius to point out the one
definite factor in the charm of the country. And yet this
definite charm, though intangible, undoubtedly exists.
Maybe it is to be traced in the long, undulating lines of
purple hills that bound one's view ; or in the dense musitos
— clumps of taU, cool trees, interlaced with creepers — that
line the banks of the innumerable streams. Perchance it
is in these very streams themselves, rippling peacefully
through sleepy vaUeys where the slender buck stalk, shadow-
like and dim.

Or is it, rather, in the wide tracts of woodland, where the
trees, with their silvery bark, recall the dream-forests of
Alice in Wonderland ? Almost, in these woodland spaces,
one looks for the White Knight to come galloping furiously
down the silent glades ; fantastic, madly equipped, he
would, at least, be in keeping with the picture.

Maybe, again, the charm lies in the sense of infinite space,
of utter, vast loneliness. So far as the eye can reach there
is naught but the exuberance of vegetation : tall, tangled
grasses — tufted trees — fantastic antheaps, the primeval
rock — these and nothing more. Here and there, a pin-
point in the wilderness, lie little clusters of thatched huts,
wreathed in a mist of smoke — tiny patches of human life
and human thought hedged about with gardens, wrested
from the void. And, outside, the dim, inscrutable silence
of the virgin land, where great beasts move noiselessly in
the twilight, and where every twig and blade teems with
insect life.

But it is mere presumption to seek to analyse the
attributes of such a land ; the presumption of the pigmy
who should essay to paint a giant. In the cities, perhaps
— in London, Paris, New York — man is in his o^\^l domain.
There he may classify, schedule, arrange to his heart's

8 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

content. Here, in the bosom of the wonderful wilderness,
he can only pause, humble or terrified according to his
nature — can only live tentatively, as it were, with the
knowledge that the elemental forces have him in their grip.

And so, to one who knows the land and its majesty,
what might otherwise appear mere pagan superstition
becomes natural, necessary, inevitable. The religion of
the people— if, by such a term, one may designate the
network of custom and belief with which their Hves are
ensnared — ^has been evolved under this stupendous weight
of Nature's influence. Man, here, has no false views as to
his capabilities. He is a mere atom in the everlasting
scheme — a pa^\^l in the game of the great gods. What
wonder, then, that he should seek, by any means that may
occur to him, to propitiate these unkno^vn forces which
rule the air and the land and the deeps beneath ? Fetishes,
spirit-worship, the propitiation of ancestors — ^what are they
but the natural instmct to stand well with the powers that
hold him in their hands ?

It has become traditional to invest the native of Africa
with the attributes of a good-natured, happy child. Smiles,
laughter, neglectfulness, carelessness of what the morrow
may bring — these are, it would seem, the signs by which we
may know him. But is it really so ?

Watch the face of the adult native m repose. Surely
in the dark eyes there is a kind of unconscious sadness ?
Are there not lines upon the forehead and about the mouth
that seem to argue an incessant anxiety, unrecognised,
perhaps unfelt, jet none the less existent ? May it not
be that he, too, feels that pressure of the iUimitable spaces
— ^knows that Nature rules, and that it is futile to kick
against the pricks ?

The white man, on the other hand, has interests which
serve to distract his thoughts from such primitive pessim-
ism. Upon the Plateau the European population falls,
naturallj^ into four distinct classes — the administrative
official, the missionary, the settler, and the trader.

Within the first two classes are comprised seventy per
cent, at least of the total. And both administrative and

THE PLATEAU IN PERSPECTIVE 9

missionary work — wliich have a common basis, though
different methods— are fascinating enough. On the other
hand, the settler and the trader are, one presumes, makmg
money — ^which is surely sufficient to tinge any man's out-
look with couleur de rose ?

Again, for all alike, there is the fascination of sport, the
joy of head-huntmg, the glamour of a hfe made up of cool,
fresh dawnings and camp-fire nights. For this Plateau of
ours is the hunter's paradise, fully equal, if not superior,
to British East Africa or Uganda.

There are but few horses on the Plateau as yet — two that
belong to ancient history, having been brought up via the
East Coast route in the days of the telegraph construction,
and three more that have been imported since this chapter
was first drafted. A plenitude of horses would, indeed,
put the coping-stone upon our happiness. As yet, situated
many hundred miles from railhead, hemmed in by belts
of fly, the importation seems a dangerous speculation.
Yet with great care and infinite precautions all difficulties
can be surmounted ; there is, indeed, no reason to assume
that, once suitable breeding stock arrived, horses would not
increase and multiply. Meanwhile the solution of the
problem might be found in the crossing of grey donkeys
with half -muscats from German East Africa.

At present, with the exception of bicycles, the only means
of locomotion for the European is the machila — a canvas
fitter slung upon a pole, and carried upon the shoulders of
two natives. It is a lethargic, somewhat effeminate method
of travel — more suited, perhaps, to a southern or eastern
race than to Enghshmen — but, for the time, we accept it
thankfully.

Indeed, in machila- travelling, we stumble upon the most
outstanding feature of the white man's hfe. Existence for
all is compact of touring — ^by the official of his district, by
the missionary of his schools, by the trader of his outlyuig
stores. A fortunate circumstance — smce the monotony of
perpetual station-hfe would, m a very short time, become
unbearable.

Casting around for a pendant feature, characteristic of

10 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

the country, one seems to light, instinctively^ upon caHco.
Calico here is the staff of life — for most purposes it takes
the place of hard cash. Men draw their rations in cahco —
they are buried in cahco, marriage-dowries are often paid
in cahco. The headman who brings you presents is recom-
pensed with a yard of two, and retires wreathed in smiles.
In brief, calico is to the Plateau what cowrie-sheUs are to
the South Sea Islanders — and, were it not that lotus-land
expresses more or less aptly the mental attitude of both
white and black, one would be tempted to christen the
plateau. Calico Country.

Yet, for all that, coinage is every day becoming more
common than it was. Currency must come with civilisa-
tion— a trader named De Mattos once remarked, aptly
enough, that it was just as ridiculous to pay a native in
calico as to pay a white man in dress clothes. Copper was
at first received with abhorrence — nowadays it is becoming
popular enough, and even farthings have been recently
introduced by a missionary. At the present day, in
Johannesburg, the ' Tyranny of the Ticky ' has become a
byivord ; we ourselves are within measurable distance of
feeling the tyranny of the sixpenny piece. Not so long
ago an amateur financier found that a new penny served as
well as a shilling in one of the western districts — but those
days are past, and the rawest native realises in this year of
grace that coinage is a useful thing, and one which merits
mastering.

In conclusion of this chapter a brief sketch of the tribes
which inhabit the area with which we are dealing may
serve to introduce the native to the general reader. It may
be said that, except for slight differences in language and
customs, these tribes bear, without exception, the well-
known stamp of the Bantu, and, in selecting as our theme
the habits, customs, manners, and individuality of the
Awemba, we are, it is hoped, affording a general insight
into the principal characteristics of the remaining Plateau
peoples. For the information which follows, the writers
are principally indebted to a report by the late Mr. Robert

THE PLATEAU IN PERSPECTIVE 11

Codrington (Administrator of N.E, Rhodesia) for the two
years ending 31st March 1900, and to notes by Mr. Robert
Young, Native Commissioner at Chinsali, who has made
an exhaustive study of many of the eastern tribes.

The AwEMBA. — Of this tribe it will be unnecessary to
say much, since they wiU be dealt with at length in the
following chapters. They are a strong, intelligent, and
adventurous race, fond of travelling, and especially adapted
to machila and load carrying. Formerly turbulent and
a menace to all the weaker tribes, they have long since
shown that, wisely administered, they are amenable to
discipline. They constitute the aristocracy of the country,
and there is a striking similarity of feature among the
members of their roj^al family, while the dignity of the men
and the grace of the women are remarkable, even among
the commoners.

The Watawa, living to the north-west of the Awemba,
appear in almost every respect, except some slight dialectic
differences, to resemble the Awemba, though by some
authorities they are grouped with the Amambwe and
Alungu.

The Amambwe inhabit a large portion to the north-east
of the Plateau. Pre-eminently peaceable agriculturalists
and husbandmen, they suffered very severely from the
depredations of the Awemba previous to the coming of the
European, and, indeed, were only saved from extermina-
tion by the advent, in the first place of the London Mission-
ary Society, and later of the Administration. They possess
considerable intelligence, and make good station workers,
but their physique is not of the first order, and their char-
acter somewhat unstable.

The Walungu, whose original home was around the
southern shores of Lake Tanganyika, can hardly be distin-
guished from the Amambwe. Indeed, in the opinion of some
competent judges, the very names of the two are interchange-
able. They also suffered very severely from the incursions
of the Awemba — as, indeed, did all the tribes in the vicinity

12 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

— and, now that the authority of the white man is para-
mount, are apt to assume a somewhat irritating air of
equahty towards their former conquerors and masters.
They, perhaps more than other tribes, are spht up into a
number of sub-tribes, or rather family groups, the petty
overlord of each assuming almost the airs of a paramount.
In the words of Mr. J. G. Hall (a Native Commissioner,
resident in their territory), ' they have been unfortunate in
their chiefs, and the chiefs have been unfortunate in their
people,' with the result that, at the present day, there is no
recognised paramount chief of the tribe, while constant
bickering stiU contmues between them and the Awemba.
They probably possess a higher intelligence than the latter,
owing to their more constant intercourse in the early days
with Arab traders and the resultant intermarriage with the
Alungwana, or bastard Swahili — and, as is often the case
with a more intellectual race, physical courage would not
appear to be one of their predominant characteristics.

The WiNAMWANGA reside in the Fife division. They are
quiet and fairly industrious, and grow tobacco largely.
They have very few cattle, probably owing to the com-
bined effects of Awemba raids and rinderpest. Since the
advent of Europeans, they have shown themselves most
loyal, peaceful, and law-abiding, crime being almost unknown
among them, while they are most reserved, and do not
easily make friends with outsiders. Their chief is in German
territory, and they still continue to acknowledge him :
whether the coming generation will continue to do so seems
doubtful.

The AwiWA are also very loyal and peaceable. Formerly
they lived in large stockaded villages, but these have now
been broken up. They are industrious husbandmen, and
cultivate tobacco on a large scale, but are not partial to
other work, though they were, formerly, noted iron-workers.

The Watambo. — ^This is a smaU tribe which, some few
years ago, was estimated to consist of about five hundred
people, occupying a narrow strip of land between the Wiwa
country and the Luangwa river. Until fairly recently they

THE PLATEAU IN PERSPECTIVE 13

were nomadic, but are now more settled, and appear quite
willing to work. Owing to the mountainous nature of their
country, they are necessarily poor.

The Walambia. — ^A smaU tribe of industrious and willinsc
people, under two chiefs, Muyereka and Mwmiwisi.

The Nyika. — These people are of fine physique, inde-
pendent, but very loyal. They are good workers, and
exceptionally inteUigent. Their country is situated high
up among the Namitawa mountams.

The Wayombe are a branch of the Kamanga nation.
They have, during the last ten years, made a considerable
advance from their once furtive and nomadic state, and
many go down to the mines for work. They are industrious
and good agriculturists.

The Wafungwi, probably connected with the Walambia,
are quiet and mdustrious, and have at all times been friendly
to the European. It may be noted here that all these small
tribes obviously retain their independence from bemg
isolated each from each by mountain ranges.

The Wabtsa form a large section of the Mirongo district,
and are also found in the Kasama district and around Lake
Bangweolo. They suffered severely from Wemba raids,
and many were sold into slavery among the Arabs and
Swahili. Many were driven to the swamps and islands of
Lake Bangweolo, while others took refuge east of the
Luangwa. They were formerly — and may be again, now
that security is assured — an industrial people, great weavers
of cotton cloths and workers in iron, and bartered these
articles, besides salt and dressed skins, with the surrounding
tribes, becommg, in consequence, rich in flocks of sheep and
goats. The standard of morahty of the Lake Bisa tribe
is, perhaps, lower than that of any other Plateau people,
but their general intelligence is high.

The Watjnga. — ^Probably less is known of these people
than of any other tribe in N.E. Rhodesia. For a long time
they resisted any form of government ; mdeed, as is a

14 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

common trait among lake tribes, they are Yerj independent,
and their tribal organisation appears to be very loose. The
young men are constantly moving about and building
hovels by fresh fishmg-grounds, or are engaged in hunting
lechwe and otters, and consequently are very impatient
even of the control of their own chiefs. There is still a
great deal of lawlessness in the Waunga country ; fights in
the swamps, and raiding of women in canoes, and even
murders are far too frequent and thought httle of. The
Waunga are skilled hunters. They organise large tribal
battues for lechwe, and are constantly engaged in fishing
or otter-hunting.

The Wasenga. — This tribe inhabits the Luangwa Valley,
and cultivates a large area. Mr. Young states that the
villages are the filthiest that he has seen in his travels !
Formerly, Hving as they did in terror of the Arabs, Awemba,
and Angoni, they built their villages in the midst of almost
impenetrable thickets. The water supply is exceptionally
bad : in the rains, the country is flooded, and the water
merely liquid mud ; in the dry weather the people are obliged
to dig for water in the sand. They seem willing and in-
dustrious, and their tobacco is widely known, but they arc
nervous and easily scared — which, considering their past
history, is hardly to be wondered at. The cotton bush
grows well in their country.

The Wanyamwezi came to this country with the Arab
and Swahih traders. They cultivate largely, and are more
inteUigent than the surrounding tribes. Their habitat is m
what was formerly the Mirongo division. They keep plenty
of sheep and goats, and build good huts, both square and
round, while they are all skilled traders, and many have had
much experience as elephant hunters. They carry heavy
loads excellently, but are slow travellers.

SwAHiLi-SPEAKiNG NATIVES. — These can hardly be
termed Swahili, as they are mostly natives of this country,
though some of them have made journeys to the coast.
Others are the ofifsprmg of Swahih men and Wemba, Bisa,
Senga, or other local women. They are industrious m their

The Chambeshi River.

/•- H. Meitaiui.phot.

The Minckashi River.

H. McUand.fUot.

THE PLATEAU IN PERSPECTIVE 15

own way, and are fond of elephant hunting, mat-weaving,
making wooden boxes, etc., but as a general rule they do not
like transport work. A few of them are really expert at
repairing guns, even making new parts, stocks, etc. They
cultivate largely, and are great traders.

From the above it wiU be seen that the native population
of the Tanganyika Plateau is a somewhat heterogeneous
mixture of tribes, each possessing its salient characteristics,
its good and bad points. Day by day — or at least year by
year — the increased inter-tribal communication (which
comes from security and peace, and the presence of the
white man, who is continually traveUing from one end of
the country to the other, shuffling the natives of the various
locahties like the cards in a pack) is tending to break down
the barriers of tribal reserve and hostility. Such fusion
of tribes must necessarily accompany any attempt at
civilisation, and its advantages undoubtedly exceed its
defects. But there are dangers in the breaking down of
barriers, not the least of which is the idea of ultimate
combination against the white man which it might, con-
ceivably, awake in the native mind. There are no signs of
such cohesion at present ; the country is more peaceable
and prosperous than it has ever been, and there seems
every reason to suppose that it will remain so. None the
less, the factor is one which should not be lost sight of.

16 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

CHAPTER II

THE CROCODILE KINGS

' 0 MIGHTY Chiti, son of the Crocodile, thy flame is
fierce m the land. Thou art above aU, and ever present,
and encirclest thy people like the river Chosi. Awake,
0 mighty Chiti Mukulu ! '

So, through the grey shades before the dawn, the chant
of the blind court singer would, awaken, with its eerie
cadences and abrupt intervals, the slumbering king of
the Wemba nation. Nor was liis vaunting song conjured
up by any vain vision of kingly power. Had not he himself
felt the cruel thumb turn in his eyeballs, so that he might
never escape, nor his cunning minstrelsy grace the court
of another chieftain ?

The Wenang'andu, chiefs of the Crocodile totem, had
extended their dominion outwards from the Luwemba and
Ituna provinces, until their suzerainty was acknowledged,
roughly speaking, from Chosi river to Lake Bangweolo,
and their sphere of influence extended almost from Lake
Nyasa to the shores of Lake Mweru.

Those central provinces, Luwemba and Ituna, were
fenced about by a ring of barrier outposts, and long after
the Nyasa-Tanganyika trade route was open to aU comers,
the Wemba coimtry was closed and impenetrable to
Europeans. The grim barrier of severed heads staked on
poles on the Stevenson Road, near Zoche village, was left
by Chitimukulu, as the natives say, to terrorise European
pioneers, and to warn them not to trespass within the Wemba
domain.

And yet, previous to this, the traveller passing through
the country was welcomed, and Livingstone, in his Last
Journals, describes his courteous reception in 1867, and the

THE CROCODILE KINGS 17

pomp and circumstance surrounding Chitimukulu Chita-
pankwa, the seventeenth king of the hne.

' We passed through the inner stockade, and then on to
an enormous hut, where sat Chitapankwa with three
drummers, and ten or more men with rattles in their hands.
The drummers beat furiously, and the rattlers kept time to
the drums, two of them advancing and receding in a stoop-
ing posture, with rattles near the ground, as if doing the
chief obeisance, but still keeping time with the others. I
declined to sit on the ground, and an enormous tusk was
brought for me. The chief saluted courteously.' Living-
stone adds later that the tusk on which he sat was sent
after him, in addition to his present of a cow, ' because he
had sat on it.'

Again, the French heutenant, Giraud, passing through
the Wemba country nearly twenty years later, waxen
eloquent as to his splendid reception by Chitimukulu.
When Giraud mentioned his uiability, through lack of
sujfficient goods, to make a worthy return for the munificent
presents of the kmg, the interpreter came back with the
following message : ' Chitimukulu is a great chief, and
gives of his bounty without thought of recompense,' which
words, so unique from the lips of an African chief — ' are
worthy,' says the enthusiastic Giraud, ' of being inscribed
in letters of gold,'

The reason of this sudden change of attitude and subse-
quent opposition to the mtrusion of the white men, was,
according to tradition, because Giraud was suspected of
having poisoned or bewitched the reigning Chitimukulu,
who died shortly after the Frenchman reached Bangweolo.

As wiU be seen from the map, the Wemba kingdom was
a very extensive one, and the Wemba sphere of influence
extended still farther, mcluding nearly all the territory
between the four great lakes, Nyasa, Tanganyika, Mweru,
and Bangweolo.

From the moment of their accession to their burial, the
kings were hedged in by a ring-fence of sinister ceremonies
and ruthless ritual, undoubtedly devised to strike terror into
the hearts of the common people, and to pave the way for

18 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

and render possible the stern and rigorous administrative
system with which we are about to deal.

The main principle of the succession was matriarchal.
The heir must be the son of a prmcess of the royal blood,
though the status of his father was immaterial. It followed
that only the brothers or nephews of the reigning kmg
could succeed, the brother havmg the first claim. But if
the brother were a faineant, or ' kept silent m the land,'
the nephew would appeal to Chief Mwamba, head of the
lesser branch of the Wenang'andu royal race. So tradition
relates that Mutale, the nephew of the reigning Bwembia,
protested to Mwamba agamst his uncle's weak and power-
less rule, suggesting that Mwamba should dispossess him
and amalgamate the two branches. Mwamba, however,
declined the task, but bade Mutale succeed himself, which
he promptly did.

The reigning king would never nominate his successor.
Thus, when m 1902 the magistrate of the Wemba district
convened an assembly at Chitimukulu's village, the old
king, though cross-questioned, would only mention Ponde
and Chikwanda, his nephews, as possible successors,
absolutely refusing to indicate his own preference, and
stating that the matter would be settled after his death.
In the older days, however, since one of the two kings of
the sister houses of Chitimukulu and Mwamba was always
ahve, he was asked to point out the successor for the defunct
ruler. Thus, when the last Chitimukulu died, the late
Mwamba designated the present holder, Makumba.
. There were no strict laws of primogeniture ; an ambitious
Nanfumu — ^mother of a potential heir — ^would often, like
Rebecca of old, secure the accession of her favourite son.
And here the respect in which these ' mothers of kings '
were held, and their peculiar privileges, are deserving of a
passmg note.

These Nanfumu must be of the direct royal line, being
themselves the daughters of a previous royal princess. As
soon as they had passed the initiation ceremonies upon
attaining puberty, they had the right to seize any comely
man whom they wished to espouse, and bring him before

%'^

Chief Chungu and his Wives.

Bernard Turner, f hot.

mS %M

The late Chief Mpolokoso.

Kt-riiard Turner, phot.

THE CROCODILE KINGS 19

the king. No reluctance was tolerated from the chosen
Lumhwe, or consort, who, if alread}^ married, had to re-
linquish his wife. The same evening the bridal party
seated themselves in front of the assembled villagers on
carved stools, and finally, amidst gun-play, dancing, and
marriage songs, the Nanfumn would proudly lead away
the Lumhwe to her o^^ai hut \\dthin the kmg's harem.

Shortly after the Nanfumu was thus espoused she was
given a separate village to rule, and retired there until a
child was born. If, however, after a j^ear's time she bore
no children, the luckless Lumbive was dismissed, and the
chieftainess selected another. The Lumhwe had no share
m the government, and his position was always a precari-
ous one ; if, for instance, one of his children died, the angry
mother would prompth^ accuse him of infidelity, and
straightway cause him to be blmded. The Nanfumu,
though a stern moralist on such occasions, was no mirror
of virtue herself ; m fact, it is related that the older women
of the royal blood took advantage of their position as
chief tainesses to enjoy the privileges of secret polyandry,
despatching their consorts on bootless errands, and summon-
mg to their huts from time to time more fascinating youths.

Yet their infideUties were winked at so long as they bore
strong children ; and, indeed, this selection of the most
handsome and powerful men as parents seems to have
produced a hardy, stubborn, and virile race of kings. When
these ' royal mothers ' had done their duty to the state,
the hereditary titles of Chandamukulu and Mukukamfumu
were, in the fuhiess of time, accorded to them, and if fit to
rule, a group of villages was entrusted to their care.

To return to the question of the succession. When the
king was sick, none of the royal blood were allowed to visit
him, only his sons, who could not succeed, being permitted
to attend their father. It may be noticed that even when
the kmg was well, entry to the capital was tabooed to any
scion of the direct Ime. Even when making a visit of respect,
a Wenang'andu had to camp at some distance from the
village, and the meeting was arranged outside the stockade.
But the instant Chitimukulu died, there was a race for the

20 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

slaves and ivory now left masterless at the capital, which
often became the scene of a fierce fight between rival uncles
and nephews. This was, however, considered as * stealing,'
though the practice was customary, and gave no right to
the succession. When Chitimukulu died, the reigning
Mwamba would canvass the other chiefs, and finally point
out an heir. Furthermore, the actual enthronement only
took place after a j^ear had elapsed, and the burial rites
had been consummated. Meantime, the heir, though
designate, was not allowed to enter the deceased chieftain's
village, nor even to light a fire or cook food close by ; the
wives of the dead king were also forbidden to him, since he
could only take the slave wives or concubines during this
interregnum.

But when the masaka (millet) was ripe, and the old
king had been safely buried at Mwaruli (as described in
Chapter XII.), a great concourse of Awemba gathered
together in his village, including the Wakabiro, or chief
councillors, the Walashi, or district officers, the medicine-
men, and the priestesses of the rites of the ancestral
spirits.

That same evenmg the heir entered one of the huts of the
inner harem court3^ard, and, with his head wife, slept ' with-
in the fence.' Before the dawn of the next day, it was
Chief Chimba's special duty to carry secretly into their
hut the ceremonial bowl, used at all the consecrations of
the Wemba kings. A fire was then lit, and the bowl — filled
with water which was, it is said, mingled with herbs of
sanctifymg potency — was held thereon by the chief, who
joined hands with his wife. When the water boiled, Chimba
spoke the customary sentences, saying that now ' the
country was hot ' as the fire again * flamed in the land,'
and anointed the limbs of the chief and his wife. Chimba
then departed, and, after carefully secreting the mystic
bowl, sent his son to caU the Wakabiro together.

All the people were marshalled together outside while
the five principal Wakabiro entered the hut, and anointed
the heir and his wife with oil, arraymg him m gorgeous
cloths, while Chimba handed him the ancient bow of war

THE CROCODILE KINGS 21

and the spear. While thus preparing him, they gave him
the customary advice : ' Now that thou art the Navel of
the Land, and hast duly inherited the Capital, harden thy
heart like a stone, and bestir thyself. If thou noddest or
reclinest for a moment, others will take thy place, and thy
country will fall away from thee ! '

Finally, the king and his wife, adorned and suitably
admonished, emerged from the hut, stepping over the car-
case of a bullock newly slain for the sacrifice, and were
received with the shouts and acclamations of the people,
who aU prostrated themselves on their backs, clapping their
hands (kutota) in the royal salutation. Drums were beaten,
and matchlocks blazed off, and, in the midst of all the king
made merry, singing the succession song of self-praise, and
whirling round in an improvised war-dance, brandishing
the coveted bow and spear. This ceremony ended, the
king would consult the various councillors and district
headmen, probably projecting some immediate expedition,
so that he should show his mettle, and dismissing them,
after a few days feasting and drmking, to their various
villages.

Having thus settled the king safely on his throne, let us
turn to a brief sketch of his system of administration.

This system was upheld with the utmost rigour, and
enforced a scale of punishments and mutilations so ferocious
that it is, perhaps, unparalleled except by the monstrous
cruelties of King Chaka. Like that of Chaka, it was ex-
tremely well organised, and disobedience to the orders of
the king's deputies in the provinces, or refusal to supply
men to do the king's work, or to contribute the customary
dues, was checked by mutilation, devastation of gardens,
seizure of cattle, and, finally — for the contumacious — en-
slavery of the whole village to the Arab merchants who
flocked around the capital.

The following sketch is mainly derived from notes given
by Simumbi (Zapaira), mentioned by Livingstone, the
uncle of the present Mwamba, and of royal birth, who called
one of the writers in shortly before his death to speak of the

22 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

succession of other chiefs in the West Awemba distiict
(see Chapter III.). The old chief, whose age Bishop
Dupont puts at well over ninety, was absolutely bedridden,
and could not bear the light, but was, none the less, in full
possession of his faculties. It seems truly astonishing that
the Awemba themselves, to say nothing of the other con-
quered tribes, endured such a rigorous administration. But
though the writer asked Zapaira, and, later, some of the older
men of the common people, why they remained passive
when they could easily have escaped, the reply always was,
' Wliere could we flee to ? If we reached the village of a
foreign tribe, such as the Washinga, they would say, " Here
are the Awemba, with the mtoso neck-mark ! " and fall
upon us, and slay us ! A Shmga or Wuiamwanga chief
would fear to harbour us, and, if they did not kill us in
revenge, would simply send us back under escort to Chiti-
mukulu.' The statement in the report of the late Adminis-
trator, Mr. Robert Codrington (p. 66, British South Africa
Co.'s Annual Beport, 1902), that the Awemba were tired
of the barbarities of their chiefs, and gladly welcomed
British rule, is not hard to understand.

To deal first with the headquarters officials.

Over the huge village of Chitimukulu, divided into thirty-
three quarters, were set the Wachilolo, or, literally, over-
seers, each in charge of a quarter, or chitenie. These
worthies were usually middle-aged men, selected by the
chief for their proved valour in war, and for their position
in the village as parents of large families. They marshalled
before the king, when the great war drum boomed, the
young men of their quarter, and led them to battle ; theirs,
too, was the grim privilege, on return, of driving the
sharpened stakes into the ground prepared outside the
village, and setting thereon, before the admiring gaze of
the village women, the heads of the victims slain in war.

Major Wissmann states that among the Awemba there
existed, in 1887-88, a perfectly developed rank, determined
by the number of heads of the enemies each man had killed.

The Wachilolo may be termed town councillors, and
generally acted as aediles over their group. All persona

THE CROCODILE KINGS 23

suffering from communicable disease were banished by them
into the bush. They saw that refuse was cleared up, and
kept the stockades m repair. As will be seen later, they
further acted as a petty court, and as no one could take his
case to the king direct, discharged the duties of a court of
first instance, referrmg all serious matters to the king.

The second, smaller, but more august body of officers
were called the Wakabiro, who formed, as it were, the mner
privy council of the king. Though some Wakabiro were
stationed in the provinces, the main body were retained at
the capital as a permanent advisory council. These men
were also called the Weningala, or plume-bearers, suice,
by the king's permission, they were allowed to flaunt the
carmine feathers of the callmg bird (mhuta), and to bedizen
themselves with janghng anklets of grotesque little iron
bells.

All the more serious state affairs, the making of wars,
or the declaration of peace, grave criminal offences, pro-
pitiatory sacrifices, came under their cognisance, and were
settled by them in council, presided over by the king.
Together with the medicme-man, and the priestesses of the
departed chiefs {Ba Muka Benye), they decreed the slaughter
of cattle necessary to obtain rain. The ordermg of the
Lupupo midnight ceremonies m honour of the souls of the
departed fell partly under their care. In company with
the medicine-men, the older Wakabiro shared the reputa-
tion of bemg the repositories of traditional law and custom.
Even to the present day, when headmen who have been
Wakabiro are called into court as native assessors, one
cannot but feel impressed with their sententious deUvery
of past precedents, their grave demeanour, their marvellous
memory, and their mastery of the most minute details of
native law and custom.

As has been stated, the other Wakabiro were often placed
over important villages in the provinces, but were always
summoned to deal with their fellows in the viUage concern-
ing the more important questions of war, peace, rainmaking,
and the Uke.

The Wakabiro had no need to be men of such good

24 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

lineage as the Walashi ; so long as they were freemen it
sufficed.

Turning from these officials, whose functions were central-
ised in the capital, to those set over the provincial divisions,
we find the same careful organisation.

Foremost among the latter ranked the Wasimupelo, or
Lords of the Barriers, who controlled the remote provinces
and the lines of boundary villages. The Wasimupelo were
picked men : either ambitious brothers or nephews of the
reignmg king, who considered it wise to keep them at a
distance, and to give them some outlet for their energies
in border raids ; or else they were men who had distinguished
themselves by their * composition and fierce quality ' in
war, chosen from the sons and more distant relatives of
the king. We find that the villages occupied by these
' Lords of the Marches ' were stockaded across a main trade
route, or else controlled an important ferry, being flanked
by a line of minor stockaded villages along the frontier.

It was necessary that the border should be constantly
patrolled, and the chief ready to withstand and repel any
sudden incursion from outlying tribes. Further, it was the
duty of the Wasimupelo to see that the tribute was regularly
brought in by such subject tribes as were within his sphere
of influence. As may be imagined, the office was a lucrative
one, since the Wasimupelo exacted a heavy toll from all
who wished to enter and trade in peace m the Luwemba
and Ituna provinces. Thus a Winamwanga trader would
have to pay his toll of a woman slave or a cow to Chipakula
and Makasa before being allowed to enter. The tribute
was rigorously exacted from the border tribes ; it is stiU
the boast of the Awemba that they do not know how to
hoe, that their only trade was war, and that the subject
tribes supplied their various wants, the Wasenga bringing
in tobacco, the Wabisa fish and salt, the Wiwa and Winam-
wanga hoes, livestock, and grain.

If, for instance, the Wasimupelo reported that Kafwimbi,
the Wiwa chief, was in arrear, a sharp reminder was sent to
him by Chitimukulu in the shape of a messenger carr5niig
a spear, in token of war unless the dues were instantly paid.

THE CROCODILE KINGS 25

Kafwimbi — who, in spite of his title of the ' Were Lion,*
was a man of peace — would hurriedly despatch the most
beautiful of his daughters with a hoe on her head in sign of
submission, following this up by a file of carriers to the
Wasimupelo carrying beer, hoes, and foodstuffs. And if the
girl found favour in Chitimukulu's sight, Kafwimbi would
be graciously informed that, for that year, his people might
live in peace.

Next in importance to the Wasimupelo came the Walashi,
or district officers, to each of whom was allotted a division
with definite hill and river boundaries. The king's sons
and relatives were usually drafted into this ofiice, and were
held responsible for the good order and tribute payment
of their sections, and for supplying men to perform the
mulasa or statute labour of the chief, his garden- cutting
and so forth, and a contmgent for war.

The main dues collected were : the tusks of ivory found
in the bush, or cut out by the various fundis (hunters
whom the Walaslii kept supplied with powder) ; two legs,
the heart and the liver of every animal killed. The Walashi
were active men, and constantly travelled in their divisions,
taking dues and hving on their subjects en route, much in
the fashion of an old-time voyal progress. Neighbouring
Walashi often quarrelled about their boundaries, but such
disputes were settled by the king and his Wakabiro.

Last came the Wasichalo, who were the heads of large
families, chosen by the king for their loyalty, and given
charge of minor villages, but responsible to the Walashi.
These men were of low birth, but by intermarrying their
children with the conquered inhabitants, soon produced a
' Wemba ' village, since Bisa children despised their mother's
race, and eagerly adopted that of the more powerful tribe.

It must not be supposed that the Wasimupelo and
Walashi were independent petty chieftains ; on the con-
trary, they were always receiving instructions through the
king's messengers, who were well-known men, and who
carried guns and a large horn of powder, besides bemg
decked, on important occasions, in fine raiment {miala) and
a headdress.

26 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Another check upon the authority of these remote officials
was the spy S3^stem. These spies, or ' Walengesya,' would
disguise themselves, often pretending to be men in search
of wives, or to have been banished from the capital
by the king ; they would prowl about at night, eaves-
dropping over the fires at the central village hut. If the
chief spoke too boastfully, or kept back part of the dues,
these spies would immediately report it, nosing out old
scraps of elephant meat, and bringing them in as proof
positive against villagers who had not recently paid tribute
ivory. The king would, moreover, send out one of his
sons or near relatives on a tour of inspection, which also
served as a check on the conduct of the divisional chieftains.
The ceremonies and methods of travelling observed by
members of the royal family were most interesting.

Before the ulendo started, the chief would gather
together his meclicme-men and the priestesses. They
prayed in the dusk before the Uttle god-huts (mafuha) of
their ancestors, and made Hbations of beer, so that their
journey might be prosperous. Early the next morning
the chief, having selected one or two medicine-men and
priestesses to accompany him, marshalled the motley
crowd of his ' young men ' and servants, his slaves, and the
usual Mung'omba or court singer, who acted as his bugler
at dawn. Then the cortege set forth in long, single file.
The chief J having again prayed, mounted on the shoulders
of one of his men, who relieved each other in turn. When
any considerable river was crossed the bearers would set
down the chief, lulliloo, as Livingstone puts it, and clap
their hands. Provided no iU omens were encountered en
route — such as a python ghding into the bush, which meant
that the party might encounter war by the way — the
destination would be reached about midday. A messenger
had been sent ahead with a warning, and, on arrival, the
chief would be shown into a newly plastered hut, surrounded
with a grass shelter for privacy.

As he approached, all the villagers would meet him on
the path, bending on their knees and clapping their hands,
and, with the usual din of salutation, the old women would

THE CROCODILE KINGS 27

perform an uncouth dance, singing his praises. Water
would then be drawn by the women, and the headman
would bring his presents of a sheep or goat and flour. Mean-
while the medicine-man, or one of the chief's attendants,
would retire into the bush, and, with a firestick, make a
flame and carry the lighted tinder into the village, since no
village fire might be used for the chief's cooking.

After the chief had rested and eaten, he would see the
headmen again, act as arbiter in any cases brought before
him, and generally discuss village questions, communi-
cating any orders he might have received from Chitimnkulu.
In case there had been many unaccountable deaths, he
would inspect the village god-huts, and the medicine-man
would examine the roan's horn stuck in the ground — the
' foundation-stone ' of the viUage, and, after consultation
with the local elders and witch-doctors, decree the neces-
sary propitiatory sacrifices. Wlien evening drew nigh he
would distribute the presents of flour to his followers, since
he himself would eat only flour prepared by his wives :
pipes were filled with tobacco and bhang over the camp-
fires, and, with the customary liturgy for further health
and safety on the journey, the day was ended.

28 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

CHAPTER III

THE OLD ORDER AND THE NEW

In dealing with the early history of the Tanganyika Plateau,
the first authentic date available is, perhaps, the year 1730,
about which tinie the first Kazembe Kanyimbe came from
Lunda, and invaded the country then occupied by the
Senga and Bisa tribes.

From then until 1867 — in which year Livingstone visited
Kazembe — but little is known of the internal affairs of the
Plateau ; history being confined to the records of visits
made by various Portuguese, which may be generally
summarised as foUows (see resume of history in W. G. R.'s
Introductory Handbook to the Language of the Awemba) : —

1796. — Pereira visted Kazembe. An easterly movement
among the Awemba was then in progress.

1798. — Lacerda visited. Kazembe-Lekwisa was then
ruling ; he subdued the Sira of Muchinga country, and
banished Kapaka to Kassange. Probably about this time
Chiti settled with the title of Chitimukulu.

1802. — Pombeiros visited the then Kazembe, Cireka.

183 1 -32 . — Monteiro and Gamitto visited Kazembe . About
this time there was a considerable tribal movement among
the Awemba. The Fipa and also, probably, the Alungu
and Amambwe began to advance into their respective
countries. The reigning Kazembe was then Kapumba,
the son of Cireka.

1853. — Freitas visited Kazembe, and, about this time,
Chitimukulu Chitinta was driven out by Chitimukulu
Chilesie.

1856 (about). — ^The Arab, bin Saleh, came to Kazembe's.

THE OLD ORDER AND THE NEW 29

The reigning Kazembe was then Chinyanta, son of Cireka.
About this time the Angoni reached the country. Chileshie
and Che we quarrelled, and Che we was defeated and fled,
first to Kafwimbi's in Wiwa country, thence to Chikana-
muliro in Nyajnwanga. The reigning Kazembe was
Lekwisa, the son of Cireka.

1862. — Kazembe (Muongo), the son of Cireka by a slave
woman, expelled Lekwisa.

1867. — Livingstone visited Kazembe. He found Mper-
embe, the son of Katere, still living, but very old. At this
time Kasonso was ' chief of the lake and of a very large
country all round it ' (Livingstone, Last Journals, vol. i.
p. 202). The lake is, of course, Tanganyika. The Alungu
chief, Chitimbwa, had just died. Tiputipu was already at
Ponde in Itawa, and was raiding Nsama. The Awemba
seem to be settled where they are now.

About 1868 Tiputipu appeared. The reigning Chiti-
mukulu was Bwembia. The Arabs Kalonga and Kum-
bakumba now arrived. With the help of the Arabs,
Chitimukulu Mutali fought and defeated the Angoni.
Chewe settled in the Kanyala district.^

To understand the origin of the Awemba and kindred
peoples, it will now be as well to quote the history of one
Simumbi, now dead, who at the time that he proffered the
following information was the oldest chief of the Awemba,
and brother of Mwamba wa Milengi. Simumbi, hearing
that one of the writers, who was then in charge of the
Luena division, was leaving, expressed a wish to see him,
so that he might give a proper account of the Wemba
immigration. Only ' youths, ' as he put it, were left, and
he wished that his words might be written down so that
boundaries could henceforth be observed.

His Information is especially useful as confirming what,
on linguistic grounds, has alreadj^ been held plausible, that
the Wemba and Bisa heads of the present houses came
originally from Lubaland, probably in successive waves of

^ For further details of the Awemba conquest of surrounding tribes, see
paper by one of the ^Titers (Journal African Society, Oct. 1911), entitled
' Wemba Warpaths.'

30 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

immigration. Thus the Wemba and Lake Bisa peoples, in
the Luena division at least, acknowledge as their chiefs
men who all claim to have come from the Lualaba. While
the Wemba and Bisa aristocracy are midoiibtedly of Con-
golese (or of Lubaic) origin, the proletariat may be held to
approximate — especially in the case of the Lake Bisa and
the Waunga — physically to the aboriginal inhabitants,
though, m point of customs, religion, and language, the
Lubaic origin is distinctl}^ indicated throughout.

* Our ancestors,' said Simumbi, * came from Kola, in the
country of the Luban King Makasa, Chitimukulu was one
of the sons of Makasa Mulopwe, and was found sleeping
with one of his father's young wives. He gathered liis men
together, and tried to lead them against his father, but
without success, the old men refusing to do so base a deed.
However, many escaped with him.

' Chitimukulu took with him the future heads of the houses
of Matipa, Chyavula, and Chungu. On the way he left
behind him Kazembe, who gained ascendancy in the court
of the old Muato, and, inheriting his head wife Kafuto,
eventually became the Muato. Mwansakawamba was left
by Chitimukulu when he went forward from the Shinga
country towards what is now Chinsali division. His
brother Kolimfumu crossed the Luangwa, and penetrated
to the Senga country, where he caused a fight by abducting
the wife of a friendly chief Mwase. Kolimfumu was
wounded by a poisoned arrow, from which he died. Mwase
fled, but a woman showed where he was hiding, so they
killed him, and made a belt of his skin, which is used to
this day at Chitimukulu's as a charm to fertilise the masaka
(millet).

' The Mweni-mwansa were the original inhabitants [of the
country subsequently occupied by Simumbi], and their
title of honour is that they hid the paramount chief Chin-
yimba m a huge cooking-pot when he was pursued by his
enemies. Mwamba told me that I was never to interfere
with their elephant hunting, and that they need not bring
in lion skins, as is the custom. As regards Chitimkubwe
and Matipa, they were always closely related, even in the

THE OLD ORDER AND THE NEW 31

olden times, and, during the reign of Mwamba-wa-Kabwe, a
sister of Matipa was head wife of Chitimkubwe Musinka.

' I myself am the brother of Mwamba wa Milengi, and
was, when a boy, given rights over the Lubemba. At
first I hved near Kabwibwi in the Kasama division, and
then I had to run away from Chitimukulu when he was
a young man.' (This is the Chitimukulu mentioned by
Giraud, 1883, p. 270 of his book.)

' I hved successively at Tondo, Luitikishya, and Mwala,
where Chitimukulu came to fight me, thinking that I was
growing too strong for him to manage. We fought for six
days, and both sides were about equal. I then moved to
the Chyantika, thence to the Chimbwe, thence to Sofwe,
and finally to within six miles of Luena station.'

Simumbi then gave a fist of the eighteen kings of the
Chitimukulu djniasty, which talhes with that compiled by
Mr. R. A. Yomig m the Mrongo district note-book.

Simumbi's account may at least be considered as trust-
worthy as any other source. Other old chiefs were
questioned at the time (1903), and their stories corroborate
his. A parallel account is to be found in the Journal of the
African Society for October 1906, p. 146. Mr. Pirie (writing
in 1906) deals at length with the legends describing the
immigration to the mfluence of the white man, the move-
ment mto the Senga country, the fatal amour of Kohmfumu
with Mwase's wife, the departure of the white man, and the
estabhshment of the dynastic hue of eighteen kings.

A writer in the above journal m January 1904, p. 186,
states that it is difficult to reconcile these traditions with
the history as handed down by European observers, and
adds, ' The natural tendency of a people to augment the
importance of their own tribe, and to increase its antiquity,
is particularly apparent when we fuid hsts of chiefs sufficient
to cover a period of three hundred and fifty years.'

Any one who has read M'Lellan's Studies in Ancient
History (Second Series), m which he devotes a chapter to
demonstrating the readmess of men of all ages to fabricate
genealogies, and gives African examples, will, naturally,
regard such evidence with great care. At the same time.

32 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

the evidence of the European travellers would not seem of
sufficient strength or iniportance to discredit the traditional
accounts of a line of kings compiled from so many sources.
The above quoted writer apparently fixes the coming
of the Awemba from west by identifying the traditional
white leaders as being Pereira's party in 1796. It is peculiar
that the book of ' 0 Muata Cazembe ' gives no such particu-
lars as recorded by the Portuguese themselves, who would,
surely, have emphasised the fact of their leadership. Nor
does Lacerda, in his book, refer to their leadership. In
fact, when close to the Chambeshi himself, he writes two
years later (21st September 1798) : ' They — the natives —
also assured me that north-west was the Wemba nation,
between the Muisas and Mussacuma (the Fipa), who reached
the banks of Shire or Nyanja. Also they assure me that
the Uemba and the Mussacuma are mortal enemies, never
sparing the Kazembe people, but they are equally so with
the Muisas, whom they know by their combed heads '
(Burton's translation, p. 99). Livmgstone writes that
Pereira told Lacerda he was known as the ' Terror,' perhaps
foolish vanity, as Livingstone surmises, but hardly in keep-
ing with the Wemba traditions, which ascribed the most
kindly qualities to their white leaders. Burton, in his note,
says that Monteiro in 1831 mentions the Awemba as a
nomad tribe from the west-north-west of the Kazembe
country, and as having seized part of the land of the
Wabisa. Yet, according to Lacerda, they were estab-
lished as a nation ^ in 1798. Again, though a line of eighteen
kings might cover a period of three hundred and fifty years,
it might also, in such turbulent times, have been easily
compressed into a much shorter period. Moreover, such
chiefs are subject to deposition — ^witness the case of
Bwembia — and it must be remembered that the average
reign of African chiefs is comparatively short. Again,
the Bisa and Shinga people mention the Wemba list of
kings as contemporaneous with the long lists of their own
chieftains. The statement that white men were their
original leaders in migration, is found so frequently in

^ Nardo in the original. See Amiaes Maritimos e Coloniaes, 1845, p. 115.

THE OLD ORDER AND THE NEW 33

Central African tribes, that the Wemba story seems rather
more of a tribal variant of a great Bantu folk-legend, and
there seems to be no good reason for postponing the Wemba
migration until the first known appearance of Portuguese
half-castes in 1796. Witness the Luban legend quoted
by Mr. Crawford in the Aurora, of the great white Captain
Kara ya Rove. ' All men marched from the south in his
caravan,' says the legend, ' but various Bantu tribes de-
serted this " great humanity caravan " (chendo cha
humuntu) ; the Europeans, however, stuck to God's
captain, and so reached wonderful Europe.'

Finally, it seems safer to presume — in the absence of more
definite evidence — that there were successive waves of
Wemba migration which possibly covered a period of over
a himdred years, and this theory seems more in harmony
with the general course of primitive migratory movements.

In compiling the following resume of the history of the
Alungu tribe, the writers are indebted to Mr. J. Gibson Hall,
who has kindly placed at their disposal his copious notes
upon the Alungu royal family.

Probably over two hundred years ago a tribe arrived in
what was till lately the Sumbu division, from the north-
west. They were called the Asao, and over them was a
chieftainess named Mwenya, who married one Chomba, and
to him bore five daughters with, possibly, other children.
These five daughters were destined to become the heads of
the five families which are to-day recognised as those of
Tafuna, Chitimbwa, Moluo (Watawa) in Belgian territory,
Nsama (Watawa) and the Malaila Alungu living south of
the Luangwa river.

The history of the Moluo and Nsama families may, for
the purposes of this book, be disregarded. Into its scope
there enter only the fortunes of the descendants of Mwenj^a
and Namukali, both daughters of the original chieftainess
Mwenya, from whom sprang the Tafuna and Chitimbwa
famihes.

Tafuna the First was the son of Chilombo, and grandson of
Mwenya Chiteo, the chieftainess. He was absolute para-

34 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

mount, and to him Chitimbwa was subject.. It would appear
that his power was great, and that he enjoyed the confidence
of his people, but, as his date must be placed at over one
hundred years ago, it is difficult to speak with accuracy.
Wliat at least is certain is that the number of his wives ran
into hundreds, that his family was enormous, and that he
built villages in different parts of the country at the south
end of Tanganyika to house them, his seat of government
being at Isoko, midway between what are now known as
Kasakalawe and Abercorn.

As Tafuna's sons grew to manhood, he chose five of them
to whom he gave distinct districts— and Chitimbwa having
his own district, which had been given to him by Kambole,
uncle of Tafuna, there were in all six of these divisions,
which were known by the names of Pumpe (Chitimbwa),
Kasanga (now in German East Africa), Ntala (the country
around Abercorn, now occupied by Zombe), Mwela (on the
summit of the Mwenda Hills, overlooking Lake Tanganyika),
[sunga, which is now embodied in that of the Awemba
chief Kahmilwa, and Kakonde on the Lovu, at present under
Yamutenga.

Of the sons mentioned, Kasonso — or Tinda, as he was also
called — who was the first in authority over Ntala division,
plays by far the most important role in the history of the
Tafunas.

From the day of the death of the first Tafuna, either the
chiefs were unfortunate in their people, or the people in
their chiefs — for, with one exception, neither a regent nor
a Tafuna has ruled at peace with his subjects.

Upon the death of Tafuna the First, his younger
' brother ' Kafumbo became chief ; a cruel and unscrupulous
tyrant. During his reign the Angoni first made their
appearance — and, probably, at their approach he fled to
Niamkolo, while Kasonso went on to Isoko. The prox-
imity of Kasonso annoyed Kafumbo, who attempted to
murder him — but the plot was discovered, and in the ensu-
ing hostiHties Kafumbo received an arrow wound which,
shortly afterwards, proved fatal. Upon his death Kasonso
once more played the part of kingmaker, and summoned

THE OLD ORDER AND THE NEW 35

Chungu, grandson of the fourth daughter of Mwenya, from
Kasakalawe, to assume chieftainship as Tafuna the Third.
With what smacks somewhat of ingratitude, Chungu 's first
aim upon attaining his dignity seems to have been to
punish Kasonso for his hostihty to the former Tafuna,
Kafumbo. Fighting, alternated with brief periods of
unstable peace, continued for some little time, until, eventu-
ally, Chungu, whose followers were leaving him when they
found that he could no longer provide them with food,
realised the futiHty of remaining at Isoko the capital, and
retired to Chilimba on the Lofu River, having visited en
route Chitimukulu, paramount of the Awemba.

From Tafuna the Second, Chungu inherited the various
royal insignia — The Stool, Bow and Arrows, Wand, Food
Baskets of the God, and the original Hoe of Tafuna the
First ; but, though he was undoubtedly asked to take up
his residence at Isoko the capital, he refused to do so, as
the country was by now constantly exposed to the attacks
of the Awemba, and a retreat from the Lofu would have
meant the loss of that part of the countr}-. Then followed
a period of regency, a time of storm and stress, in which
Kakungu, whom Chungu looked upon as his own brother,
turned against his own people, and, invoking the aid of
Chilangwa, the Wemba chief, made incessant war upon
his own tribe. He defeated Chitimbwa and Chikusela —
but was, in turn, driven from Isoko by Zombe. Since that
day no Tafuna has lived at the capital — and there has been
no paramount Tafuna.

In May 1904 it was admitted, at an indaba held m Aber-
corn, that Chungu was the Miveni or paramount of the
country ; but, owing to the superstitious beliefs of Chma-
kila, who had heard that the god Kapembwa was wroth
at the proposal that Chungu should be brought to Isoko,
and the fact that a further claimant, Wantekwi, had been
produced — it was held to be desirable to aUow Wantekwi
to build at the capital. On the understanding that Wan-
tekwi would be subject to him, Chungu consented ; thus,
to-day, there is no Tafuna.

The more recent history of the Alungu is one of constant

36 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

fighting with the Awemba. Ponde, a well-known Wemba
chief, took a large share in these hostilities. He defeated
Nyente, the fourth Chitimbwa, and slew him in his village ;
somewhat earlier Chitimukulu Chitapankwa had attacked
Zombe, but was repulsed. However, in the following year,
Chitimukulu returned, and Zombe was defeated, his body
being taken and burned in the Wemba country. Had it
not been for the advent of the Administration, there can
be no doubt that the Awemba would have completely
conquered the country. In fact, the only man who made
any stand against them (beside Zombe) was the present
Chungu — and such was his bravery and determination that
the Awemba respected him, and Mporokoso, a minor chief,
entered into an aUiance with him which is to this day
preserved.

The history of the Awemba and the Alungu obviously
does not represent the history of aU the tribes on the Plateau,
but these are given as examples, it being impossible to
summarise the history of the Amambwe, the Wabisa, the
Senga, and other important tribes in one chapter.

So much for the vaguer and less well-substantiated
history of the olden days. To understand the subsequent
development of the Plateau, it is now necessary to turn to
the contemporary history of what was at first British
Central Africa, and is now known as the Nyasaland Pro-
tectorate. Detailed accounts are to be found in Captain
Lugard's Rise of our British East African Empire, The
Shire Highlarids by John Buchanan, at one time H.M.
Consul at Zomba, and British Central Africa by Sir
Harry Johnston. We, however, are merely concerned with
the history of a missionary-trading association known as
the African Lakes Company, which, at the present day,
still controls the commerce of both Nyasaland and North-
Eastern Rhodesia.

This company had been founded by a body of philan-
thropists of Glasgow, for the purpose of opening up this
part of Africa to trade, and, incidentally, to the propaga-
tion of the Gospel. The brothers Moir were managers.
Early in its history a small trading outpost had been opened

THE OLD ORDER AND THE NEW 37

at Karonga, on the north-west end of Lake Nyasa, and in
1888-89 the company found itself in conflict with Arab
slavers from the north. Eventually Mlozi, who, under a
commission from Tippoo Tib (Tiputipu), had overrun the
country to the very gates of Karonga, proclaimed himself
Sultan of the Wankonde country, and demanded payment
of tribute from Mr. L. Monteith Fotheringham, then the
agent in charge at Karonga, who has since written a book
entitled Adventures in Nyasaland, which gives the history
of the time in detail. Karonga was attacked, and for
some time the little garrison was in considerable danger,
but it was eventually relieved by the appearance of a
Mr. Nicol with five thousand Wankonde.

Matters had reached this stage when Sir Frederic (then
Captain) Lugard — who was at the time on temporary half-
pay from his regiment, the Norfolk, his health having
broken down from service in India and Burmah — arrived
in the country. The situation appeared critical, it being
generally considered that decisive steps should be taken to
vanquish the Arabs, both to maintain the safety of the
small European population, mostly missionaries or A.L.C.
agents, and also to suppress, once and for aU, the Arab
slavers. Captam Lugard applied to Mr. John Buchanan
for permission to take command of an expedition against
these slavers, and this permission was granted on certain
conditions. The movement was crowned with success,
after which Lugard sailed for England.

At this time no proclamation had been made with regard
to the country which is now Nyasaland — the country was
the property of the chiefs, and, in reaUty, it is surmised,
the whole difficulty arose out of a mere traders' quarrel,
though quoted as a determined effort to suppress sIaver3^
None the less, the heroic efforts of Captain Lugard and of
the white men under his command were, no doubt, the
basis of our supremacy in this part of Africa, from the
Zambesi to Tanganyika, and from the Indian Ocean to Lake
Mweru.

The troubles of the African Lakes Company near Karonga,
Lake Nyasa, were concluded in 1889. In that year Mr.

38 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

(now Sir Harry) Johnston arrived in the country, charged
with a mission from the Foreign Office to put a stop to the
fighting between the African Lakes Company and the Arabs,
and to make treaties in the north and north-west for Mr.
Rhodes.

To understand this step on the part of Mr. Rhodes, it
must be remembered that the war, necessitating, as it did,
the importation of white men from the south, and the
expenditure of vast quantities of ammunition and supphes,
had pressed very heavily upon the shoulders of the African
Lakes Company from a financial point of view, and many
of their shares had been bought by the British South Africa
Company, which thus ultimately found itself in a position
to dictate a pohcy to the smaller concern.

Mr. Johnston was equipped with authority from the
Foreign Office, and also had letters from the Sultan of
Zanzibar. On his way up the Zambesi and Shire he passed
a Portuguese expedition under Serpa Pinto, which, under
guise of exploration, intended to obtain possession of
Nyasaland. Mr, Johnston talked to them very diplomatic-
ally (for a fuller account of this meeting see British
Central Africa, p. 83 et seq.), but he failed to induce the
expedition to retrace its steps. On arriving at Chiromo,
at the mouth of the Ruo River, Mr. Johnston obtained from
Mr. Buchanan full information as to the state of affairs
then existing. They were forced to act entirely on their
own initiative, no communication with the Home Govern-
ment being possible, since the nearest cables were at Zan-
zibar to the north and Delagoa Bay to the south. Under
the circumstances they agreed to proclaim the country a
Protectorate — and this was done at once, the proclama-
tion being subsequently ratified by the Imperial Govern-
ment.

Meanwhile Mr. Johnston visited Blantyre, Karonga, and
Abercorn, which latter was not yet an administrative
station, engaged in the task of obtaining the signatures of
chiefs to various treaties. Upon arrival at Tanganyika
he received assistance from the captain of the L.M.S.
steamer the Good News, which was then at Niamkolo. The

THE OLD ORDER AND THE NEW 39

London Missionary Society had penetrated into the Mambwe
country, and opened a station at Fwambo in 1887. At
that time the Belgian frontier was not yet fixed, and the
Germans had not arrived in what is now German East
Africa. Mr. Johnston sent Captain Swann to the north of
Tanganyika to obtain the signatures of chiefs as far north
as Lake Victoria Nyanza. In June 1890 Mr. Johnston
returned to England, hearing from Mr. Buchanan on his
way down that the Imperial Government had decided to
ratify their proclamation of the Protectorate.

Previous to this, Mr. Jolmston had sent Mr. (now Sir
Alfred) Sharpe to Msiri in the Congo to obtain treaties.
The latter was unfortunate in his mission. Upon arrival
he found the chief unwilling to treat — and, consequently,
left the papers with a Plymouth Brother who happened to
be there, asking him to submit them to the potentate when
a more favourable opportunity should occur. A few days
after Mr. Sharpe left, Msiri signed the treaties and sent
them after him, but they never arrived at their destination. ^
Meanwhile Captain Stairs, of Stanley's Emin Pasha Relief
Expedition, arrived with a commission from the Belgian
Government to treat with Msiri.

In July 1891 Mr. Johnston returned as H.M. Commis-
sioner, and instituted a Civil Service in the newly formed
Protectorate (B.C.A.). Previous to this the Portuguese had
put three gunboats on the Zambesi, and were imposing heavy
customs dues upon goods of the African Lakes Company
passing up and down the river. This practice, however,
was stopped by Lord Sahsbury's action in sending out two
gunboats, which ultimately secured the right of free trade
upon Zambesi waters.

Between 1891 and until June 1895, what is now North-
Eastern Rhodesia was administered from Zomba, the head-
quarters of Mr. Johnston, who, as H.M. Commissioner,
acted as administrator of all the British South Africa
Company's territory north of the Zambesi. The British
South Africa Company defrayed expenses of administering
the whole sphere by annual subsidies ranging from £10,000

^ Since Captain Stairs intercepted tlie letter and kept it.

40 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

to £17,500, and, in addition, various grants were made for
specific purposes, such as £10,000 for the suppression of
the power of Makanjira, a slaver. But when, in 1894, the
British South Africa Company's total expenditure had
reached £750,000, a new arrangement was made, by which
that company undertook the whole administration of their
own territory, and, in the summer of 1895, Major P. W.
Forbes went up as first Deputy Admmistrator.

Previous to this, Kalungwisi had been established in
North-Eastern Rhodesia itself, with a sub-station at
Choma, in 1892.i The next year, 1893, Abercom was
established as headquarters of the Tanganyika District,
with a sub-station at Sumbu, near the Congo border.
To this latter station Mr. H. C. Marshall was sent
as Consular Judicial Officer. His force consisted of
six Sikhs and some Atonga from Lake Nyasa, and his
duty lay in pursuing a waiting policy, gradually obtain-
ing the friendship of the Mambwe and Lungu tribes,
while watching his opportunity to enter into negotiations
with the hitherto whoUy uncivilised and much-dreaded
Awemba to the south. By diplomatic measures open
friction, both with the Arabs and the Awemba, was averted,
though, for some time, there was every prospect of serious
trouble, which would have been most difficult to suppress,
as Mr. Johnston had definitely stated that no reinforce-
ments could, under any circumstances, be sent from Nyasa-
land.

In 1894 the White Fathers — Les Peres Blancs d'Algers —
who had established themselves at Mambwe, between
Abercorn and Karonga, in 1890, commenced negotiations
with Makasa. The credit of thus first penetrating into
the country of the dreaded Awemba belongs to Pere Van
Oost, who went down in person ; but there is no doubt
that the presence of the Company's officials with an armed
force at Abercorn greatly faciUtated his undertaking.

In the province — then known as the Chambeshi District,

^ The first station to be established was Chienji, by Captain Crawshay.
Sir Alfred Sharpe chose the site in 1892 in his journey to Mweru, in which
he concluded the treaties with Kazembe, Mkula, and other chiefs, under
which this portion of North-Eastern Rhodesia is now held.

THE OLD ORDER AND THE NEW 41

but now divided into the two districts of North Luangwa
and Awemba — the only station which existed up to the year

1895 for any Government purpose was that of the African
Lakes Corporation. This station was called Fife, and was
subsidised by the Government with a view to establishing
friendly relations with the neighbouring chiefs. The agent
was, however, more successful in peaceful negotiations with
the chiefs on the German than on the British side, and,
moreover, his trading business did not permit of much
traveUing. At this time a great traffic in slaves was carried
on, and large caravans used to pass through the Chambeshi
District from the Wemba country into German territory.
Accordingly, Major Forbes estabhshed in 1895 the station
of Ikawa, now known as Fife, about nine miles east of the
original African Lakes Corporation Station, now abandoned.
A Collector was placed in charge at Ikawa, and a sub-
station was founded at Nyala under charge of an Assistant
Collector, close to where the famous Stevenson Road ter-
minated.

Durmg the year 1896 several large caravans of slaves
were captured by the Collector and his assistant. Though
this certainly prevented slave caravans from passing through
the district, yet the slave trade, though checked, was not
stopped, since the Arabs resorted to the more southerly
route through the Senga country, entering the sphere of
what is now known as Nyasaland near the Lufira River,
whence the journey lay open to Mirambo in German terri-
tory. This year the Stevenson Road was continued from
Nyala to Mambwe, and a good brick house was built at
Ikawa.

In December Mr. Bell, the Collector, resigned, and Mr.
Charles M'Kinnon assumed charge of the district. During

1896 Major Forbes reported that the Arab slave raids
were practically at an end, but that the Awemba were
stiU a menace to the country, since they were raiding other
tribes. In order to protect the Senga people, who were
still suffering from those incursions of the Awemba, Mr.
R. A. Young was sent as Assistant Collector to open a station
called Mirongo, as near as possible to the village of Chiwali,

42 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

a friendly Senga chief. The station was hardly occupied
before Chiwali appealed for European aid, reporting that
Kapandansaru, the head of the Arabs after Mulozi died,
had built a temhe close to his village in concert with
Wemba headmen and warriors, and had ordered him, on
pain of death, to go with them to Mwamba and explain why
he had encouraged the white men to build a station so near
his village. Mr. Young, though his force consisted of only
ten police, promptly went to aid Chiwali, entered the
village, and assisted in the defence. A graphic account of
the brave resistance made by Mr. Young is given in Mr.
Pirie's paper published by the African Society, to which we
have already referred. Suffice it to say that, after holding
out for five days, Chiwali's village was relieved by Mr.
M'Kinnon and Mr. Drysdale, the assistant at Nyala. The
Arab besiegers fled, and were promptly followed up ; village
after village was taken, and slaves were liberated. Kapan-
dansaru was captured, but died before the sentence of
death passed upon him could be carried into effect. The
expedition then pursued the Awemba, who had retreated
by another route, ousted them from a large village where
they made a brave stand, and drove them in flight across
the Chambeshi. This little war had far-reaching results.
External raids by the Awemba upon the surrounding
tribes were checked, and the power of the Arab slavers was
broken. Only three Arab chiefs responsible for these raids
now remain in the country ; they have no influence, and
are on good terms with the Administration. The Wemba
kings, being now confined within their own boundaries,
turned, as if in rage, upon their own people, and inflicted
upon them atrocious mutilations and other horrors, which
previously they had reserved for their enemies alone.
Dissension naturally followed, but the most cruel punish-
ments were meted out to the rebels, and many of the
Awemba were sold into slavery by their own chiefs.

All this obviously paved the way for the acceptance of
European domination.

In May 1898 Mr. Robert Codrington was appointed
Deputy Administrator for North-Eastern Rhodesia, in

THE OLD ORDER AND THE NEW 43

place of Major Forbes, the first Administrator, who had been
invalided home in 1897. Mr. Codrington came north in
October 1898, and sent Messrs. M'Kinnon and Young to
visit Chitimukulu, the Wemba king, who had made friendly
overtures. When they were at Chitimukulu 's village news
arrived of the death of Mwamba, the chieftain of the second
branch of the Wemba royal houses, whose influence at the
time overshadowed even that of Chitimukulu. The
Collectors went on and found the people massed in great
numbers round the French missionaries, who had been
called in by Mwamba to doctor him (see Chapter XV.).
The people welcomed the officials, and requested them to
remain and build a homa. They were, in truth, very much
afraid of the coming of Ponde, the heir to Mwamba, lest
they themselves should play too prominent a part in the
human sacrifices and massacres, which would inevitably
take place upon his accession.

While Mr. Young was absent, moving his belongings
from Mirongo, Mr. M'Kimion built a homa close to the
present Kasama. Mr. Young was then left in charge, and
a warning was sent to Ponde that he must not enter the
country — which, however, he disregarded, estabhshing
himself within the borders in a strong natural site. How-
ever, the combined forces of the Collectors of Fife and
Kasama rushed and carried his village by assault at day-
break, and Ponde, with a small following, found safety in
flight. This was the end of the Wemba resistance.

In 1899 the headquarters of the British South Africa
Company's Administration was removed from Blantyre to
Fort Jameson. During the transition stage the adminis-
tration was for three months carried on from Fife and
Abercorn. In April of the same year Mr. Codrington paid
another visit to Kasama, and there established Kalongan-
jofu, the nominee of Chitimukulu, as successor to the chief-
tainship of Mwamba. In 1900 Mr, Codrington was made
Administrator of North-Eastern Rhodesia.

From that date onwards history takes on a more peace-
able and modern aspect. During 1900 the foundations of a

44 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Civil Service were laid, by the promulgation of the North-
Eastem Rhodesia Order in Council, which provided for
magisterial and district officers. By Government Notice,
No. 1 of 1900, nine fiscal and magisterial districts were
defined, of which three only come within the scope of the
present work — North Luangwa, with sub-stations of Fife,
Koka, Nyala, and Mirongo ; Awemba, with sub-stations at
Kasama, Mpika, and Luena ; and Tanganyika, with sub-
stations at Abercorn, Sumbu, Katwe, and Mporokoso.

During this year smallpox, which had long been endemic,
became almost universally epidemic. Vaccination was
carried out on an extensive scale, and lymph distributed,
with considerable success.

In 1901 the Hut Tax was first imposed, and was well
received, more especially in the north, where authority had
been longer enforced, and by the stronger tribes, such as
the Awemba and Angoni, The people in the vicinity of
Bangweolo were, however, practically unapproachable, and
many of the swamp dwellers continued to evade their
obligations, assisted by the diificult nature of the country
which they inhabit. ^

In the north, the anticipations of a general commercial
development were not realised, partly because the Shire
Highlands Railway, which would have secured the perman-
ency of the Nyasa route to Tanganyika, was not carried
through, and partly because very little development took
place in the Tanganyika regions, except the construction
of the Transcontmental Telegraph. In 1902, however,
importation of material for this purpose by the Nyasa-
Tanganyika route through German territory began to be
made, and a valuable outlet for local labour was thus lost
to the country.

The steamship Cecil Rhodes, the property of the Tangan-
yika Concessions Limited, was launched on Lake Tangan-
yika in October 1901, while in August 1900 the steam
launch Scotia, the property of the African Lakes Company,
had been placed on Lake Mweru. Small townships were

^ Nowadays, however, both Waunga and Wabisa have fallen into line,
having paid their taxes in otter skins.

THE OLD ORDER AND THE NEW 45

laid out at Kasakalawe and Sumbu on Tanganyika, and at
Abercom and Fife on the Plateau. The London Missionary
Society and the mission of the White Fathers shghtly
extended their operations ; the African Lakes Company
established themselves at Sakontwi, Sumbu, and Kasama ;
and a Government farm was started at Ikomba, to preserve
and improve the cattle of the country, which, in native
hands, were fast disappearing. Ox-waggons were at this
time plying along the Stevenson Road, and were proving
satisfactory ; pack-donkeys also, which had been tried for
the first time, were doing well. Most of the telegraph
material went through in 1900. In 1901 the Flotilla
Company established a station at Chienji, on Lake Mweru,
and in 1902 Fife township was moved to higher ground.

From 1900 to 1902 the Plateau was at the zenith of its
prosperity. There was, at that time, a larger European
population than at the present day ; loads were plentiful,
and wealth circulated briskly. But with the completion
of the telegraph construction commercial activity dwindled,
and no further developments arose to replace it. One by
one the trading firms — the Tanganyika Concessions, the
Flotilla Company, the African Lakes — drew in their horns ;
one by one the Europeans, their various tasks completed,
withdrew to other spheres, until only the missionaries and
the administrative officials remained. One by one, too, ad-
ministration stations were closed down as unnecessary, and
in this way Nyala, Mirongo, Koka, Sumbu, being merged
into the headquarters' stations, passed into obhvion. And
then, when commercial depression was at its height, came
the Sleeping Sickness, which — though only temporarily, let
us hope — ^has rung the knell of Plateau progress. During
1908 it was decided to move all natives away from the
shore of Tanganyika, and this measure was promptly
carried into effect, thus invalidating the one great water-
way of the country, and destroying the raison d'etre of all
the coastal settlements, which are now but heaps of ruined
huts. A cordon was drawn round the northern part of the
Plateau bordering upon the lake, and strict surveillance
instituted to prevent natives moving in or out of the

4G THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

area so enclosed. And, for the moment, progress is in
abeyance.

Yet, although commercial development was arrested, the
period from 1903 to the present date has been no mere
empty lacuna, but full of quiet consolidation, improvement
of the country and of the native administration. Of the
estabhshment and development of law and order fuller
details are given in a subsequent chapter. Let it suffice to
quote the opinion of an independent and experienced
southern observer. Mr. P. L. Jenkins, who travelled over
some two thousand miles, and remained eight months in
the country, records his impressions in a most interesting
paper read before the Rhodesia Scientific Association, and
though this paper was written before the advent of the
Sleeping Sickness, it is not without value in exhibiting the
possibilities of the country under happier auspices. Mr.
Jenkins writes :

'Good government has been established by a handful of
officials, and nothing is more striking than the apparent ease
with which everything has been accomplished and is now carried
on . . . the amount of work so quietly done in a few years is
surprising, when you consider the vastness of the country and
the slowness of communication. There are good roads from end
to end of the territory connecting the Government stations with
one another. Swamps are drained, and bridges of poles con-
structed over rivers. The good brick houses at the Native
Commissioners' stations are a pleasing contrast to the wattle-and-
daub camps which are still seen in Southern Rhodesia as
residencies for the principal officials of large districts. Gardens
are laid out and trees planted in all stations. . . . Cotton is
grown in small quantities, and the Government shows com-
mendable energy in experimenting with rubber, grape vines,
and other plants. ... In fact, the efforts of the Company
appear to have been directed towards quietly perfecting the
machinery of administration and exploring the possibilities of
the country.'

So, although this chapter may close in gloom, although it
may seem that we are dealing merely with the history of a
colossal Might-Have-Been, it must be remembered that
there are other chapters yet to come. The records of this

THE OLD ORDER AND THE NEW 47

territory are not yet closed, even if for the moment we are
passing through a phase of gloomy unproductiveness. And
in Africa — indeed throughout the British Empire — terri-
tories which have been won in the very jaws of disease and
at the point of the sword are not lightly cast aside.

48 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

CHAPTER IV

NATIVE LEGAL NOTIONS

No part of the white man's administration is perhaps more
keenly criticised among the natives themselves than that
which concerns the hearing of milandu, or law suits and
palavers, and the dispensation of justice. They are prompt
to mark where the old precedents have been followed, or
where they have been discarded and superseded by new
principles of jurisdiction. The procedure of tribal and
customary law still holds the native mind with a grip that
is not easily shaken off, and this is clearly seen in the bizarre
and eccentric cases which they bring into the native court-
house as fit subjects for its cognisance. One day an angry
father will rush before the Native Commissioner with an
obvious case for divorce on behalf of his daughter, and a
criminal charge for manifest witchcraft. Did not his son-in-
law take his wife's apron into the bush and force it into
the cleft fork of a tree, wherein he had previously wedged
a live snake ? And was not the tortured reptile using so
personal a garment as a connecting Unk, able to project its
angry and vindictive soul into the body of the girl, and
wreak her destruction by its evil influence ?

Another day a woman will sue for damages and divorce
because ' the death was not taken off her body ' at the
proper time and with the proper ceremonies ; or, again, it
is a claim for damages for loss of stock preferred by the
headman and villagers against neglectful parents who have
failed to perform the purification demanded by customary
law after the birth of twins, and so have clearly caused this
loss of livestock. Other more strictly criminal accusations
of witchcraft and poisoning are continually brought up.
Thus, from the point of view of the Native Commissioner,

NATIVE LEGAL NOTIONS 49

the whole subject of native law and its precedents is of such
paramount importance, and deserves such close and exhaus-
tive study, with reference to each tribe, that it is manifestly
impossible to deal adequately with its problems in the
limits of a single chapter. Hence our scope is confined to
the examination in a merely general way of some of the
more prominent native legal notions and conceptions,
illustrated by the customary law of one tribe, that of the
dominant Awemba.

The origins of Plateau tribal law are shrouded in a veil of
truly African mystery, impenetrable yet alluring. Nor
have vaunted modern theories gone far towards the rending
of that veil. The theory of the development of customary
native law through the obhgations of either patriarchal,
matriarchal, or totemistic systems is of doubtful application
here. When one considers how, at every point, native hfe
touches the religious and the supernatural, much evidence
might be adduced to show that customary law may be
merely an ethical and political development of the super-
stitious fears and magical beliefs of primitive rehgion.

Taking native law, however, as we find it, we can clearly
perceive that the fount of justice is the king, supported by
his Council of Elders, the repositories of the ancient wisdom.
How the king attained his position as the recognised and
unquestioned authority in legal matters it is extremely
difficult to say. Doubtless such authority rests ultimately
upon the sanctions of ancestor worship. The king was
' the Son of God ' and of his deified ancestors. Like his
Homeric prototype, his judgments were probably ' assumed
to be the result of direct inspiration from these sacred
sources.' The king in his person held together the bonds
of law and order ; when he died, they were loosened. For
instance, on the death of the king all the villagers dispersed,
and a form of anarchy manifested itself. Any man could
reap his neighbour's garden, or take and kill his sheep and
goats (this practice being known as chisondo or kulya
chilyelye), ' and there was no mulandu, because this was
during the sleeping time of the king.'

And, indeed, the quality of the Wemba justice showed

60 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

that the kings were by no means bhnd to the responsibihties
of this inherited trust. Tradition states that they assidu-
ously attended to their judicial duties, one king, it is said,
dying upon the seat of justice itself, from an obstinate
determination, in spite of his severe illness, to conclude a
case.

Livingstone appears to have been much impressed with
the way in which justice was administered, and describes
a scene which he witnessed at Mwamba's village as follows :
' One old man spoke for an hour on end, the chief Ustening
all the time, with the gravity of a judge, then deHvered his
decision in about five minutes, the successful litigant going
off lullilooing. Each person before addressing him turns
his back to him and lies on the ground clapping his hands.
We had a Uttle talk with the chief, but it was a Uttle late
before the case was ended.' Indeed, the statement made
by a writer in the Journal of the African Society, p. 46,
Oct. 1906, that the trial of offences was conducted by a
chief, whose ' decision was given to the party who could
pay the highest price,' is quite at variance not only with
accounts given by travellers, but also with the present
procedure of chiefs hearing cases at their own villages, far
away from any European station. As in all countries,
certain kings were venal and unjust. But such injustice
was held in check by the council of old men, who were by
no means shy of ' straightening the king's word,' in accord-
ance with precedents which they remembered, or said they
remembered. Moreover, the medicine men would have
their say as to what would be pleasing or unpleasing to the
ancestral spirits. It is true, as the writer above quoted
states, that all members of the royal family w^ere considered
to be above the law ; but even to this there were hmits.
Younger scions of the blood royal, who had overstepped
the bounds in their ill-treatment of commoners, would be
admonished by the king in the words of the proverb — ' I
shall veil my eyes with a goatskin ' — as a hint that he would
punish his offending relative with bhnd equity of justice.
And, accordingly, there are many cases of banishment on
record. It may be said on the whole, with greater truth,

NATIVE LEGAL NOTIONS 51

that severe but substantial justice was the outcome. This,
in fact, is the opinion of a magistrate of very long standing,
who stated that, even immediately after the country had
been taken over, very few cases were brought up to him
for revision, the decisions of the chiefs having been sound
in the main.

Before dealing in detail with the Wemba code, some
phases of the attitude of the common people to the customary
law of the land deserve to be mentioned. First and fore-
most, every Central African is a born lawyer. From child-
hood upward he has been familiarised with the procedure
in innumerable cases heard in the open village courtyard.
or has listened to the accounts of old time decisions, rounded
off by some neat proverb or epigram, and accordingly, when
he has attained to man's estate, the mind of the average
native is a veritable storehouse of past precedents. Should
the need arise, he can act as his own pleader, and set forth
his case with fluency and lawyer-Uke adroitness. It is
doubtless from this early-acquired knowledge and legal
bias that the natives derive the great respect for constituted
authority shown in their singularly law-abiding nature.

Nor was law or its action regarded, as through the more
matter-of-fact focus of modem thought, in the light of a
somewhat ponderous and slow-moving mechanism essential
to the maintenance of social order, but devoid of intrinsic
interest. By our Central African it was considered more
in the light of some living, sentient organism, as a mystical,
sacred, and all-powerful creation lurking in the recesses
of religion and superstition, and protecting its mysteries
from profanation. As will be shown in the chapter upon
Religion, the influence of the medicine man or village priest
cannot be over-estimated. He would never lose any oppor-
tunity of pointing out misfortunes as the result of a breach
of customary observance, until the people began to regard
such lapses with dread and detestation, and as pregnant
with calamity in the future. Some time ago a full-grown
native had to fly to the boma for protection, since his fellow-
villagers, incited by the witch-doctor, were determined to
drown him, and so correct the breach of customary law in

52 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

the past committed by his parents, in having suJSered him
to Uve though chinkula — an ill-omened child. (See p. 180.)

The accepted doctrine of corporate responsibility for
illegal acts enhanced the prestige of customary law in the
eyes of the natives. Its inconsistencies and injustices were
regarded in the more mellow light of family and collective
standards, not thro^\Tl into jagged relief by the fierce and
unkindly flare of modern individuahsm. As Maine points
out, in the case of ancient law the family not the individual
was the legal unit, and, from the native viewpoint, customary
law may be considered as ' filling the interstices ' between
such family units, and adjusting their external relations.
As later, according to the well-known law, the ties of family
were superseded by those of local contiguity, each village
became corporately responsible for the acts of its individual
residents. Native law, considered, as it undoubtedly was
by the natives themselves, as a system of class legislation,
stands unabashed and unassailed in many points which
would not pass unquestioned if brought before the bar of
latter-day jurisprudence. To the Plateau native it seems
natural enough that any one of royal lineage should be
above the law, as being a member of the aristocratic corpora-
tion which dispensed it. Nor was there any apparent
inconsistency in the fact that many ordinances which made
for fair dealing and equity only appfied in the case of blood
relations, connections by marriage, or by blood brotherhood.

Mutilations and the cruellest punishments, M'hich from
modern standpoints may seem merely ' wild spasms of
justice, half punishment, half outrage,' were regarded by
the native as imperative for the maintenance of order in
turbulent times. The idea of lengthy imprisonment as a
punishment for serious crime is entirely foreign to native
conceptions. In several cases, witnesses have openly
alleged their preference for the short and sharp sanctions of
the older regime. ' Why should we take this big mulandu
to the white man, who will only put an iron round the
prisoner's neck, and give him good food and clothing ? '
was the argument used by the avenger in one case, who
promptly took the guilty man to the stream, and drowned

Chief Katiete hearing a case. The hands are clasped in the

CORRECT POSTURE FOR A TaMBO CHIEF WHEN HEARING A CASE.

A Native case in progress.

<;. Stokes, f hot.

NATIVE LEGAL NOTIONS 53

him without more ado. Selling into slavery or domestic
servitude was the nearest approach to the idea of long
service as equivalent to expiation.

Finally, their sense of injustice is abnormally vivid.
Many a man in the olden time would so take to heart what
he considered the unjust decision of the chief in depriving
him of his wives, or causing some other injury to his family,
that he would go straightway from the tribunal and hang
himself from the nearest tree. It may perhaps be mentioned
here that, in native law, the accused was invariably con-
sidered guilty until proved innocent, and, to the present
day, natives cannot understand the assumption of innocence
in EngHsh justice. Again, they cannot understand the
warning, before taking the evidence of the accused in serious
cases, that, if he wishes, he need make no defence to the
charge, so as to avoid incriminating himself ; and it is
impossible to recall any case of the accused having taken
advantage of such warning by standing mute.

Having dealt with some aspects of the mental attitude
of the common people, we may now turn to the actual
procedure in vogue among the dominant tribe.

The Awemba had distinct tribunals, according to the
nature of the offence. The most serious cases were, as we
have mentioned elsewhere, heard in camera by the Waka-
biro, presided over by the king. After secret consultations'
the king would finally deliver as his own the decision of the
elders, the Wakabiro listening in silent approval.

Certain civil cases and less important criminal offences
were heard in the open courtyard by the king himself, sur-
rounded by his Wakabiro and his Wakilolo, who, however,
unless specially called upon, were not supposed to give their
opinions.

The third court, which dealt with the bulk of petty
criminal and the ordinary civil cases AAas that of the
Wakilolo, who, assisted by other village elders, settled such
cases and decreed the fines to be paid, reserving all midandu
in which they thought punishment advisable for the higher
court.

54 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

The District Courts, moreover, in the various villages
were conducted on the same lines ; the judge, who must be
of the king's family, unless special powers had been granted
to him to decide cases, sitting with the elders in the more
serious cases, but trying lesser offences unaided.

These various courts were, however, not the only resources
for htigants. Those who preferred physical pangs to the
' intellectual pleasure of legal procedure ' would appeal to
the mwavi (poison) ordeal, and to various other methods,
which, being a form of evidence, may be discussed more
conveniently later under that head.

The distinction between criminal and civil law was not
clear to the native mind, except in so far that offences
against the king were placed in an entirely different category
and assigned different punishments from those meted out
to similar offences of the common people against each other.
The latter classification is the more convenient in presenting
the following outline of the ordinary penal offences. We
may here recall the dictum that the penal law of ancient
communities is not the law of crimes, but the law of wrongs
and of sins against religion and morality.

I. CRIMES AGAINST THE KING

High Treason. — A spy might report that one of the district
headmen was meditating sedition against Chitimukulu.
In case the culprit were of royal blood, more finesse than
usual would be required, and the king would be compelled
to call in the medicine man and the ' Possessed Chieftainesses
of the Spirit,' who were as useful politically as the Delphic
prophetesses of old. A seance would be held, and these
MJumu ya mipashi would writhe on the ground, groaning
forth dark hints against the suspect, but not mentioning
him by name. Backed by the interpretation of the medicine
man, the king would send for the accused, who would be
at once arraigned before the Wakabiro as having plotted
and woven enchantments against the ' Son of God ' Chiti-
mukulu. The king would then see that the mwavi was
prepared for him. If he swelled up shortly afterwards,

NATIVE LEGAL NOTIONS 55

the king's servants immediately surrounded and killed him ;
his body being cut into small pieces and burnt by the
medicine men. Even if the mwavi test failed, the chief
supporters of this erring headman would be arrested and
sold into slavery, the culprit himself being deprived of all
power, and kept under strict surveillance at the capital.

Adultery with the King's Wives. — Though careful watch
was kept over the king's harem by the wakalume, or royal
servants, both male and female, yet infidelity was by no
means uncommon. In the cases where the adulterer was
caught flagrante delicto, the guilty pair were dispatched by
a spear-thrust through the back. The blood-stained spear
was sent to the father of the frail one, his duty being to find
without delay a more faithful partner for his royal son-in-
law. Where mere undue intimacy was proved, adultery
was nevertheless taken to have occurred, and Chitimukulu
would have the luckless Lothario executed at the principal
gate of the village by gunshot. Women were subjected to
the most atrocious mutilations, but rarely survived when
their breasts had been cut off. In the Wemba country-
it is a common sight to see handless women with their noses
cut off and their ears slit. The adulterers, if not killed
outright, were shockingly mutilated. In one case it is
related that the late Mwamba burned the adulterer and his
partner in shame alive, watching their tortures from a
raised seat. Shortly after this, however, he would seem
to have been stricken with remorse and the dread of Nemesis.
The presiding witch-doctor was therefore ordered to collect
the ashes of the twain, and decoct therefrom a potion, which
was administered to the king, to avert the avenging furies
of evil spirits of the murdered pair, which might otherwise
have hounded him into a fit of madness.

Murder of a King. — Only one instance, and that not well
authenticated, is given of this. In case of the murder of
one of royal blood, the murderer was taken to the principal
gate of the village and there smitten between the eyes
with a knobkerrie, his body being subsequently cut piece-
meal and burned.

56 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

II. OFFENCES BETWEEN EQUALS AND AMONG THE COMMON

PEOPLE

Murder. — Usually the injured clan pursued the murderer,
killing him out of hand, unless he gained sanctuary with the
district headman.

More commercially-minded avengers would bind him and
hold him to ransom, with threats of torture and mutilation,
unless he paid sufficient wer-gild in slaves or calico. If the
crime occurred near the head village, before putting the
murderer to death they would hale him before the chief,
who was, as a general rule, nothing loth to order his execu-
tion. The Wakabiro, if the guilty man were rich, or had
many relatives, would interpose, and the brother of the
deceased would be suitably recompensed, taking as his slave,
in addition, the wife of the murderer. However, if the
murderer were poor, and no extenuating circumstances
appeared, he and all his household were handed over as
slaves to the head of the accusing clan. Where a murder
was committed in a large village, the king would hold the
headman responsible, and the latter would frequently pay
a woman slave or a tusk of ivory to the injured relatives,
recouping himself later by enslaving the murderer's whole
family.

It may here be noted that many extenuating circumstances
were allowed as an excuse for homicide. The statement by
a murderer that he had slain his victim because the latter
had appeared to and cursed him in a dream was taken into
consideration, though a drunken man, or one intoxicated
v/ith bhang, might not plead this in self-defence. On the
other hand, an insane man who killed another in a mad fit
was not held responsible, the relatives ingeniously arguing
that the murdered man must have been a wizard all the
time, else the spirit tenant of the insane body would not
have inspired it to do the deed. But though the madman
personally escaped scot-free, his relatives had to pay for him.
No allowance was made for homicide by accident — e.g. by
gunshot — but the brother of the deceased would spear the
careless owner of the gun without compunction.

NATIVE LEGAL NOTIONS 57

Assaults and GrievoiLS Bodily Harm.— These offences were
atoned by payment.

Adultery. — In cases of adultery between persons of equal
status the adulterer was flogged by the chief and fined in
live-stock and goods to compensate the husband, but the
wife was not put away for the first offence. If, however,
she again misbehaved, she was sent back in disgrace to her
own village, and her parents were in duty bound to replace
her.

When the adulterous pair were taken in the act the
husband slew both. There were no proceedings for murder
or manslaughter against him. He would merely return the
blood-stained spear to his father-in-law, who, by his words
in the ' marriage ceremony,' ' You shall spear the man
who lusts after your wife,' was estopped from taking ven-
geance for the death of his daughter, and was compelled
either to find another daughter or to return the dowry.
In cases where the husband spared the guilty pair, and the
wife was again taken in adultery, the villagers themselves
decreed the punishment. The incontinent wife and her
partner in sin were dragged outside the village and impaled
on sharp stakes, amid the taunts and jeers of the bystanders,
who only desisted when death had stilled their writhing
agonies. If a woman gave birth to a still-bom child, she
was asked to name the adulterer, who was held guilty with-
out further proof, and was called the musoka, or murderer
of the child ; in the same way, if the woman died in child-
birth, the man she named as her lover was called the
murderer until he had satisfied the husband by payment of
heavy damages.

Thejt and Bobbery .—Robhery from strangers was a time-
honoured custom, and the phrase, Kutapatapa chya
Wawemba chyene — ' Steahng is the metier of the Awemba '
— became quite a proverb. Theft of the goods of the king
was usually punished by cutting off the offender's ears.
The evidence as to the punishment for theft of the crops
or of food among persons of equal rank in the same village
is somewhat contradictory. Some of the older men assert

58 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

that, as a general rule, such thefts were never punished,
but others give instances where a fine was inflicted. Again,
accounts are conflicting as to the punishments awarded for
theft from the gardens of the chief. One woman appealed
to the Native Commissioner at Luena to free her from the
domestic slavery which she had undergone for years, because,
when a little child, she had stolen monkey nuts from the
chief's garden. But there can be no doubt that some chiefs
would ignore such thefts ; and among the Amambwe it is
certainly held that the crops of the chief are the food of the
people, since it is his duty to see that his ' children ' do not
starve.

Other forms of theft were punished by flogging, and the
thief had to restore the stolen property or to make it good.
In native law the appropriation of goods found was neither
theft nor larceny, since, as the saying ran, ' ^Vhat is in the
path belongs to all men.'

Perjury. — To speak falsely before the king himself was a
serious offence if touching an important case, but it is obvious
that much latitude was allowed, and the crime was by no
means so heinous as it is considered at the present day.
Those who continually reported their fellow-villagers to the
chief were detested by all, and were sometimes poisoned
for their perjury. ' 'Tis but a jackal howling whenever he
sits on his haunches,' was the scornful taunt at the informer
who was continually squatting before the chief with some
story of outrage. Sometimes such a spy would overreach
himself with false denunciations of innocent people. The
king would then secretly caU for the parties, and if he could
catch the spy tripping in details on confrontation, would tie
him up with the words, ' I shall do a thing to you to-
morrow.' The thing so euphemistically referred to would,
when done, leave the unfortunate spy sightless, or with his
hands cut off as a warning.

We may note that, in the case of murderers or other
serious offenders, the Awemba seem to have had some kind
of arrangement for extradition vnth. the surrounding tribes.
Thus Mukoma, the Winamwanga chief, would send back

NATIVE LEGAL NOTIONS 59

murderers to Cliitimukulii. Again, when the murderer of
Chief Kaoma, a Lungu chieftain, fled to Mwamba's court,
Mwamba, though at war with the tribe, nevertheless handed
him over to the Alungu envoys without demur, since he
had killed a reigning chieftain.

Let us pass on to what may, for convenience' sake, be
termed Civil Law.

Inheritance and Family Succession. — The questions of the
inheritance of wives will be dealt with in Chapter XL

The method of succession to other family property varies
considerably among the different tribes. Among the
Awemba any undue haste in the settlement of the succession
is deemed ill-advised, and likely to be distasteful to the
spirit of the deceased. After a period varying from a few
months to as much as a year, the elders of the family gather
together, and, after much beer drinking, decide as to the
distribution of the goods and chattels. Where the inheritance
is a substantial one, the cattle, goats, sheep, hoes, and other
household effects are handed over to the heir in the presence
of the headman and the assembled villagers as witnesses.
A dying man can set aside the claims of his brother, if the
latter has not treated him well during his hfetime. Regard
is paid to such wishes when uttered in the presence of reliable
witnesses, and the brother is occasionally disinherited in
favour of a son. When cattle are abundant, the heir, as
a concession and not in fulfilment of a righteous demand,
apportions part of the Hve-stock to his younger brothers.
Sisters or daughters of the deceased do not inherit anything
from the father in their own right, though, on the death of
an elder sister, they would inherit her ' belt,' and succeed
to her position.

Land Laws and the System of Tenure. — The problem of
native land tenure is a complex and vexed question all over
Africa. Into the dispute as to whether native tenure can
be described as communal or individuahstic we obviously
cannot inquire in the present chapter. In theory the whole
of the land belongs to the paramount chief, presumably by
right of conquest. This ownership is not absolute, and, in

60 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

fact, it is safer to assert that the chief formerly held the
land, as it were, in communal trust for the people. The king,
for instance, could not sequestrate the village lands nor hand
them over to an alien owner. He could induct his sons as
landlords over large provinces, which they administered,
and from which they collected the customary dues as
described in a previous chapter. But, technically, the
whole country was still his own. Nor could his overseers,
even though of royal blood, dispossess a village of its cor-
porate rights to the surrounding land. All such questions of
productive land between different villages and all boundary
disputes could be settled only by the king himself.

Each village group possessed common rights of grazing
on all the unreclaimed land near the village. In the olden
times the headman divided the land suitable for gardens,
which was, of necessity, close to the village, owing to the
fear of raids, among the various heads of families, and saw
that their respective boundaries were strictly observed.
On the coming of peace and security, as we have seen, this
valuable land-allotment system was discontinued, and family
heads chose their own sites for garden-cutting, which gave
rise to the pernicious system of mitanda. The idea of
individual tenure extending to peculiar rights over property
or any kind of freehold title was foreign to the native mind.
By cutting down a few boughs, or by various other signs,
each cultivator could bespeak a plot of unallotted land for
himself. By subsequently cultivating it he acquired the
right to till it, which was respected only so long as he
continued to work it. No man could sell his plot of ground,
though he could dispose of its standing crops. Under the
common system of cultivation, each owner changed the
position of his garden every year, so that it was unlikely
that such temporary occupation should ever ripen into
true ownership. Moreover, it is clear that, with a population
averaging about two to each square mile, there was no ex-
cessive land greed to strengthen the principle of absolute
ownership.

In deaUng with the question of evidence before native

NATIVE LEGAL NOTIONS 61

tribunals, it is almost impossible to ascertain the exact
truth. Both plaintiff and defendant would be supported
by the evidence of their respective families. The value of
independent witnesses was fully realised, and cases would
sometimes be delayed several days to allow of their appear-
ance. The old men, however, gave their decisions in the
main from intuitive reasoning and comparison with past
cases. To the native mind mere verbal evidence was
insufficient as proof, at least in serious cases. Hence, as
Professor Tylor says, ' Barbaric law early began to call on
magic and divine powers to help in the difficult task of dis-
covering the guilty and getting the truth out of witnesses.'
From this arises the practice of the mwavi ordeal, common
among all Central African tribes. The Awemba ceremony
of the ordeal is very typical of the procedure observed
among the various Plateau races. Though sometimes other
poisonous barks are used, mwavi is usually made from the
bark of a tree the scientific name of which is Erythroplceum
guineense. It is a true poison, and fatal unless vomiting
occurs shortly after the dose.

In the serious mwavi cases the chief sent some of his people
into the bush with the medicine man, carrying a young child
stripped of all his clothing. On arrival at the mwavi tree
(Wikalampungu), they prayed, and laid before the tree an
offering of small white beads — presumably to the spirit
residing in the tree. With a stout log they proceeded to
beat the tree until the bark fell off in strips. Only those
flakes of bark which fell flat down were used for the poison.
They were tied up in a bundle of grass placed in the hands
of the naked child. The people then returned to the village,
the boy being carried on the shoulders of an old man, as his
feet must touch neither water nor mud ; moreover, the
carrier himself must avoid molehills and fallen logs on the
way. The bundle of mwavi was not taken into the village,
but deposited outside, and guarded by a mushika of the
chief, and the medicine man who mixed it. The accused
was compelled to sleep that night outside the village under
close guard. As he was taken thither, the villagers would
intone the ' Song of Witchcraft ' — ' The Mwavi Tree desires

62 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

the father of sorcery ' — and repeat the usual formula, ' If
you have not done this thing, may you survive — but, if
you are guilty, may you die ! ' Early next morning the
suspect was stripped, retaining only a girdle of leaves. If
he still protested his innocence he was given the poisoned
cup, which was sometimes handed to him by a young child.
Swelhng up without vomiting was considered proof positive
of guilt, and unless the chief relented, the suspect would
die with all the symptoms of violent poisoning. In the
more serious cases, such as witchcraft, the poison was almost
invariably allowed to take its course. The body would
then be burned by the medicine man, lest the deceased should
arise again as an evil spirit to plague the village. The chil-
dren, and sometimes the whole family of the accused, were
sold by the chief as slaves to the Arabs.

If, however, the accused vomited, the chief would give
him the ' Prayer of Absolution,' and declare him innocent.
The accusers of the innocent man were then fined heavily
in slaves, live-stock or goods, which reverted to the chief,
who would give part, as compensation, to the injured man.
A good deal of trickery crept into the ordeal procedure.
The accused would, if possible, take an emetic just before
the draught. Instances are also related of the medicine
man being induced by secret gifts to mix an emetic with
the pounded mwavi to cause instant vomiting. Among
some tribes, such as the Senga, wholesale mivavi drinkings
took place. In a village where witchcraft had occurred,
each head of a family was constrained to drink the
potion until the inquiry narrowed down and the guilty
party was discovered. Where the charge involved an
important man or a relative of the king, the mwavi
was given to a cock which Avas held to represent the
accused.

The Boiling-Water Test, in which the accused was made
to plunge his hand into a pot of boiling water and take
therefrom a stone, was more in vogue among the Wabisa
and the tribes to the west. The Trial by Hunting is
described in Chapter XII. In case of theft, the guilty man
was supposed to be discovered by the little ' speaking

NATIVE LEGAL NOTIONS 63

gourd ' (kalubi), by the axehead rubbed against a block of
wood, or by other methods of divination (see Chapter VI.)

In conclusion, we may raise the question. How does the
coming of European law affect native customary law and
procedure ?

In civil cases, the North - Eastern Rhodesia Order in
Council lays down that the Magistrates' Courts ' . . . . shall
be guided by native law so far as that law is not repugnant
to natural justice and morality,' and the King's Regulations
of 1909 contain other directions as to the administration of
justice by Native Commissioners. Year by year, Native
Commissioners, while retaining and assimilating many of the
better features of native law, gradually modify and extend
the native code, relying to a great extent upon native
assessors in unravelling the complex civil cases. The
influence of the justice of the European spreads slowly and
almost imperceptibly, but, nevertheless, along sure and
sound Hnes. Scientific jurisprudence may quarrel with
this system, and point out that, since so much latitude is
allowed to Native Commissioners, widely different precedents
may possibly be created in each division. Such scientists
might advocate that the law applied in this fashion to
natives should be codified, to ensure uniformity. Against
this must be considered the fact that each district is inhabited
by different tribes, among whom the essential ideas both
of criminal and civil law are conflicting. For instance,
among some Plateau tribes, infanticide, the procuring of
abortion, etc., are enjoined by custom, though regarded by
neighbouring races as serious offences. Again, the civil
law varies in every tribe. And, as records of all criminal
sentences are forwarded each month, by Magistrates to the
Judge, by Native Commissioners to the Secretary to the
Administrator for Native Affairs, anomalies, at least, in the
penalties imposed for various offences are, to a certain
extent, controlled. It is highly probable that whatever
might be gained in regularity, precision, and uniformity
by codification would be lost by cramping the present
sympathetic flexibility of native courts under a rigid code.

64 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

This question, however, can of course only be indicated
here, as it is purely a principle of pohcy. One may, how-
ever, quote, as broadly applicable, the opinion of a ' Colonial
Administrator,' who, when dealing with such problems of
native administration, writes as follows in the Journal of
the African Society : ' The answer to this — the kernel of
the nut — is to govern the natives in accordance with their
own laws and customs and their own councils and courts
under supervision . . . except in so far as where certain
customs, such as human sacrifice, death for witchcraft, the
kilhng of twins, and slave dealing, are entirely at variance
with the laws of humanity and civilisation.'

THE ADVENT OF WHITE MAN'S LAW 65

CHAPTER V

THE ADVENT OF WHITE MAN's LAW

There are, upon the Plateau, about twenty administrative
officials, divided into Magistrates or Assistant Magistrates,
Native Commissioners or Assistant Native Commissioners,
and probationers in the Native Department. There are
also three District Surgeons, detailed mainly for Sleeping
Sickness duties, and one Postmaster, With this staff a
native population of roughly 150,000, spread over an area
of fifty thousand square miles, is controlled.

There are neither white troops nor white police. Among
the administrative stations or bomas are distributed about
one hundred men of the North Eastern Rhodesia (native)
Constabulary, in detachments ranging from ten to twenty-
five, each detachment being in charge of a native sergeant
or corporal, under the direct control of the senior official
of the station. There is also a bugler to discourse sweet
music.

These askari, as they are called, are well armed with
Martini-Enfield rifles ; they are smartly uniformed in blue
serge ' jumpers ' and ' shorts ' mth khaki tunics, and the
usual Mackenzie equipment for full dress ; their headgear
consists of a black fez with a tassel, and they drill with the
precision of machines. In the Somaliland campaign of
1902-1904, several Awemba of this corps served with the
King's African Rifles, and won the golden opinions of their
officers for their pluck and disciphne. But, none the less,
it is permissible to doubt whether, in the event of a local
native rising, they would be of much assistance.

In the flrst place — possibly from motives of pohcy — they
receive but little training in shooting. This is weU enough,
regarded from the viewpoint of their being unable to turn

66 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

their arms against the white man, but obviously a man
who cannot shoot straight enough to injure his superior will
fail to inflict much damage upon that superior's enemy,
should occasion arise. The matter is one which has received
much attention in Southern Rhodesia, and it would be
unprofitable to discuss the ethics of it here. As a matter
of fact, volley firing into dense masses of natives at close
quarters, which would probably be the class of fighting
that the native pohceman would be called upon to perform,
does not require much accuracy of aim. Besides which,
the N.E.R.C. is essentially a civil force. ^

There is, however, a sensible disadvantage in the fact
that the corps is recruited, in many cases, from the very
tribes against which, in the event of trouble, its members
would be arrayed. In Somaliland this was all very well.
The Mullah and his followers were, for all practical purposes,
beings from another planet ; our men had nothing in
common with them, and spitted them as gaily and with
just as Httle compunction as they would the domestic goat.
But in warfare a outrance traitors would undoubtedly
arise ; indeed, treason would in such a case be a harsh word
to use, seeing that blood is admittedly thicker than water.
Perhaps at least two-thirds of the civil force could be
composed of men not belonging to local tribes ; thus the
Awemba district might be policed with Yaos, Atonga, or
Washinga, who would in wartime be staunch to Europeans.
For the rest, these pohce of ours have their faihngs, hke
the remainder of mankind. The abuse of power is, doubt-
less, a very human characteristic ; more especially when
to that power, supervised though it be, there is finked the
glamour of a tasteful uniform, free rations (or ration allow-
ance), and 5s. per month. Womenkind are apt, in Africa
as elsewhere, to follow the drum, and it is to be feared that
the responsibihty for many a domestic tragedy lies at the
door of the gallant askari.

None the less a Magistrate of long standing has given it

^ For many years the British South Africa Company has paid an annual
subsidy of over £7000 to the Government of Nyasaland, for defence by the
soldiers of the King's African Rifles,

THE ADVENT OF WHITE MAN'S LAW 67

as his opinion that, considering their extensive powers, the
civil force of North-Eastem Rhodesia compares favourably
with that of any other country.

The native messenger, if his numbers were increased,
would become a most useful asset in the administration of
the country. Clad in a serviceable uniform of blue canvas
with red facings and a red fez, he is a civilian pure and
simple — the black counterpart of the genial Robert of the
London streets. Now and again, no doubt, he may abuse his
position ; but, for the most part, he discharges his duties
with a faithful conscientiousness that would do credit to
any white man.

However, fortunately for us all, there is at present no
cloud upon the horizon. The native has no cause for
complaint ; his condition, compared with that of his
brethren in the south, is the condition of an angel in
paradise.

The all-pervading difference lies, no doubt, in the question
of the white population. In many parts of South Africa
the native plays a secondary part. His land has been
wrested from him ; he is penned in reserves which, owing
to the policy of taking the cash and letting the credit go —
in other words, renting out the land to farmers and large
land compaines, who, in many cases, look to the taxation
of the squatting native as their main source of revenue —
are year by year becoming too small to hold him. And,
in the south, the inferior class of European is much in
evidence. The native is at the mercy of uneducated shop-
keepers, boilermakers, railway-gangers, and the like ; as a
natural result he acquires a meretricious veneer of civihsa-
tion, but at heart becomes more debased than his ancestors
ever were. Moreover, this class of employer takes no pains
to understand him, is at no trouble to learn his tongue,
regards him simply as a labour machine.

It may be doubted whether the mines exercise an entirely
salutary influence upon the north-country native. All sorts
and conditions are there herded together ; vice of every
kind flourishes exceedingly, even to unnatural crimes which,
says Duff in Nyasaland under the Foreign Office, are held

68 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

in detestation by the native of British Central Africa.
Mining centres are usually the scenes of hard drinking among
the Europeans. And yet, granting the foregoing, it cannot
be gainsaid that the average north-country native returns,
after a year on the mines, more of a man than he was before.

Upon the Plateau, indeed, conditions are very different.
There are no mines, no big gangs of organised labour. The
country, as a whole, is an abstemious one, so far as the
whites are concerned ; partly, no doubt, because spirits
are not only expensive, but often impossible to obtain
without considerable delay. The majority of the white
population consists of missionaries and officials, to the
interest of both which classes it is to show the native a good
example. Trade is practically in the hands of the African
Lakes Corporation, who are involved root and branch with
early missionary enterprise, and who insist upon a high
standard of sobriety being observed by their employees.
The general condition of the native is higher, not because
he has risen above that of his southern brother, but because
he has never sunk below the savage level ; while the practice
of instructing native clerks and artisans at mission schools,
and training them in the Government workshops and
departmental offices at Fort Jameson, provides the country
with a class of skilled labourers and clerks which, farther
south, is filled almost entirely by alien natives from the
Cape, Portuguese Territory, or the Transvaal.

The policy, too, of leaving responsibihty for good govern-
ment to a great extent in the hands of tribal chiefs is fol-
lowed. Once the native has paid his yearly Hut Tax, his
duty as a citizen is discharged. All work which he does is
paid for at a fixed rate, which, in the case of transport,
may perhaps even be termed excessive — inflated probably
by early ' booms,' from which the country is slowly and
thankfully recovering. He realises that he can, if he wish,
attend school and rise in the social scale, or that he can
continue in the simple rut along which his father moved
before him. For the most part, at present he prefers to
live in his village ; but even here his wants are on a more
ample scale than those of his fellows in Southern Rhodesia.

Chief Mpolokoso entering the ' Boma.'

GtbsoH Hall. phot.

--■-a

KOPA, PARAMOTNT BiSA CHIEF.

/- . H. Meilaiul. phot.

THE ADVENT OF WHITE MAN'S LAW 69

His crops include sweet potatoes, beans, peas, pumpkins,
millet, Indian corn — and this higher scale of necessities is
bound in the end to produce a higher scale of civilisation.
This civilisation to come is being fostered in the right way —
by patient leading rather than by unsympathetic driving.
The homa is his friend, his family solicitor ; he comes to it
in trouble and perplexity, sure of help, advice, and redress.
And every Bwana ranks as a friend, not as a master pure
and simple, not only as the fountain-head of money where-
from to screw out a month's wages with a minimum of
work.

The proof of the pudding is in the eating. Though North-
Eastern Rhodesia has hitherto been under the supervision
of the Governor of the Nyasaland Protectorate, his duties,
in our regard, were not very arduous. The Colonial Office
scarcely interferes in our concerns, for the simple reason
that there is no necessity to do so. Since the occupation
of the country, more than a decade and a half ago, with
the exception of one or two trivial affairs, not a shot has
been fired in enmity. Each year the Administrator tours
tlie country, visiting every station ; chiefs, headmen, com-
moners are then given ample opportunity to air whatever
grievances they may possess, and high-handedness or oppres-
sion on the part of district officers would be promptly dealt
with.

None the less, it may perhaps be possible to overstep
the mark in the matter of paternal administration. As an
instance of this, it ma}?" be that more might be garnered
from the country in the shape of taxation than is actually
received. Indeed, in the Order in Council provision is
made for an increase of the tax, if necessary, to five shillings
per hut, and such increase would probably be met without
any great hardship to the native.

For he, the native, accepts the theory of taxation as a
necessary part of administration. Under his o^^^l chiefs he
was accustomed to statute labour {mulasa), and, as Father
Guilleme, the head of the French mission, once wisely
remarked, ' A native does not respect an administration to
which he does not pay tribute.' So the native pays when

70 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

he can, and, when it is inconvenient, bows cheerfully to the
necessity for completing a term of work for the State as a
prisoner.

The lot of the gaol-bird is not excessively hard, though
philanthropists in Europe may raise their hands in pious
horror at their black brethren being chained by the neck
to their fellow-criminals. With us the gang-chain is a
necessity. It is lightly constructed, the total weight that
is borne by each man (including the collar) being only one
and a half pound, and, with the limited poUce-force at our
disposal, it is essential to prevent escapes. That the prisoner
himself would welcome its abolition goes without saying,
but that point is strongly in favour of its retention, since
it undoubtedly acts as a deterrent more than any other
factor in gaol discipline. Besides, it must be remembered
that neither compulsory silence nor solitary confinement
exists in our native prisons.

Unfortunately the gang-chain detracts to an appreciable
extent from the capacity of the prisoner to perform com-
plicated work of any description, since the movements of
his three brothers of the chain have to be carefully watched
and synchronised with his own. But, as the usual work
of the hard-labour prisoner consists in such tasks as hoeing,
bush-clearing, stone-breaking, carrying mould or water,
and jobs of a similar kind, that objection need not be dwelt
upon too insistently.

The gaol-prisoner rises at 5.30, cleans the gaol, break-
fasts, and is at work at 7 a.m., gangs of twenty or so
working under the supervision of an armed askari. From
12 to 1.30 he feeds and enjoys a siesta. At 1.30 he resumes
work, which continues till within an hour of sunset, when
he collects firewood for his own use and that of his guards
during the night. Female prisoners, needless to say, are
not chained ; they work within the gaol precincts, grinding
corn and preparing the food of the males.

A system of daily good conduct marks is in force, whereby
every long-sentence prisoner — one, that is, sentenced to
any term of more than six months — may earn a remission.
And, in the background, is the chikoti, or hippopotamus-

THE ADVENT OF WHITE MAN'S LAW 71

hide whip, which, hke the cane, is nevertheless used but
sparingly, and only in cases of gross misconduct.

The diet of the native prisoner is generous enough— quite
as generous, indeed, as that to which he has been accustomed.
It consists usually of two pounds of meal— which is his own
staple food— and the ordinary salt ration, but it is supple-
mented by potatoes, beans, peas, and even meat. In one
particularly bad year, when food was scarce throughout a
certain district, beef or buck figured frequently on the gaol
menu, and more than once a grand battue of pigeons was
resorted to to eke out the fare.

The crime of prison-breach is sufficiently rare to constitute
an event. And this is not so much from lack of opportunity
as from a certain philosophic apathy on the part of the
native himself. He realises that, even if he effect his escape
—which will be at the risk of Ufe or limb— he will be a man
proscribed, and his future existence will be barely worth the
hving. His own village will be barred to him, for every
village is visited periodically, and every man's name is
known. True, he might, in the northern districts, make for
the German or Belgian frontiers, but, more especially since
the introduction of the Sleeping Sickness regulations, the
chances are all in favour of his being stopped and rearrested
by one of the Border Guards. So keenly, indeed, does the
native realise that he has but little chance of ultimately
evading justice, that in nearly every case of crime the
deHnquent, if not rearrested, surrenders within a very
short space of time. Negrophiles may see in this the work-
ings of a rudimentary conscience — the more cynical official
will say that it is due to reahsation, on the part of the
native, of the many dangers from wild beasts, exposure,
and the like which attend the homeless refugee in an
uncivihsed country. No doubt, too, the native law of
village responsibihty — which in some ways resembles the
old frank pledge, inasmuch as the relatives consider that
they are in some sort hostages to the homa — is of untold
value to the district official who wishes to effect an arrest
for some serious crime. In one instance, where a native
had murdered a pohceman, the whole village spoored him

72 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

for ten days through the vast swamps that lie around Lake
Bangweolo, and finally captured him.

Besides, on the whole, the native prisoner is happy enough.
True, he has not his womenkind with him ; but he is housed,
fed, and clothed, works only five and a half days a week,
and receives medical treatment for the sHghtest indisposition.
Contrasted with the terrors of his own primitive penal code—
a code that prescribed mutilation or death for many offences
which we punish hghtly or not at all— the rigours of im-
prisonment under the white man's law are not excessive.
It is only to be marvelled at that he is as law-abiding as he is.

Capital punishment exists, and, in all cases of murder,
the sentence is passed, though of late years it has rarely
been carried out, save in cases of exceptional brutality.
This method of execution is not unknown to the native ;
indeed, the Awemba recognise it as a suitable means of
suicide. But the native fashion is to pull upward, not to
drop downward, resulting in strangulation rather than in
spinal dislocation. A case occurred recently in which a
condemned criminal, on receiving the warning, instinctively
raised himseK upon tiptoe.

Capital charges are heard by Magistrates and Assistant
Magistrates, who pass sentence, and forward the records
to headquarters for the approval of the Judge of the High
Court. He, in turn, if the death penalty appears necessary,
again forwards the records for the necessary confirmation,
and, should that confirmation be obtained, it becomes the
gruesome duty of the Magistrate to see the sentence carried
out. But, as was before indicated, such cases are rare.

Here on the Plateau we five under Enghsh law, in dis-
tinction to Southern Rhodesia, where Roman Dutch law
prevails. The criminal offences are, therefore, the same
as m England, with the addition of such as arise from local
conditions, such as smugghng ivory and rubber, the con-
struction of staked game-pits and elephant traps, and the

Uke.

The practice of staking game-pits is a serious one, and,
from its very nature, most difficult to suppress. In the old
days, before the advent of the white man, the whole country,

THE ADVENT OF WHITE MAN'S LAW 73

except in the immediate vicinity of villages, must have been
riddled with these pits — veritable death-traps, six to eight
feet deep, covered over with a layer of grass and twigs, and
provided with pointed stakes which ensured the certain, if
lingering, death of animal — or human — that might chance
to blunder into them.

And nowadays — notwithstanding the rigorous prohibition
of the Government, the heavy penalties inflicted, the un-
ceasing watchfulness of district officials — these pits are still
constructed, though, naturally, in more secluded spots.
Some years ago an official fell into one, though luckily he
escaped injury. Quite recently a friend of one of the writers
wandered round such a game-pit, all unwittingly, for half
an hour in pursuit of game, until its existence was pointed
out to him by his gun-bearer. Cases of death from this
cause are of annual occurrence among natives ; but the
average native holds human life cheap, and knows that it
is difficult, in such cases, to fix the responsibihty upon any
one individual. Probably, too, he considers that any one
who is fool enough to fall into such a pit deserves all he
gets, since the sharp eye of the hunter usually detects the
difference between the surface of the pit and the surrounding
soil, and, moreover, such pits are in nearly every case con-
structed at the foot of antheaps, since buck are in the habit
of moving round about such heaps in search of cover, or of
ascending them to spy out the land. None the less, the
practice is one which, both from its callous cruelty and from
the perils which it adds to existence, needs suppression with
a heavy hand.

Another fertile source of criminal cases lies in the practice
of building mitanda or temporary huts. In the days before
the advent of European government, it was the practice — ■
more especially among the Awemba and kindred tribes —
to sally forth with their chiefs from the viUage, at certain
times of the year, and to occupy temporary huts constructed
of twigs, branches, and plastered mud. The practice is an
integral part of the system of cultivation known as chitemene,
that is, the lopping of branches over a certain area, hauHng
them together, firing them, and planting upon the soil,

74 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

which, rightly or Avrongly, was supposed to have been
efifectually manured by the influence of the early rains upon
the resultant ash. Nowadays such scattered settlements
are in conflict with the orderly system of district administra-
tion. It is recognised that old established customs are not
to be lightly prohibited. The system of chite7nene is not
forbidden, unless trees are lopped wastefully, or at un-
reasonable distances from the villages. None the less, an
effort has been made to bring both vitemetie and mitanda
into line with the necessities of district inspection. The
Native Commissioner has his work cut out to visit the
villages of his division each year ; such supervision would
be impossible were each family head permitted to construct
mitanda when and where he pleased, to say nothing of the
gradual deforestation of the country which must inevitably
result from AA-idely spread vitemene. However, the native
still clings to his ancient customs, and notwithstanding the
various pains and penalties, which include the confiscation
of his game-nets, the burning of his temporary huts, and the
like, mitanda are still built and vitemene still continue.

Indeed, the position of the Native Commissioner is no
sinecure. He is the guide, philosopher, and friend, arbiter
and judge of anything from fifteen to fifty thousand primitive
persons, who live scattered over perhaps four thousand
square miles of almost virgin country, and whose ideas upon
practically every subject under the sun are widely divergent
from those of the average European. It is his duty to keep
the people of his division quiet, happy, and contented ;
equally is it his duty to see that their taxes are punctually
paid. Recently his power to flog was taken from him ;
now he may inflict ten lashes, may sentence up to six
months' imprisonment, may fine up to ten pounds. With
this meagre equipment of possible penalties he is set down
to deal with whatever circumstances may arise ; the more
serious cases going to his superiors.

And he has many difficulties to contend with. Beer, for
one thing ; bhang for another ; witchcraft for a third ; the
eternal feminine, perhaps most troublesome of all ; and
fifthly, or millionthly, any possible combination of all four.

THE ADVENT OF WHITE MAN'S LAW 75

So far it has not seemed advisable for Government to legis-
late especially against bhang, or the breach of marriage laws.
Some officials will uproot hemp if they find it ; others con-
sider that it lies outside their jurisdiction. Dissensions
regarding marriage, divorce, abduction, and the like consti-
tute nine-tenths of the daily work of a Native Commissioner ;
the only consolation being that the native thinks but little
of civil justice unless he pays for it, so that every small
mulaTidu brings in fees to sM'ell the annual revenue of the
division.

But the administration of the country still goes on, and,
considering the innumerable difficulties, most creditably.
The Native Commissioner, backed by his capitaos or station
big-wigs, his police, his messengers, his chiefs, and headmen,
at least justifies his existence.

Before going further, it may be interesting to study the
principal statutes that govern the actions and decisions
of district and divisional officials. First in importance, as
laying dowTi the broader lines of native policy, come the
Native Commissioners' (King's) Regulations of 1908, and
the rules made under them by the Administrator of the
territory.

Covering as they do several pages, it is impossible to do
more than select their more salient points for reference.
Briefly, then, they define the magisterial jurisdiction of
Native Commissioners, Acting Native Commissioners, and
Assistant Native Commissioners. They provide limits of
sentences of imprisonment, flogging, and fine. They pro-
vide also for civil jurisdiction, and for the keeping of proper
case and record books, and empower the Administrator to
appoint and prescribe duties for chiefs, headmen, and native
messengers.

Under the rules at present in force, the duties of a tribal
chief are, mainly, the reporting of misconduct on the part
of messengers, the supply of men for defence and the sup-
pression of disorder within the territory, responsibility for
the general good conduct of natives in his charge, the
prompt notification of crimes, deaths, and epidemics among
his people or their stock, due pubHcation of orders and

76 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

notices, the nomination of district headmen, notification of
arrivals of newcomers in his district, and assisting the official
in collecting hut tax.

The principal duties of district headmen lie in the direc-
tion of assisting their chiefs. They are responsible to those
chiefs for the good conduct of the people, and prompt
notification of unusual occurrences. They rank as constables
within their sub-districts, and may effect arrests in certain
cases, and they are required to assist native messengers to
the best of their ability.

Native messengers are charged with the duties of con-
veying messages, of warning natives of collection of hut
tax, of summoning parties in civil cases, and of reporting
irregularities and crimes. Full provision is made for suitable
punishments for neglecting or exceeding their duties.

With regard to the supply of liquor to natives, stringent
regulations are in force, a penalty not exceeding five hundred
pounds, or, in default, imprisonment with hard labour for
not more than six months, being provided for a first offence,
and an increased term of imprisonment for each subsequent
offence.

Special regulations apply to the illegal removal of cattle,
the unauthorised purchase of cattle from natives, possession
of firearms by natives, the export of ivory and rubber, and
the collection of the latter.

The giving of credit to natives beyond twenty shillings,
in regard to the sale of goods, by any person not a native
of the territory is prohibited.

Special and exhaustive regulations are in force with regard
to the recruiting of natives for service both within and
without the territory.

Stringent regulations for the suppression of witchcraft
have recently been published (Government Notice 19 of
1910, 17th July 1910), which provide penalties ranging from
two hundred and fifty pounds fine, thirty-six lashes, and
seven years' imprisonment with hard labour, to imprison-
ment for six months.

There is but httle need to dwell upon the maintenance

l:'kl:^<->M'.K,- IN lHAIN-. — Al.l. .\U K 1 il.U 1.1. -.

The English Mail.

5. SeoJ!^es, phnt.

THE ADVENT OF WHITE MAN'S LAW 77

of law and order among the white population. The per-
manent residents are too few in number to embrace many
of the criminal class ! Now and again a luckless European
may be haled before the powers that be upon a charge of
infringing the game laws, shooting a cow elephant — which
was until lately illegal — or breaking Sleeping Sickness regula-
tions, but these are matters which are usually adjusted by
the payment of a fine. Now and again — very, very rarely —
a D.B.S. or Distressed British Subject may misbehave him-
self en passant. But we do not encourage wanderers of this
class, and, as a result, they are few and far between. In
fact, upon the rare occasions upon which it becomes neces-
sary to imprison a white man, the question of where to put
him, and how to treat him, becomes rather a difficult one
to decide. There is usually a European cell available,
but one is reluctant to degrade a white man to the level of
a native convict for anything less than a very serious crime.
And for the same reason it is practically impossible to put
him to work with the black gangs, except in the capacity of
foreman. So the white prisoner undergoes a period of
enforced inactivity, is provided with hterature, and is given
a tot at sundown to keep his spirits up.

Rather an amusing incident occurred recently at a station
in the south — not upon the Plateau, though it might equally
well have happened anywhere north of the Zambesi. A
European was alleged to have stolen some dynamite, was
arrested in a state of hilarious drunkenness, and was bestowed
for the night in a brick store, in the hopes that next morning
he would be in a fit state to be examined. Upon the store
being opened next day, however, the last state of that
prisoner was found to be considerably worse than the first.
The mere word ' drunk ' failed most lamentably to describe
his condition ; and, moreover, there Avas a distinct aroma
of freshly opened whisky in the air.

The authorities were dumbfounded. For the man had
been carefully searched overnight, and, to the best of their
knowledge, the store had contained only a few cases of station
requisites. The case assumed more aggravating aspects
from the fact that in the official mess there was at the time

78 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

a drought of alcohol ; indeed, the prisoner appeared to be
the only man who had had anything to drink for some
weeks. But a close examination revealed the fact that
one of the cases in the store consisted of whisky, under the
disguise of ' medical comforts,' and the festive prisoner,
having had all night in which to make the discovery, had,
naturally enough, broached the case, and knocked off the
necks of several bottles.

Upon another occasion a gentleman who had been edu-
cated as a locksmith, finding himself behind a door which
was secured only by a cheap American padlock, proceeded
to pick his way out, and, upon being reincarcerated,
repeated the performance at intervals until daybreak.

But, as we have said before, the consideration of white
malefactors is merely a ' side issue ' ; and the native, taking
him ' by and large,' is no confirmed criminal. Possibly this
may be due to the sharpness of the contrast between his
primitive barbarity and his present security. Nowadays,
though the younger generation may still hanker after the
picturesque past, the old men, at least, realise the benefits
of European rule. One has only to listen to camp-fire talk
of old wars and mutilations — not so distant, either, in mere
point of time — to realise how the attitude has changed.
Nowadays, too, they have precedents of white-made law,
constituted by the case-books of the various stations, and
your native, being a born litigant, is quick to note and to
compare. More especially, perhaps, has the general attitude
changed in regard to contract, the whole idea of which was
formerly unknown. As Miss Werner says in the Natives
of British Central Africa, ' the native has a substantial
sense of justice,' and this very sense of justice has led him
to assimilate the code of the white man, and to appreciate
it, even while he may not invariably act up to its precepts.

To summarise briefly : our advent has been followed by
many very definite results, of which the most important
are, perhaps, the estabhshment of peace with such com-
parative ease, and its maintenance with the minimum of
effort ; the lavishing of education upon the native by the

THE ADVENT OF WHITE MAN'S LAW 79

White Fathers, the London Missionary Society, and other
missionary bodies ; the almost total absence of crime ; the
complete cessation of raids and mutilations ; the quiet
consolidation of native administration ; the increase of
white population and revenue, more especially in the south-
west ; the present security of the natives as contrasted
with the grim tragedies of their past history, and the
abolition of the Arab slave trade.

Our sojourn in the country has been short, but by no
means barren of result ; and, surely, any administration
might point with pride to a territory where so many and
such vital amehorations in the lot of the people had been
carried out so swiftly and so successfully.

80 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

CHAPTER VI

ANIMISM AND WITCHCRAFT

Our Plateau native is emphatically a man of religiosity
rather than a man of religion. How completely his whole
life is obsessed by the precedents of superstition, and con-
trolled by ritual observance, is shown in the succeeding
chapters on native custom. He is far more of a formalist
than a clear, free, and fearless thinker, and hence arises
much of that vagueness of thought which is so tantalising
to the m odern observer.

At the very outset in the native idea of God, we find that
mystic formlessness which defies modern analysis.

Throughout the numerous tribes from Tanganyika to the
Zambesi, although we find the same word Leza indicating
the existence of a Supreme Being, yet this term does not
connote any clearly defined idea of God, whose attributes,
at least among the Plateau tribes, are still in process of
evolution.

In the first stage of thought, Leza seems to be regarded
more as a nature force than as a personal deity. Thunder,
lightning, earthquakes, rain, and other phenomena of
nature are grouped together under this word, as being the
manifestations of Leza.

Gradually, however, a second phase of thought appears,
in which, owing to the influence of Animism, Leza emerges
as a personal deity, the greatest of all the spirits. Now, to
the Awemba, the thunder is ' God Himself who is angry,'
the lightning is the ' Knife of God.' He is said to be the
creator of life and death. According to the well-known
Wemba fable, God created two of the common people, who
increased and multiplied and replenished the earth. To this
first man and woman Leza gave two small bundles, in one

ANIMISM AND WITCHCRAFT 81

of which was hfe (Bumi), in the other death (Mfwa), where-
upon the man unfortunately chose ' the little bundle of
death.' Yet, apart from his experiments in creation, Leza
stands aloof. Serene and imperturbable he controls the
heavens, but does not concern himself with the destinies
of mortal men. In keeping with this idea, there is no idea
of God as a moral being, against whom it is possible to sin
by breaches of the moral law, which, however, the lesser
spirits are prompt to mark and avenge. Leza still remains
the ' incomprehensible ' {Leza ni shimwelenganya). ' How
otherwise,' say the Wemba old men, ' has he caused the
firmament, the sun, moon, and stars to abide over our
heads without any staypoles to uphold them ? ' ' Were
Leza by himself,' say the Walambia, 'we should never die of
disease, it is the evil spirits and their aUies the wizards who
cause swift death.' Leza only brings at the fit and proper
time the gentle dehcate death of old age {Mfwa Leza).
Among many of the ancient tribes who still dwell in the
mountain fastnesses of the North Luangwa district this
theory of an impassive God still obtains.

But among the more progressive tribes, such as the Wabisa
and Awemba, a further stage of this idea has been reached,
in which Leza takes an interest in human afifairs, and though
not yet prayed to, is invoked {kulumhula) by his names of
praise, in which his attributes are gradually unfolded, and
he assumes protective and judicial functions over mankind.
The Cunning Craftsman, the Great Fashioner, the Nourisher,
the Unforgetful, the Omniscient, are all to be found as
propitiatory names of Leza. Leza is again the receiver of
the souls of men after death. The soul of men, according
to the Awiwa, goes down to kuzimu ku Leza, to the spirit
world to God, who is not only controller of the heavens,
but also acts as judge and arbitrator for the spirits.

Yet, as far as the dominant Wemba tribe is concerned,
the cult of Leza is outside their ordinary rehgion. There
is no direct access to him by prayer or by sacrifices, which
are made to Mulenga and the other great tribal and ancestral
spirits instead. For upon such Animism is founded the
whole fabric of Wemba religion.

82 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Two distinct names are found, indicating two different
classes of spirits, viz., the Mipashi, or ancestral spirits,
and the Milungu, who approximate closely to ' nature
spirits.'

Of Awemba llihmgu, the principal is Mulenga, who is
approached in euonymous prayers as a benevolent spirit.
Mulenga can grant abundant rains and plenteous harvests.
But in reality he is chiefly propitiated from dread of his
mahgnant powers, which he exercises at the least offence.
In Chapter VIII. we find the great rinderpest of 1894
ascribed to Mulenga, who stalked through the country like
an angel of death, and became the father of albino children.
Mulenga is usually worshipped through his priest, the
kasesema, or prophet, through whom offerings are made.
In 1909 one of these prophets, called Muchihngwa, caused a
good deal of trouble during an epidemic of severe dysentery
by asserting that this was a visitation from Mulenga, who
had been neglected by Chief Muwanga, and that the disease
could alone be stayed by suitable offerings and respect shown
to his priest.

The Milungu, being nature spirits, are mainly entreated
to send rain and to fertihse the crops, and they reside
in the hills, mountains, and great rivers. Mr. Gibson Hall,
in notes we have previously referred to, mentions such a
nature spirit as existing among the Walungu, called Chisya,
dwelhng in a mountainous region of the same name. This
god is evidently the spirit of the heights, and is dihgently
tended by a priest who takes the name of the god, and acts
as intercessor between the god and his people. Kapembwa,
another spirit of the rain, worshipped on the shores of
Lake Tanganyika, was first visited by Mr. W. R. Johnston
(the late Native Commissioner) by boat, when that official
and the paddlers narrowly escaped with their lives owing
to a storm suddenly arising and capsizing the canoe. This
circumstance added to the fame and power of Kapembwa,
who is supposed to have resented the visit.

The Mipashi, or ancestral spirits, may be divided into two
main classes. First, the spirits of the departed chiefs
publicly worshipped by all the tribe, and what may be

ANIMISM AND WITCHCRAFT 83

called the domestic spirits, worshipped 2'^^"v«^eZ?/ by each
head of the family.

The priestesses of the spirits of the dead chiefs are called
the ' wives of the departed,' and were represented by certain
elderly women who lived a celibate life. At the capital of
Chitimukulu they swept out the ghost huts (mafuba) of the
chiefs, and, as we shall see in Chapter XII., attended to the
burial huts at the sepulchre at Mwaruli. The aid of the
departed chiefs was evoked in time of war, in period of
drought, and special offerings were made at their shrines
at harvest time (see Chapter XVIII.).

These royal spirits possessed the power of temporary
possession and of reincarnation.

One form of temporary possession is in the bodies of
men or women. When the spirit comes over a man he
begins ' to roar like a lion,' and the women gather together
and beat the drums, shouting that the chief has come to
visit the village. The possessed person, while the spirit
is in him, wiU prophesy as to future wars, and warn the
people of approaching visitations by lions. During the
period of possession he eats nothing cooked by fire, but
only unfermented dough. The functions of mfumu ya
mipashi (chiefs of the spirits) are usually performed by
women. These women assert that they are possessed by
the soul of some dead chief, and when they feel the ' divine
afflatus,' whiten their faces to attract attention, and anoint
themselves with flour, which has a religious and sanctifying
potency. One of their number beats a drum, and the others
dance, singing at the same time a weird song, with curious
intervals. Finally, when they have arrived at the requisite
pitch of rehgious exaltation, the possessed woman falls to
the ground, and bursts forth into a low and almost inarticu-
late chant, which has a most uncanny effect. All are silent
at once, and the hashing' anga (medicine men) gather round
to interpret the voice of the spirit. In the old time many
men and women were denounced as icaloshi (sorcerers) by
these possessed women, whereupon the accused, unless
protected by the king, or wilhng to undergo the ordeal,
were instantly killed or mutilated.

84 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

The spirits of departed chiefs may become reincarnated
in animals. The Mambwe paramount chief or the Sokolo
becomes reincarnated in the form of a young hon (see Chap-
ter XII.), and Bisa and Wiwa chiefs become reincarnated
in pythons. In one of the rest-houses on the Stevenson
Road, near Fife, hved a tame python, which waxed fat on the
sour beer and fowls offered to it by the Winamwanga, who
reverenced in it their ancestral spirit Chief Kachinga. One
day, alas ! the deity so far forgot himself as to dispute the
ownership of the rest-house with a German cattle-dealer who
was passing by ; whereupon his hiss of disapproval was
silenced by a charge of S.S.G., and the worshippers of
Kachinga saw him no more !

Though the spirits of the chiefs may have ' resting-places '
in hills or rocks, they are quite distinct from the veritable
mature spirits, or Milungu, since they are not confined to
any definite spot, though usually worshipped near their
burying-ground. There is no idea of a good spirit being
confined to one special spot Hke the Oread nymphs of classical
folklore. Small grass shrines are as a rule placed under-
neath some shady tree, because it is considered to be a good
and convenient resting-place for the spirit to come to and
to take the offering and hear the petition or prayer.

To turn to those spirits which may be called domestic, as
being the subject of private family worship. Such spirits
are prayed to by the head of the family, who acts as a
priest for the other younger members. Among the Awemba
there is no special shrine for these purely family spirits,
who are worshipped inside the hut, and to whom family
sacrifice of a sheep, a goat, or a fowl is made, the spirit
receiving the blood spilt on the ground, while all the members
of the family partake of the flesh together. For a religious
Wemba man the cult of the spirit of his nearest relations
(of his grandparents, or of his deceased father, mother, elder
brother, or maternal uncle) is considered quite sufficient.
Out of these spirit relatives a man will worship one whom
he considers as his special famihar, for various reasons.
For instance, the diviner may have told him that his last
illness was caused because he had not respected the spirit

ANIMISM AND WITCHCRAFT 85

of his uncle ; accordingly he will be careful in future to
adopt his uncle as his tutelary spirit. As a mark of such
respect he may devote a cow or a goat to one of the spirits
of his ancestors. Holding the fowl, for instance, in his hands,
he will dedicate it, asking the spirit to come and abide in
it, upon which the fowl is let go, and is afterwards called
by the name of the spirit. If the necessities, however,
of the larder demand that it should be killed, another animal
is taken, and the spirit is asked to accept it as a substitute !
Before beginning any special task, such as hoeing a new
garden, or going on a journey, Wemba men invoke their
tutelary spirits to be with them and to assist their efforts,
in short ejaculatory prayers usually couched in a set formula.
Among many of the tribes in the North Luangwa district
longer formal prayers are still made to all the deceased
ancestors of the clan at the time of harvest, asking them
to protect the crops and to drive away illnesses and evil
spirits from the family, which honours them with libations of
beer and offerings of the first-fruits. As we shall see later, ^
the spirit of an ancestor may enter into a child at birth,
and such possession is considered most auspicious.

The above spirits, Milungu and Miyashi, are on the whole
beneficent in their action, and by a species of dualism stand
in contrast with the Viwanda or Viiva or evil spirits. These
Viwanda are the souls of evil men such as suicides, murderers,
and sorcerers, who die in bitter enmity of the human race,
and retain their malevolence after death. When a man has
a grievance, and receives no redress, he will as a final resort
go before the wrongdoer and say, ' I shall commit suicide,
and rise up as an evil spirit to torment you.' Those who
have been wizards (ivaloshi) and have practised black magic
during their lifetime become evil spirits after death. The
ivachisanguka, or those men who during their hfetime have
acquired from a wizard the art of changing themselves
temporarily into lions (kusanguha, see Chapter XIII.), wiU
at death permanently become reincarnated in the form of
man-eating lions. All accidents, diseases, and bad luck in
life are ascribed to their evil influence. It must be noted

1 P, 179.

86 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

that in the Wemba fables the term chiwa often merely
designates a fantastic gobhn hving underneath trees or near
an anthill, which vexes mankind with tricks which are more
elfish than evil.

Between these divinities and their worshippers stands a
kind of hierarchy, composed of various classes of men, who
claim to be interpreters of the will of the spirits, and who act
accordingly as intermediaries and intercessors betmxt them
and the common people. It is true that every man could
pray direct to his ancestral spirit, but where sacrifices were
necessary, he usually consulted a priest.

The Wemba king, who acted as high priest between the
nature and ancestral spirits and his people, sent sacrifices
to the shrines of the Milimgu, and led the tribal prayers
to the spirits {Mi-pashi) of departed chiefs, assisted by the
priests, to whom he left the management of the sacrifices
and other ceremonies of propitiation. The paramount chief
of the Wiwa tribe, Kafwimbi, still controls the priests, and
at stated times sends messages to the priest and all villages
possessing shrines to propitiate the spirits. On receiving
such a message the village hereditary priest v/ill kindle a
fire with the fire-stick, and order all the villagers to heap
upon it faggots of a certain tree called kalumhive, ' so that
the spirits may draw near to warm themselves.'

Under the comprehensive term ng'anga (or the skilful
ones) are included ' doctors,' who act as pubhc and family
priests, prophets, and seers, exorcists of evil spirits, diviners,
and physicians skilled in the use of herbs and simples.
That these hashing'' anga are divided into guilds, and are
bound by various rules, has been indicated in various court
cases, but as there is no subject upon which a native is
more reticent and evasive in speaking, the evidence is not
absolutely reliable. It seems clear, however, at least, that
a shing'anga cannot practise as such unless he belongs to
some guild, and the oldest shing'anga in the district ' knows
him,' and that a would-be doctor works as assistant to an
older practitioner, who gradually imparts his skill in return
for money payments, or for work done in his garden.

To take first the priests. Among the Awemba the office

ANIMISM AND WITCHCRAFT 87

of the priesthood is not hereditary, except in so far that
the head of each clan acts as its priest. But among the
Winamwanga the priesthood is distinctly hereditary. Only
the members of the three clans of Simwanza, Sichalwe, and
Simuwaya can act as priests of the departed chiefs. These
hereditary priests presided over the sacrifices made at certain
seasons, and superintended ceremonies such as those of the
first-fruits, described in the chapter on 'Native Husbandry.'
Akin to the priests are the prophets and seers {ngulu shya
kusesema or bakusesema), who are distinct from the tempor-
arily ' possessed men and women,' since such prophets are
always the ' mouths ' of the spirit. Like the kasesema of
Mulenga, the self-constituted prophet of a great spirit will
wander from village to village, even outside the confines of
his own tribe, predicting that a great disease is close at hand,
and warning the people to abstain from some certain kind
of food, lest they be stricken and die of the coming plague.
Such ngulu have a very wild appearance, as they allow their
hair to grow long and shaggy, and are usually addicted to
bhang.

Of the exorcists, diviners, and physicians — who may be
generally classed as medical practitioners as opposed to
priests and prophets — there are many grades.

In pride of place comes the shing'anga iva kushyula viwanda
(the doctor who digs up the evil spirits), who is often also
a shing'anga wa misaba (doctor of the bones or diviner), as
v/ell. He is a great specialist, who is only consulted in dire
extremities when the sick man is on the point of death, or
wasting away with continual disease. He only is daring
enough to perform the operation of digging up and burning
the bones of a dead man whose evil spirit has been proved
by divination to be responsible for the sufferings of the
patient. To him alone the chief gives the task of burning
the bodies of sorcerers and wizards who have died by the
poison of the mwav ordeal. Inferior to this great doctor
is the exorcist {shingkmga iva kusukula viicanda), who pos-
sesses the necessary medicine to drive away from the village
the evil spirit who has been plaguing the sick man. At
dawn he goes outside the village with a potsherd containing

88 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

live embers. Casting his medicine upon the embers till a
thick smoke is produced, he repeats the formula : ' Thus
we drive you (mentioning the name of the deceased relative)
from the village, you are no longer a man of us ' {i.e. belong-
ing to our clan). From that time forward the name will
never again be mentioned in the village.

The line between the diviner and the physician is not
always clearly drawn, as both functions are frequently com-
bined in the same person. But speaking broadly, the
physicians differ from the diviners because they attack the
disease spiritually as well as physically by the use of certain
drugs and simples, whereas the diviners confine themselves
to diagnosis of the disease, and decree the necessary rules
to avert it without attempting actual cure. Details of the
treatment given by native physicians and surgeons are
given in Chapter VIII., so there is no need here to enlarge
upon their methods. Certain physicians are in great request
as knowing the remedies for sterility. The husband will
approach, saying, ' Why I have come to you is because in
my house it is black {i.e. there are no children), hence I
approach you to make things more befitting in my house.'
The doctor gives the woman two horns to wear on her
breast, and both husband and wife are given medicine
with which they must bathe themselves.

Methods of divination among the various Plateau tribes
are legion. Diviners are caUed after the name of the special
form of divination in which they are experts.

The shing'anga wa chikumbe, for instance, divines with an
axe and a block of wood, slowly rubbing the axehead to and
fro on the face of the block, while the patient repeats all the
names of the ancestral spirits of his clan that he can remem-
ber. At the name of one particular spirit the axehead sticks
fast to the wood, whereupon the diviner proclaims that it
has caused the illness, and after giving directions as to its
propitiation, departs, assuring the patient that he will feel
better in the morning.

The Diviner of the Beans {shing^anga wa lukusu) is another
well-known expert, who produces a large bean rendered
potent by the inclusion of certain medicines and charms from

A >i II I / ,:,n,:r.fkcl.

Kai.ialia, a .much feaked witch doctor
and medicine max.

A Diviner and his honks.

Stokes, phot.

ANIMISM AND WITCHCRAFT 89

his magic basket. The bean is then placed in a gourd,
which the diviner gyrates so that the bean rattles inside
while the names of various spirits are slowly intoned. As
soon as the bean sticks fast to the inside of the gourd and
refuses to rattle, all know that the last-named spirit is the
author of the sickness or other misfortune.

The shing'anga wa mukwa employs a long tortoise-shell
which is filled with medicine, and sewn up into a Uttle oval
packet representing a tortoise or some crawHng insect.
The diviner inserts a feather into the tail of the ' tortoise,'
and holds the other end. In case of divination for theft,
the suspected people are placed around in a circle ; if the
thief is present, the ' tortoise ' will move about in a swift
and uncanny wrigghng motion until it touches the real thief.

The shing'cmga wa chipungu fills a small duiker horn with
medicine and places it underneath a basket, while the names
of suspected persons or of spirits who have caused the mis-
chief are called out ; when the culprit— be he individual or
spirit — is mentioned, the basket jumps up.

The divination with the bones, which are dealt out in
twos while the names of suspects are repeated, until finally
an odd bone is dealt out by sleight of hand at the name of
the erring spirit, has been so frequently described among
Central African tribes as to require no further notice. A kind
of haruspication is still in vogue in which the gall-bladders
of duiker, netted for purposes of divination, are inspected,
and the entrails of fowls are scrutinised by the diviner.

So far we have only described such ' doctors ' as work for
the good of the tribe, and endeavour to combat the black
magic of their opponents the sorcerers and wizards, whose
sinister influence has now to be considered. Secret societies
of the basichiloshi (or sorcerers) are said to exist among the
Awemba people, but such evidence as has been collected
is not absolutely conclusive. Moreover, the writer knows
of no corroborative evidence of similar societies amongst
the neighbouring tribes, though in one case there was evidence
to show that a man of the Winamwanga tribe had for a con-
siderable period paid a wizard to acquire his arts of sorcery,
and more especially his knowledge of poison as well.

90 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Many causes will drive a man to appeal to a sorcerer.
For instance, he may have a serious grievance against one
family who has deprived him of his wife, and will accord-
ingly go to a sorcerer to bewitch them in revenge. One of
the commonest forms of enchantment is kno\vn as Lupekeso
or Lupembe, which is used when a man who has been
denounced by a woman in childbirth as an adulterer refuses
to pay heavy damages on the death of the child. The
husband will consult a sorcerer in revenge for being defrauded
of his just damages. The sorcerer will proceed outside the
village, hang upon a tree the horn of a roan antelope, in the
core of which medicine has been placed, and cause the
husband to repeat the formula or ntembo as follows : — ' You
Lupekeso ' (referring to the medicine in the horn), ' I am
not calhng you up without due cause. It is because this
evil man has treated me in this fashion. Go you into his
hut and walk with his folk and their children.' It is said
that if the adultery was really committed, the relatives of
the adulterer will begin to die because of this sorcery, but
if not, the spirit of the Lupekeso, being deceived, may fall
upon the man who invoked it, and kill his son or his wife.
If, however, the evil fetish works, and several relatives of
the adulterer die, the injured husband is satisfied, and will
see that the sorcerer removes his evil medicine.

In another form of sorcery the wizard (called ng'anga ya
lupembe) is said to hold a seance inside his hut by burning
certain herbs which cause a thick cloud of smoke to ascend
to the rafters while he invokes various evil spirits. The
smoke, by the assistance of these demons, is supposed to
filter through the roof and enter the hut of the person who
is to be bewitched, and finally to cause not only his death,
but also that of any other relative who may live in the hut.

In another form of enchantment the sorcerer secretly
procures part of the clothing of the man to be bewitched,
or a clod of mud which has fallen from his feet. Such
articles are considered to be a connecting link with the
victim, so, after the wizard has submitted them to his
sorceries, the unfortunate owner is similarly affected.

Another method of wizardry is by hanging up at night

ANIMISM AND WITCHCRAFT 91

a horn containing noxious medicine by the door, so that
those coming out may brush against it ; or by smearing
the doorstep with some poisonous mixture. When such
sorceries are discovered, the dread of the native has to be seen
to be beheved. A native woman at Fife fell into hysterics
as soon as she saw such a horn placed by the doorpost of
her hut, and was brought up for treatment by the villagers,
who were afraid that she might die in the fit.

That deadly poisons are from time to time given in
porridge or in beer by the sorcerers is undoubted, though
rare nowadays. In a notorious case some years ago, held
in the Magistrate's Court at Fife, an old and valued mes-
senger called Sokosi was undoubtedly poisoned by these
means, as was shown by the post-mortem, but owing to lack
of satisfactory evidence it was extremely difficult to bring
the crime home to the actual poisoner.

Such a sorcerer may so far forget himself as to openly
curse a victim who has so far resisted his enchantments
with the words, uli nkulmigwe {chisongo) wadya mwaka
umo — 'You are devoted to death' (hterally tabooed),
' you are to eat ' (or live) ' only one year.' When the sorcerer
so openly discloses his hatred, the man may call his relatives,
denounce the sorcerer, and force him to take the mivav
ordeal, whereupon, if found guilty, the sorcerer may be cut
to pieces or burnt, as described in the chapter on ' Legal
Notions.'

The behef that these sorcerers indulge in ghoulish ban-
quets at the graveyards is deeply rooted, and is paralleled by
a similar belief amongst the Mang'anja. When we remember
the fact that the Awemba are an offshoot from the cannibal
Waluba, it is not so incredible that certain depraved wretches
may still gratify their primitive tastes in this fashion.

A few examples must suffice of the numerous amulets
and charms which are used for protection from lions, to
avert disease, scarcity of food, sterility, and enchantment.
Mpimpi are small twin duiker horns worn sometimes to
avert the evil consequence of adultery and so as to be
popular in the village. Ilpinga are two tiny cubes of wood
strung on a string tied around the forehead to prevent head-

92 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

ache. To prevent fever a small dried beetle is worn on the
forehead in the same manner. Any localised pain is com-
bated by wearing a circlet of string upon the part, from which
are suspended certain charms. Women who wish to keep
their husbands faithful wear two little horns of the khp-
springer, and a similar charm is worn by men before starting
on a long journey. Fetish horns are hung up inside the
huts to bring prosperity, whilst outside, often from the
jutting beam of a grain bin, dangles the horn of a roan
antelope, which prevent lions from visiting the village.
There is, however, no evidence of the worship of images or
idols among the Awemba. It is true that small tulubi or
idols, made by the Wabisa and other tribes to the north and
west of our sphere, are sometimes to be found in Wemba
villages, but apparently no rehgious worship is paid to them.
Nor has the worship of fetishes assumed in their religion
such a prominent part as upon the West Coast of Africa.
The most noteworthy Wemba fetish is the lilamfia, which
was prepared by members of a kind of guild called Bacha-
manga ive ''lamfia. The nature of this fetish is shown in
the photo opposite. It was peculiarly potent in war.
The first man taken alive, whether on the march or on
arrival at any of the enemy's villages, was seized and thrown
down. A small hole was scooped out in the ground, over
which the victim's throat was cut by one of the captains.
The fetish horn was then steeped in the blood, and on
raising it, one of the Keepers of the Horn (Bachamanga)
blew down the small central horn, embedded at the medi-
cine at the base, and danced. Then driving a ramrod into
the ground, he balanced upon it the horn, which was held
in equipoise by the weight of the bell at the tip and the
medicine at the base. Those who have been questioned
solemnly assert that the horn would by itself swing the
ramrod pivot, while the bell jangled. When this uncanny
motion ceased, the Bachamanga noted where the base con-
taining the medicine pointed, and prophesied that many
would be killed and a successful foray made in that direction.
As regards totemism and taboo upon the Plateau — it is
manifestly impossible, in the restricted limits of the present

i4iJ \f -

Ber>iar,i Turner, phot.

Lilamfia' fetish.

Fetish to charm away wild beasts
from a \illage.

Gibioti. Hall.fhot.

Fetish at Kamutoniki.

~^i

u. stokes, phot.

Foundation stone of a Winamwanga
village.

ANIMISM AND WITCHCRAFT 93

chapter, to attempt to fix the place of Plateau totemism
amidst that galaxy of theories so ably championed by
Dr. Frazer, Mr. Andrew Lang, and others. For many
years the writer has questioned the older men as to their
ideas of the origin of their totemism, but no satisfactory
answers have as yet been given. Some say that Leza at
the beginning, before the dispersal (chipanduko) , {see infra)
created the totems, but the usual reply is — ' We have the
same name as the animals, and that is all.' The institution
and ordinances of the totem clans are accepted as some-
thing consecrated by immemorial usage, as to which it
is vain and foolish, perhaps even impious, to inquire.

Wemba totems fall under the broad headings of animate,
such as animals, reptiles, fish, birds, and insects, and
inanimate, such as minerals and artificial objects. Plants
and vegetable products, and nature phenomena, also
supply totem names. The following Ust is given to show
their variety : —

Animals. — Crocodile {bena-ng'a7idu, modem form ng''wena),
elephant {henansofu), lions (bena-nkalamo) , leopard (bena-
ng'o, modem form mhiviri), dog (bena-mbiva), goat {hena-
mbushi), pig (bena-nguruive) , fish (bena-isabi, and of certain
species as bena-mpende), bees {bena-nshimu), birds {bena-
nguni)^ mouse (bena-rnpuku) , tortoise (bena-nkamba) , frog
(bena-fyula), otter (bena-mbowo) , duiker {bena-nsengo) ,
ant (bena-milongo) .

Minerals. — Slag iron (bena-mbulo) .

Artificial Objects. — Cooking-pot (bena-'nongo), drinking-
bowl {bena-7isupa) , but totems of such artificial objects
are rare.

Nature Phenomena. — Rain (bena-mfula).

Plants, etc. — Porridge (bena-bwali) , millet {bena-male), to
this phratry belong men who are chosen to be priests at
Mwaruli ; castor oil (bena-mono), mushroom (bena-boa),
plum (bena-masuku) , banana (bena-nkonde), tree (bena-
miti-nsengo), grass (bena-chani).

Some of these names are old and ancient ones given to

94 THE PLATEAF OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

the animal which are nowadays not employed (compare
the WiAva totem name for lion and Muwaya for guinea fowl
as different from the usual words used to denote them).
Some of these totem roots can be traced back to the West
Coast. In the case of the Leopard ng'o (modern form
mhiviri), we find that Dennett in his book, At the Back of
the Black Man's Mind, refers to Ngoyi as the Leopard
totem, vide s.v. Wiwa totems do not cover so many
classes of objects as those of the Awemba, as they are usually
confined to the names of animals.

It is interesting to note that many of these clan names
are common to many of the Plateau tribes, such as the
Awemba and the Amambwe, who until quite recently were
at war with each other, and it seems as if these phratries
were constituted before the separation of the various tribes.
In the olden times, possession of the same totem as some
phratries of ahen tribes, carried with it valuable privileges.
If a stranger captured in war could prove that he was of
the same totem as any of his captors, he would not be put
to death. Even nowadays a travelling native will prefer
to stay at the house of a man of the same totem, as he has
the right to be suitably entertained by him. In some
cases certain clans have become very numerous and power-
ful ; so on Lake Bangweolo we find the totem names of
Bena-ng'ona and Bena-ng'oma used in a general fashion
to designate the two main branches of the tribe, and almost
what we might term tribal totems. The same word bena-,
' the masters, or owners of,' is used not only to prefix
totems, but also to prefix the name of the locality, so the
Bena-Luwumbu or Bena-Ng'umbo are territorial terms
adopted by the Bisa dwellers in that region, and
not totemistic. Among the Awiwa there is no special
reluctance to give their totem names except that of the
chief, which is often noticed when questioning Awemba
and Walungu. Among the Awiwa the totem descended
on the father's side, but among the Awemba the maternal
totem was the greater of the two.

EoUowing the law of exogamy, no sexual intercourse
is allowed among members of the same totem, for which

ANIMISM AND WITCHCRAFT 95

crime the olden time punishment was death by burning.
But whether this practice originated from natural horror of
incest or from definite rules of exogamy or of totemism is
hard to say. We have already seen that only members
of certain totems were among the Winamwanga eligible
for the priesthood, and again members of the Siwale and
Simwanza totems were considered to be peculiarly accept-
able as human sacrifices to the maties of the departed
Mukoma.

When a member of the family dies, when burying him
they turn his face to the quarter from which the original
founder of the clan is supposed to have come ; this place
is called Chipanduko (the place of the dispersal of the clans).
The head itself, however, will be always turned facing the
east. Among the Awemba, certain totems are considered
higher than others ; for instance, a man who is a Mwena-
mfula (rain totem) is considered to be of good lineage and
respected accordingly.

Unfortunately, every year these survivals of totemism
are becoming fainter, especially amongst the Awemba.
There is a tradition among the Awdwa that their ancestors
would not eat or kill these animals, and that men of the
Simwanza and Siwale (bird totems) would formerly release
these birds if found in snares, and would not eat them.
But nowadays the totem animal is in no w^ay respected,
and is killed and eaten hke any other animal, without any
feehng of remorse or any special ceremonies of the nature
of a sacrament. Among the older men there is still a
lingering feeling that there is some mystic and indefinable
affinity between them and the totem. When a lion is
heard at night roaring outside a village they exclaim
Lavwe mukanda, at its fierceness, and use the same expres-
sion when they see a member of the lion totem in a passion.

The origin of Bantu totemism indeed appears to be as
yet unsolved. Dr. M'CaU Theal's theory of metempsychosis,
however, seems hardly to be applicable to the Central
African tribes in our sphere. The theory of transmigration
of souls into those of animals exists, but it falls more under
the head of what Dr. Tylor calls the doctrine of Were

96 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Wolves (see Chapter XIV.), and is the privilege only of those
of royal blood and those who have practised the arts of
lycanthropy in their Ufetime. There is no positive evidence
to show that the transmigration is into the body of the
respective totem animals of the ' shape-changers,' who
usually become man-lions, man-leopards, or man-hyenas,
and, moreover, such natives as have been questioned
consider this doctrine quite apart from totemism.^

Unfortunately, too, the Wemba taboos throw very little
light upon totemism, as they are not by nature totemic.
An inquiry into any of the |^totem clans given previously
shows that each phratry is not marked off from another
by any particular observance of taboo law peculiar to its
totem, in fact, as we have seen, the totem may be eaten by
members of the phratry.

Broadly speaking, among the Plateau tribes this branch
of what has been aptly called ' negative magic ' may be
divided under two heads — ^Tribal, and Particular or Class
taboos. To the whole Wemba tribe, for instance, the
flesh of wild pig and of bush-buck is interdicted, and
similar tribal taboos are found among the Wabisa and
the Wamambwe. Particular taboos are found assigned to
various classes of men ; thus no member of the Wiwa royal
family may eat pork, which is, hoAvever, partaken of by the
common people. Mambwe women, again, as a class may
not eat eggs, and various grades of priests and medicine-
men are bound by food taboos. The Awemba have a
system of what has been called ' individual taboos,' and
accordingly we find that certain individuals do not eat
certain animals, which are nevertheless greatly relished by
members of the same totem. For instance, if his father,
an elephant hunter, has been killed by an elephant, the
son will never again eat elephant meat. The medicine-
men frequently impose food taboos, and when a man has
become sick because of any particular kind of meat, the

^ Since the above was written, the writer has consulted Dr. Frazer's great
work on Totemism, where the East and Central African evidence has been
collected in vol. ii. ch. xiii. ; but no satisfactory explanation of the origin
of Bantu totemism seems as yet to have been arrived at.

ANIMISM AND WITCHCRAFT 97

doctor will tell him that he must in future abstain from
the flesh of the animal. ^ In the old time a warrior who
killed say a Mushiri-mbushi (a man who may not eat goat)
had in future himself to observe the taboo of his victim.
A few other instances of taboos may be briefly referred to
under the heads suggested by Mr. Andrew Lang in his
article upon taboo (11th ed. Ency. Brit.), as they are dealt
with in subsequent chapters.

Taboos of Women, Sexual Taboos and Avoidance. — Young
girls on attaining puberty may not eat any food until they
have been given a certain medicine called imfu by the
Directress of the Rites (see Chapter XI.). Women again
during menstruation must not touch the food or the fire-
place, and must abstain from kindling a fire or from cooking,
or else they will cause the inmates of the house to waste
away with a disease called ipembelela (like consumption).
The taboo imposed upon the parents of twins is dealt with
in Chapter XVII., and the custom of avoidance of the
mother-in-law is referred to in Chapter XVI.

Taboos of the Sick. — A man who is seriously iU is supposed
to leave the village and to settle in grass huts {mitanda)
in the bush until cured ; he must not contaminate the
village with his disease, and, even if at the point of death,
was in the old time carried outside to die (see Chapter XII.).

Funerary and Allied Taboos. — Funerary taboos and the
lustral rites to remove them are described fully in Chapter
XII., so it sufiices to mention here that they affect all who
have touched the dead body, and even the grave-diggers.
In the important enterprises of hfe such as hunting and
fishing, natives will submit to certain taboos. While a
weir is being built and fish baskets are set, the Bisa fisher-
man who cuts the weir stakes, must Hve apart from his
wife, and the majority of the Hunters, members of the
society of Uwanga wa nzovu (see Chapter XIV.), are bound
to abstain from certain foods, and live in the bachelors'

^ In Chiwemba the word chisongo means not only taboo, but also a peculiar
form of disease caused by violation of the laws of taboo.

98 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

quarters some days before starting in pursuit of a dangerous
animal.

Taboos imposed by the Chief. — By breaking off a branch
of a tree and laying it across the entrance of a garden ripe
for harvest, a chief could stop all reapmg. If a villager
left his chief without permission, his gardens were thus
marked (ku-saka) ; the crops then reverted to the chief
who would make them over to any new comer or would reap
them himself.^

^ Considerations of space have caused the writer of this chapter to omit
his notes upon the ancient cult of snakes, the doctrines of future life and of
metempsj'chosis, and the annual feast to the spirits of the departed amongst
the Amambwe, which is similar to the widespread custom of All Souls'
Day. He has, however, dealt with other aspects of Wemba religion in the
Journal of the Anthropological Society, vol. xxxvi. p. 150 et seq., from which
certain extracts have been included in the present chapter.

THE OFFICIAL CHEZ LUI 99

CHAPTER VII

THE OFFICIAL CHEZ LUI

Inasmuch as official routine is the same all the world over,
and in North-Eastern Rhodesia just as elsewhere the life
of an official when actually upon his station is compact
of routine, it is difficult to draw a picture of the daily
round without laying oneself open to the accusation of
infficting tedium. Besides, the author of that delightful
book. Station Studies, has already covered the ground in a
fashion that forbids imitation. No matter that he deals
with East Africa rather than with the Tanganyika Plateau
— apart from the element which is there imported from
India, and the fact that he is deahng with a station which
Ues in reach of the railway, life is very similar in the two
dependencies.

There are, upon the Plateau, two distinct types of
station ; one, usually the residence of a Magistrate or
Assistant Magistrate, where there are at least two officials,
a government doctor, and a trader — the other the ' one-
man ' station, where there is only the official and, if he is
lucky, his wife.

Upon the larger stations there is, naturally, rather more
' life ' in the shape of tennis parties, Httle dinners, rifle-
range competitions and the like. But it must be borne
in mind that at no station on the Plateau does the total
resident wliite population exceed ten persons, of whom
less than half are ladies. Social festivities are, therefore,
somewhat Hable to pall. Now and again, on red-letter
days, an influx of ' outside ' officials, settlers and
missionaries may occur ; but, for the most part, the same
people meet each other several times every day, and
may be forgiven if, in the course of months, they discover

100 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

each other's weak points. Nevertheless, for the most part,
the more populous stations of the Plateau are presided.
over by the Angel of Peace ; though, conceivably, he may
be overworked at times. Moreover, it must be remembered
that the relaxations of most up-country Indian stations,
which no doubt represent in the mind of the man in the
street the typical station throughout the uncivihsed world,
are here conspicuous by the impossibihty of attainment.
Minus a club, horses, a biUiard-table, and the presence of
troops, the average Indian civihan would probably send
in his papers with ominous alacrity.

But the ' one-man ' station is, perhaps, the more interest-
ing of the two classes ; though, to tell the truth, with the
gradual spread of the Administration there are only a very
few of the kind left at the moment of writing.

To those who have had experience of tropical admini-
stration, what follows will be but the veriest dotting of i's
and crossing of t's — a laboured exposition of matters which,
by practice and usage, have come to be the merest common-
places of life. But to others — to those who have Hved
their lives in the security of large cities, or in the no more
eventful seclusion of sleepy Enghsh villages— it may,
perhaps, be of interest to quote some details of the typical
day of the typical official upon the Tanganyika Plateau.

Contrary to all accepted canons the hfe is neither very
dangerous, very hard, nor very lonely. Most of the stations
are built of brick, and neatly laid out ; fresh vegetables,
fresh milk, and fresh meat — though this latter be only the
swing of the pendulum between fowl and goat — are always
available. The elements of tropical hygiene are, generally
speaking, strictly observed, and in consequence the usual
lurid picture of the miseries of the official stationed upon
the Outer Edge would be a somewhat violent distortion of
facts.

The danger, if danger there be, Hes in quite other
directions. To commence with, the work which the official
is paid to do is of the most interestmg possible kind ; that
of deahng at first hand with a fascinating native race,
whose view-points repay, and more than repay the closest

THE OFFICIAL CHEZ LUI 101

attention and study. It may sound perilously like conceit
for those who are themselves officials to draw a picture of
the overworked Native Commissioner ; but it must be
remembered that it is the official himself who is usually to
blame. For routine work there are the routine hours ;
and the man of average capacity can fit into those hours
all that is demanded of him by headquarters. Thereafter
he is at Hberty to employ himself as he sees fit — either
with a gun and a dog, since partridges, guinea-fowl and so
forth abound, in the supervision of improvements which
are always in progress, in gardening, tree-planting, or the
performance of any odd jobs which may appeal to him.

The fact remains that the average official does not take
as much exercise as he might. Casual matters involving
the reference to books or the hearing of statements need
attending to at all hours ; perhaps an interesting case
based upon some nice question of custom or tradition may
be waiting to be heard — or there may be a few figures to
finish up for some return or other. The offices are, as a
rule, cool and comfortable ; it is just as pleasant to sit
there with a pipe as to be outside in the glaring sunshine —
and so, for the most part, the office remains open from early
dawn until sunset, and the official becomes soaked to the
core with the routine of his profession. But he is pleasing
himself — and does not, perhaps, deserve much praise for
doing so.

That is the main danger of station life, and it is not of
sufficient importance to need accentuating. In the early
days, no doubt, things were different. Then, indeed, the
terrors that lurk in solitude were real enough. It was no
uncommon thing for a man to be six or nine months
absolutely alone upon his station, so far as other white men
were concerned ; visitors were few and far between, supplies
uncertain, mails irregular, and reading matter almost
impossible to obtain. Those were the days when neuras-
thenia lay in wait for a man, when drugs and drink pleaded
their charms and, in some cases, would not be denied.
Those were the days when men dreaded sundo\vn and the
dark ; when nerves were a-jangle, and the very rats in the

102 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

roof were welcomed as living things ; when a man longed
for the society even of his station capitao or his personal
boys. Incidentally, too, those were the days which taught
the older hands most of what they know to-day — since it
is the solitary white man, be he official or trader, who is
cut adrift from his fellows, who penetrates into the inner
sanctum of native life.

Nowadays, too, it must be remembered that station life,
such as it is, is rarely lived for more than two months on
end. There are always the needs of the district to be
attended to ; there is ever present the lure of ulendo, and
so, when the official is surfeited with the work of his office,
he adopts the simple expedient of locking it up, putting the
key in his pocket, and calling up carriers from the nearest
villages.

It is the merest truism to remark that no two men follow
exactly the same daily routine. In Central Africa a man
must spin his own mesh of interest in life, as the spider
spins its web, out of his own particular Ego, and is apt,
on occasion, to thank God for his hobby. With one, it is
photography, with another botany, with yet another
natural history ; some may find intense pleasure in
ethnology, others in native history and the compilation of
genealogical trees with their roots in the Ark. But the
following may, perhaps, be taken to represent a very
average day as it is lived at any of the Plateau stations in
the present year of grace.

One rises early ; not from virtue, but because the morn-
ing hours before the sun is well up, while yet the dew is on
the grass and the shadows of banana, pawpaw and lemon-
trees are still long aslant the paths and garden beds, are,
indubitably, the best of the twenty-four. Besides, in such
matters, and when dealing with the unconscientious native,
example is better than precept. Should the cattle-herd
or the sergeant of pohce or the house-boys know that it is
your practice to lie late abed, it is more than probable that
the cattle will lose an hour or two of grazing, the asJcari
will scamp their morning drill, and the porridge and eggs
at breakfast be badly cooked.

THE OFFICIAL CHEZ LUI 103

Having, therefore, risen early, the half-hour or so before
breakfast will probably be spent in going the round of the
station, supervising the workers, watching the issue of
prisoners' rations, instructing askari in musketry practice
or investigating matters of routine. And, thereafter,
breakfast and a pipe will fill the gap until nine o'clock,
when office hours begin in earnest.

Yet, possibly, you will not visit your office until midday,
or, conceivably not at all. The day must be spent in
whatever manner may suit the needs of the district best.
Perhaps there is a large village near the Boma which
needs supervision — the natives, profiting by the words
and example of the white man, have grown tired of their
pell-mell jumble of huts, and are rebuilding in orderly lines.
This means a day in the open with measure and tape, and
later, a chat with the elders on matters of village poUcy.
Or you may, for the day, be master foreman, since all
kinds of jobs fall to the lot of the Native Commissioner.
Thus the day may pass in the supervision of the stacking
of bricks for a new kiln ; or in laying out station roads
with a prismatic compass ; in the building of a new gaol
or askari fines, or in a hundred and one tasks of the kind.

Let us suppose, however, that the day in question is one
of hard, sofid office work ; as, of course, the majority are.
Probably, unless you have already attended to them before
breakfast, the first item on the programme will be the
treatment of the sick.

The ordinary householder in England would be staggered
if he were suddenly asked to deal with a case of epilepsy,
complicated pneumonia, mahgnant ulcer or, possibly, a
broken leg. But the Native Commissioner has, long ago,
given up being staggered at anything. He stands, to
the native, in the position of Jove — ready to rain down
lightning in the shape of exceptionally drastic pills, or to
invoke the storm which foUows upon certain drugs. Him-
self, he knows that with twelve, or it may be twenty, little
bottles of tabloid products, no technical knowledge and a
modicum of common-sense, he is expected to deal with any
case which may arise. For the nearest doctor is, perhaps,

104 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

five days away, and would not be best pleased at being
called in to attend a sick native.

Certain broad and time-honoured rules are observed.
Snake bite or lion wounds call for cautery and perman-
ganate of potash ; if a native falls off a roof, keep his friends
away from him and trust to luck. Non-surgical cases usually
begin with a strong purgative and end with quinine ; if the
j)atient does not choose to observe the usual rules of the
game, so much the worse for him. With faith and Living-
stone rousers, added to the firm, if misguided befief in the
native mind that his official really knows what he is about,
it is astonishing what cures may be effected.

It is, indeed, astounding to what lengths the native lust
for drugs will go. A certain gallant officer, who shall be
nameless, used, it is said, to issue to his recruits water
tinged with permanganate or similar harmless dyes when
the official drug supply was at low ebb. And yet, seeing
that the same thing is very possibly often done in England
in the case of nervous valetudinarians, perhaps the native
is no exceptional fool after all.

The sick disposed of, any one of a hundred items may
claim attention. In the next office the native clerk is
dispensing hut-taxes at three shillings a time. Or, maybe,
he is issuing cafico, or weighing salt, or typing a report
which is needed at headquarters. From without come the
shrill voices of women who have brought grain or meal for
sale, and are beguihng the passing hour in badinage with
the capitao. Not that the consequent pandemonium
disturbs the clerk one whit ; for, in this country, thirty
shilhngs a month buys, body and soul, a native with a
mission education, who is intelhgent and conscientious,
writes weU, has a good head for figures, and may safely be
entrusted with minor matters of routine.

Out in the sunshine the scene is peaceful enough. In
the centre of the cleared space before the office the flag
droops lazily from its taU staff. The sun is beginning to
make itself felt, for it is nearly ten o'clock, and the white
gravel of trim-kept paths shows up, glaringly enough, in
contrast with cool stretches of dhoub grass and patches

THE OFFICIAL CHEZ LUI 105

of shadow beneath mitawa or acacia trees. Mellowed by
distance come hoarse words of command — which may
once have been Enghsh, but which, transmuted by the
native tongue, are Hke nothing that has ever been spoken
since the days of Babel — for the army is on parade. Then,
of a sudden, the harsh blare of a bugle breaks in upon the
peace of the scene ; and, if there is a dog within hearing
distance, there will arise such a clamour of yelps and yowls
as to make one almost wish for the peace of deafness. For
the time has come for guard-mounting, and the native,
loving as he does ceremonial of any kind, may be trusted
to make the most of his opportunity.

But, in five or ten minutes, the hubbub is over ; the old
guard, which has been on duty since the morning before,
has been dismissed ; and the new guard has taken over
the details of rifles, ammunition, prisoners, flags — down,
even to the minute cake of soap which reposes in the
office washstand. Thenceforward, until the next lipenga
or bugle-call, which will occur at noon, one may look
forward to being able to hear oneself speak.

One glances for a moment at the row of figures squatting
on the cleared space outside the office. Here is a group of
youngsters, lying at full length, and passing the time in
rough chaff — these, obviously, want passes to look for
work, and may be allowed to wait for a while. The next
group — sad-eyed greybeards, with a woman or two among
them, and a skinny goat tethered by the leg to a convenient
tree — represent, no doubt, a case, which once embarked
upon may consume the rest of the working-day. Sitting
upon a comer of the verandah is one of the Sleeping Sick-
ness Road Patrols, charged with the duty of seeing that
regulations as to ingress into and egress from the Area are
strictly observed. He, at least, having been taught the
value of official time, may be trusted to be brief — so in he
comes, accompanied by an exceedingly pretty httle damsel
of perhaps twenty years of age. It appears that the girl
has been detected red-handed in the act of evading the
regulations, having been found without a pass at a village
well within the forbidden boundary. Having no reason-

106 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

able excuse to offer, beyond the claims of a grande passion,
for Lothario, unfortunately, lives the wrong side of the
boundary — she is sentenced to a fine, or, in default, im-
prisonment, and, the cash not being forthcoming, goes
up the road at the back which leads to the gaol, with a
smihng countenance. Her labour will not be hard ; per-
haps the grinding of a few pounds of grain each day, or
the cooking of the prison rations. Besides — who knows ? —
Lothario, when he hears of her plight, will probably send in
three shillings, carefully tied up in a dirty piece of bark-
cloth, and the lady be free to wander where she listeth.

In comes another lady — this time of uncertain age and
sadly devoid of charm. There is a baby on her back, and
her left arm is swathed in a bandage. Behind her shuffles
her husband — an unprepossessing person, with a vacuous,
drooping mouth. This case has already been disposed of,
and only needs a few well-chosen words to point the
necessary moral. For the husband is half-mad, a beer-
sodden, bhang-steeped individual, who, in some sudden
access of brutisli fury, has bitten deep into his wife's arm,
leaving a huge, festering sore. There were, perhaps, faults
on both sides, for the woman is known to possess a
shrewish tongue ; but, for all that, monsieur le mari will
not get off scot-free.

Thereafter follows a complicated case deahng wdth
certain mythical goats which, some years before the Flood,
apparently, were left in trust with a village headman. The
genealogy of the goats is traced through, apparently,
scores of centuries, each of the kids in successive generations
having been, it would seem, personally known and
cherished — the sole remaining survivor, which is none
other than that same venerable ram whom we saw, half
an hour ago, browsing off parched dhoub in the shadow
of a stunted bush, is produced and duly admired by the
court. And in the end a decision of a kind is arrived at ;
a decision which, more by good luck than good manage-
ment, appears to satisfy all concerned. Plaintiffs and
defendants, witnesses and spectators, inextricably mingled,
prostrate themselves before the offlce door, and there

THE OFFICIAL CHEZ LUI 107

follow shrill ululations and deafening clapping of hands.
Thereafter the parties vanish down the road which leads
to the station village, with the ram in tow. There can be
but little doubt that, within the next few hours, he will go
into the pot to furnish a meal for the litigants, in despite of
his venerable ancestry.

There is, it seems, yet another case down for hearing,
and time is getting on. Precised by the station capitao —
who, through long years of experience of the white men,
has learned the value of conciseness and the omission of
genealogical trees where not absolutely germane to the
matter in hand — it appears that the question is one of the
rights of a chief over his inherited harem, or isano.

The point is one which needs careful judgment. In a
nutshell it stands thus. A paramount of importance has
recently died, and, the due period of mourning having
elapsed, his successor has been selected and, with the
consent of the Administration, duly installed. Theo-
retically the new chief takes over the inmates of the isano —
that is, the old chief's wives — lock, stock and barrel. But,
in this particular case, the new chief is an old man, and
many of the wives are young girls, scarcely out of their
teens. They are tired, as well they may be, of the seclusion
and tedium of life in the royal compound ; many of them,
no doubt, have already bestowed their favours elsewhere.
A break in the continuity of the old r6gime has determined
them to make one bold bid for freedom ; and, in the
particular case before the court, there can be no doubt
that one girl, at least, has been found in most compromising
circumstances in the hut of a youth who has no pretensions
whatever to royal descent.

The marriage laws as at present enforced have, unfor-
tunately, not yet been codified. Although native law is
followed, in so far as it is not repugnant to ideas of English
justice, yet it would be manifestly unjust to condemn
a young girl to pass the rest of her days with a man old
enough to be her grandfather. On the other hand, the
prestige of the chief must be upheld. In the old days,
misbehaviour on the part of the wife of a chief would have

108 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

meant a speedy and unpleasant death for both the guilty
parties ; and no one is quicker than a native to note the
slackening of old bonds.

Fortunately the chief in question is a man of shrewd
common-sense, and the matter can be put to him in a
reasonable light. He realises that the white men will not
enforce upon women marriages which are repugnant to
them, and agrees to the decision of the court, namely :
that the girl shall be free to leave the isano, providing that
damages, much heavier than would be enforced in an
ordinary case of adultery, are paid by the lover. So, once
again, matters are settled amicably, and the court rises
and retires to lunch.

These are some of the minor matters which, day in, day
out, come up before the Native Commissioner for settle-
ment. It would be impossible in one short chapter to
give any adequate idea of their number or variety. Suffice
to say that they range from a claim to a wife to a claim
for a bracelet ; from murder to slander ; from ground
tusks worth twenty or thirty pounds to a slab of soap.
Boundaries and garden sites, the conduct of a Salt Market,
the issue of Government Sniders for protection of lives
and property in Uon-infested districts, birth and death,
marriage and divorce, witchcraft and sheer heathen super-
stition— these and such hke are matters upon which the
district official must decide. Usually it is plain saihng,
since there are regulations and headquarter circulars which
indicate broad lines of pohcy ; but many matters call for
the exercise of judgment, and, it is to be feared, many cases
must necessarily be decided in unwitting infringement of
abstruse points of custom and belief. Still, in a complex
case, native assessors can always be called in, and it is often
a positive relief to the puzzled official to be able, for the
moment, to shift the weight of responsibility on to the
shoulders of those who are, undoubtedly, well able to bear
it. Not a point is overlooked, nor, generally speaking,
can the European mind detect the slightest injustice in
such decisions. ^Vhy, indeed, should there be injustice ?
since these same village elders have, in all probabiUty,

THE OFFICIAL CHEZ LUI 109

heard or assisted in the hearing of thousands of similar
cases long before the white man came amongst them and
set himself to learn their ways. Their justice may be
rough and ready, it is true ; but, for the most part, it is
based upon common-sense, and will stand the apphcation
of the usual tests of right and wrong.

Probably the afternoon passes in much the same fashion
as the morning. That is to say, at 1.45 the bugle will
blare forth once more, and soon, from various bush paths
and roads will come the workers, more slowly, one may be
sure, than when they dropped their tools and fled at the
midday signal. But by a few minutes past two work will
be well under weigh once more, and will continue until the
bugle sounds again at 5.45.

Perhaps the day in question may be a mail-day — that
day of paramount importance in the whole week, when
news comes in from the outside world. There is a
scheduled time for the mail-man to arrive, and, as has been
said in a former chapter, that time is observed with
marvellous punctuahty. As the time draws near one
finds oneself scanning the road ; when at last the famihar
red-clad figure appears swinging along with his bag over
one shoulder and an ancient gun over the other, one heaves
an involuntary sigh of rehef. This week, again, the mail
has not been delayed by rivers or man-eating lions ; both
of which, it may be said, are, upon certain routes, factors
to be reckoned with.

Occasionally, however, the incoming mail is not an
unmixed blessing. Some one at headquarters is taking an
irritating interest in the fate of two drums of cement which
were despatched some months ago and have not yet been
acknowledged, or a native has died upon the southern mines,
and one is requested to trace his heirs who are entitled to
the balance of wages due to him. But, for the most part,
headquarters do not worry the outstation official over-
much, provided the requisite returns go down at proper
intervals. Once a month comes the day of reckoning ;
the balancing of cash, the computation of revenue stamps
and postal stamps and embossed stamps, the calculation

110 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

of soap, and salt and calico and beads and flour and grain,
and the heterogeneous mixture of game licences, gun permits,
traders' licences, and the hke. But it is only a matter of
a day or two before the returns are safely packed and in
the mail-bag ; then one may return to one's muttons for
another three weeks at least.

Every now and again, too, some one turns up — say, on
an average, once a month. Maybe it is a Government
Surgeon touring on Sleeping-Sickness duty — perhaps a
trader, or a White Father, in the broad-brimmed hat and
the picturesque gown of his Order. Or it may be some
unfortunate who, minus carriers, a tent, perhaps, even a
blanket, is trudging through the country in the vain hope of
obtaining work ; stumbling from station to station, feeding
at native villages by the courtesy of the headman, thankful
enough to receive at each Boma some scrap of rations or
clothing to help him on his way. Happily, such visitors
are scarce ; the country as yet is not sufficiently civihsed
to hold out any chance whatever of employment, and such
destitutes as do arrive are usually birds of passage, with
the Congo, Nyasaland, or German East Africa as their
ultimate objective. And they undoubtedly meet with far
better treatment here on the Plateau at the hands of the
natives than do their luckless brothers of the road in the
south ; since the worst type of European has not penetrated
thus far, and the natives have no cause to despise or to hate
the white man who is down on his luck.

Once a year, as a cheerful break in the monotony of
life, should it exist, there is a general upheaval of the
accepted order of things. For the Bwana Mkubwa — the
Administrator, in other words, is about to pay his annual
visit. Some weeks beforehand the itinerary of his
honour's journey reaches each out-station ; there is a general
furbishing up of equipment, flying gangs scurry over the
roads, that they may be spick and span ; messengers are
sent to the various chiefs, and, in every way, the official
house is set in order. On the day itself, or perhaps a day
or two before, chiefs with their retinues pour into the Boma,
and the station is black with natives, with, here and

Kk-thatching an oil k ial's house.

C. Gouldsbury, phot.

Selling grain at the stati

F. A. LShey.pk,

THE OFFICIAL CHEZ LUI 111

there, a figure, borne shoulder-high under the shade of a
gaudy umbrella. Tufted headresses, ceremonial pipes,
spears and bows and knobbed sticks flash and whirl among
the throng. Before the open court-house where, in peace-
ful, workaday times, cases are heard, the crowds are black
upon the grass like flies. Usually the European population
within reach of the station assembles, and the Baraza is
duly held with all requisite pomp and ceremony. Griev-
ances are aired and adjusted ; the chiefs, thoroughly in
their element, speak their minds with the open yet
courteous forbearance of one gentleman to another, and,
later, take their presents, either of cash or calico in
dignified content. Truly the annual Baraza is a valuable
function, tending to weld close bonds of sympathy between
the rulers and the ruled. And then, to the queer, half-
toned melodies of their respective bands, and the high-
pitched voices of their singers, the chiefs move out of the
picture, down to the station village where, doubtless, the
true festivities begin.

There are, indeed, many sides to the official's life, and
space forbids us to touch upon more than a few, and those
but briefly. Light and shade go to make up the picture ;
in the morning one may be intent upon plotting out the
district map, or entering up the district note-book ; in the
afternoon engaged in the sad task of extemporising a
coffin for a white man. And, too, there is the woman's
viewpoint ; the ever constant problem of varying the
menu, of preserving a garden threatened with total extinc-
tion under a scorching sun, of embellishing the house with
some new fantasy. Usually the mail brings piles of
literature, either from home or from the Tanganyika Book
Club, which has its headquarters in Abercorn ; and it is
an astonishing fact that, here on the Plateau, far from
Mudie's or W. H. Smith and Son, most people, more especi-
ally those of the fair sex, get through far more reading than
they would do in England. One has, at least, neither calls
to make nor cards to leave.

Somewhere between four and five, unless there is a
considerable pressure of work, office is over for the day.

112 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

The askari have finished their afternoon parade ; the clerk
and the capitao, locking up the office, retire to the bosom
of their families. And, after tea, the official saunters round
with a gun, or tinkers in the back-yard with a hammer, or
trims his rosebushes, or prunes his lemon-trees, or sees to
his beans and peas. And then when the sun goes down
comes the evening ceremony of saluting the flag. The
guard, presenting arms, lines up— the bugle sounds — and,
very slowly and sedately, the flag flutters down, proclaiming
to all and sundry that it is still well in the land under the
rule of the white man. When from one's verandah one
looks out across the miles of hill and plain purphng in the
twilight ; when one reflects that, between this present
peace and the turbid barbarity of none so long ago, there
stand, through countless miles, but a solitary white man
and a handful of police, the truth seems almost too good
to be true.

THE PLATEAU NATIVE 113

CHAPTER VIII

THE PLATEAU NATIVE (l)

In his Last Journals Livingstone, even after his perhaps
unique acquaintance with the African physique, is never
tired of referring to the physical beauty, not only of the
Plateau people proper but of the surrounding tribes as
well. The ' handsome and well-chiselled features ' of the
men, the ' small hands and feet ' of both sexes, and most
especially the neat features and graceful figures of the
women, still drew forth his unstinted admiration.

The paramount Wemba tribe takes great pride in personal
cleanhness, and much care in the cult of the body. A
Wemba youth who is unkempt and does not avail himself
of the innumerable petits soins in matters of teeth-filing,
tattooing, and hairdressing, is jeered at by all his friends,
who will, finally, assure him sarcastically that he is turning
into the Mulungulwa or Missing Link. In parenthesis it
may be mentioned that this fabled being is supposed to
live always in the dense forest, in the shape of a man
clothed only with a shaggy coat of hair wliich completely
covers his body, and rejoicing in long, matted locks and
bushy beard. He entices wayfarers, with plaintive cries,
from off the beaten track, binds them to trees, and forces
them to lead the simple hfe. Nor will he release them until
his unfortunate pupils have themselves grown shaggy locks
and flowing beards.

It is only logical to deal first with the physical aspect of
our Plateau native, and to attempt to describe his gestures
and his bodily aptitudes in health, his more common ail-
ments and their treatment, with especial reference to
surgery in disease. For the natives themselves, though,
possibly, they make no such conscious distinctions, approach

114 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

both mental and moral sides tlirough the basic quahties of
the body. Thus, many a native whose brain is tormented
by some fixed idea, for instance, of possession by an evil
spirit, %^ill go straightway to the village doctor, and receive
a purgative to dispel this mental obsession.

Some tribes pursue this idea even beyond the grave,
since, if the ghost of a deceased relative proves obnoxious,
they dig up and bum the body to cancel the power of the
spirit.

A few of the more prominent gestures may be selected
for description. Astonishment is usually expressed by
rapidly hfting the hand to conceal the mouth, which gapes
forth the ejaculation ' Ye, Ye ! ' To express impossibihty
and also to avert displeasure natives mil hold out their
hands with the palms upwards in a deprecating gesture.
The act of giving is usually emphasised by the Wemba man
A\dth an expressive ' uumph ! ' grunted out with closed
lips. If one hands one's tobacco-pouch, for example, to a
raw native to hold, he will, in order to return it, first stand
as far off as possible, and then, though holding the pouch
in one hand only, stiffly stretch out both in dehvering it.
Contempt is displayed by shghtly protruding the hps and
sucking in the breath sharply, mth a chirruping noise.
When under the influence of any strong emotion, especiaUy
of fear, the bouquet d'Afrique becomes pecuharly pungent.
Men laugh in a very hearty, but ordinary fashion ; but
the women vnB. punctuate a peal of laughter with the long-
drawn, outlandish ' oh — oh — oh, we — eh — eh ! ' ^

Livingstone comments upon the fact that, when King
Chitapankwa was informed that the explorer's travels were
made for the pubhc benefit, he puUed do^\^l the underhd
of his right eye. Such a gesture is common to this day,
and is ridiculously in keeping mth the schoolboy's question
' Do you see any green in my eye ? ' There are, in addition,
many special gestures which are, to the expert, the hall-

1 In the act of beckoning, very logically, the back of the hand, instead of
the palm, is turned uppermost, indicating the ground to be covered by the
person summoned. When pointing out long distances, the index finger is
raised to the sky.

THE PLATEAU NATIVE 115

marks of various tribes, but which it would be tedious to
describe in detail. There is, even, a fairly elaborate code
of signs known to many natives for conversing with deaf
mutes, and, indeed, many of the symbols employed bear
a striking resemblance to those used in conversation with
the similarly afflicted of our own race.

The upright and well-balanced movements of the men
when walking, and the free and graceful carriage of the
women have been commented upon, and are commonplaces
in all books of Central African travel. Yet, on the other
hand, it is only fair to remark that lake tribes, such as the
Wabisa and the Waunga have often rounded shoulders and
a distinct curve in the back induced by canoeing. The
abnormal development of their triceps, moreover, in com-
parison with their ill-formed and puny legs only exaggerates
their ungainhness. Waunga have been tested to see if
they could carry loads, but, after the first day's march,
their feet became very much swollen, and even bled ; no
doubt from their being unaccustomed to walking save in
swampy ground, which, coupled with their constant use
of canoes, has rendered their feet excessively soft and
tender.

The Awemba are excellent climbers, and the system
of making gardens by tree-lopping keeps them supple until
middle age. The toes find crannies in the trunks of trees
where the most expert boy bird-nester at home would have
to use climbing-irons. The big toe is slightly prehensile,
and it is a common sight to see a carrier, in order to avoid
stooping, once his load is firmly fixed on his head, pick up
his spear and other odds and ends of his ulendo outfit with
his big toe.

Such tests of their strength, endurance, and speed, as have
been made at occasional station sports are hardly ^\dde-
spread enough to admit of very definite statements as
regards the average native. No native has yet been found
to run the hundred yards in under eleven seconds. But,
in long-distance running and steady maintenance of pace
from day to day the ordinary native shows considerable
stamina. Mail-men, for instance, recruited from among all

116 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

the tribes serve the mail routes all the year round, wet or
fine, with unfaihng regularity, averaging from twenty to
twenty-five miles per day. Transport agents agree that
the Awemba makes the best carrier, while the Amambwe
and Winamwanga are the steadiest workers upon stations.
A weight of fifty-six to sixty pounds is carried with ease by
the average native, when accompanied by a white man, for
about eighteen miles a day. A gang of porters, when left to
themselves, however, will drop to an average of fourteen
or fifteen miles, simply because time is, to them, no object,
and further, because, as they can complete such a distance
well before midday, they are able to save their 'poso (or food
cloth) by doing odd jobs for the villagers at each hamlet
where they halt for the night.

Owing, possibly, to the disuse of war and the chase, the
skill shown by the average native in spear-throwing or with
the bow is very disappointing. The Waunga, however,
from their constant practice in shooting lechwe, are very
expert bowmen. In Luena courtyard several Waunga,
though not so expert at strildng the centre of a target,
transfixed running fowls and brought down pigeons perch-
ing on the hut-tops at a distance of sixty yards with the
greatest ease. The Amambwe, Wabisa and Washinga do
not show any remarkable aptitude in acquiring new sports
and games, though they are keenly interested in football.
The Awemba, however, learn physical and military drill
in a very short time, and an officer of the King's African
Rifles informed one of the writers that their quickness in
this respect equalled that of the Nyasaland tribes, including
Yaos, with whom they were trained at Zomba, and of
whose cleverness in this respect Sir Harry Johnston speaks
so highly.

One might, perhaps, conclude that their eyesight is far
superior to that of the average European, but many white
hunters contradict this apparent superiority, asserting that
they themselves can, with a little practice, pick out game
at a distance quicker than any native. The question is,
however, open to doubt. The hearing of natives, so far
as can be determined by the watch test, is distinctly more

THE PLATEAU NATIVE 117

acute than that of the European. It is true that natives
have the art of raising their voices to a pecuHar pitch which
carries farther than the shouting of a white man, but the
distances at which instructions can he shouted and under-
stood from black to black are none the less striking.

The question of transference of long-distance messages,
far beyond the range of either sight or hearing, has often
been discussed and commented on in books dealing with
native races. It is too abstruse a subject to enter upon
here, but it may be remarked that rumour has it that, at
the time of the Somali Campaign, when many Awemba
served in the King's African Rifles, waihng for the dead
took place in the Kasama Boma village many weeks before
written, or even telegraphic news, could have reached
that place of the death of members of the force.

No special tests of taste or touch have been made. As,
however, natives confidently assert that they can dis-
tinguish members of their own tribe by smell alone, even
on the darkest night, several experiments were made in
this direction, and, undoubtedly, some natives would seem
to possess this special faculty. One man, completely bhnd-
folded, did not make a single mistake in smelling out men
of his own tribe, and, though other natives of different
tribes were placed before him, he detected them at
once.

The hereditary transmission of natural or acquired
qualities from father to son is a moot point. In the Awemba,
for instance, all closely related to the royal blood bear a
distinctive cast of countenance, and are easily distinguished
from a crowd of ordinary natives. One might descant
upon the bravery and adroitness which seem to descend
from father to son amongst the nomad clan of Hippopotamus
Hunters, who used to be found upon the banks of the Luena
and Luapula, of whose daring hunting Livingstone gives
so graphic a description in his Last Journals ; or upon the
inherited craft of the sons of the fuyidi blacksmith or ivory-
worker. But these are, alas, d3dng industries, and the
special types which they tend to develop are not permanent,
or ever likely to have any effect upon the race at large.

118 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

As in Europe, certain physical abnormalities repeat them-
selves in a curious fashion, and in several native families
six-fingered children are born in successive generations.

In the light of actual experience the alleged marv^ellous
powers of tropical natives in path-finding appear to be
somewhat exaggerated. One of the writers was tracking
a solitary eland through thick bush on a cloudy day, with a
capitao and several boys from outlying parts of the district.
As a test a prismatic compass was set down, and the boys
were told to point to the east and also in the direction of
the station which they had left in the early morning. They
all pointed in the wrong direction, after ineffectual attempts
to guess at the position of the sun, and were extremely
astonished when by compass and capitao they were set
right. It is difficult to get lost in the average Plateau
bush, owing to the innumerable paths and even disused
tracks, which lead to gardens and, finally, to a village.
Where there are no such paths there are game tracks which
lead to water, from which village finding is comparatively
easy. Natives say that, if bushed at night, they first climb
the tallest tree and sniff about for the smell of fire from
the nearest village which, especially in the wet season, they
maintain they can locate within a two-mile radius. Faihng
this guiding smell, and when no tinder can be found for the
firestick, they make a rude perch in the boughs, and
philosophically await the dawn.

We can discuss only in a general fashion the various
questions of native health, diseases and their treatment,
without any pretence at medical or scientific arrangement
and method.

The often reiterated deadliness of the tropical climate
is, of course, a myth where the natives themselves are
concerned, and year by year its influence upon Europeans
is mitigated, owing to the researches of the various schools
of tropical medicine. Indeed, the British Medical Journal
(p. 1291, October 1909) states : ' Having given statistics
as to the decrease of mortality from different diseases,
Professor Osier said a remarkable result had been that in

.jffi«^>' ^.^■^a^M

-> -<^^

1 -"^ .-w^^^l

i^--^

"'*^"* '

■^*

^^'^-^ M

^<>-^-i^M

d^^— ■ ^ ■

^c» f^B^I

^^vr-

■ ^-vg^

~v ^

■^"

'^'1 \ ■ m^

^ "^ "^~^

- ^ .

*^-^.

'~- . ">i^; "i^Si^^

BPr

'?'**r-"~'^^&r

^EvS*

^ •

:'-V5«:^^^S

1 V. \

'X'A

THE PLATEAU NATIVE 119

1908 the combined tropical diseases, malaria, dysentery,
and beriberi, killed fewer than the two great kilUng diseases
of the temperate zone, pneumonia and tuberculosis.'

With the exception of minor ailments caused more by
dirt and neglect of sanitary conditions than by the chmate,
the general health of the natives is excellent. Smallpox
excluded, the country is very free from zymotic diseases,
and at the present time there is no epidemic of even small-
pox in our sphere. One of the writers was present on
Lake Bangweolo at the time of the great epidemic of small-
pox in 1903. The Wabisa understood thoroughly the value
of isolation, and, in the first stages, instantly removed all
suspects to grass huts in the bush, where they were attended
by previous sufferers. Wlien the disease reached its climax
they pierced the pustules by rubbing the patient's body with
sand, and finally removed the matter and sand with a
banana leaf. The French Fathers considered that the Bisa
practice of casting the bodies of those who had died of
smallpox into the lake channels, often on a small raft of
reeds was one of the most fruitful sources of contagion.
At the south end of Chirui Island a medicine-man, who
called himself Mulenga, was doing a roaring trade with
little hookah-shaped gourds containing medicine which,
he asserted, had been given to him by God, and which he
had brought from the Luapula to avert the disease. For-
tunately, all submitted to vaccination with good grace,
probably because inoculation and rubbing medicine into an
incision in the skin is a common device of native doctors
— and, by burning the infected villages the disease was
prevented from spreading to the mainland.

The native theory of the causation of disease being
essentially a ' spiritual ' one, diseases are invariably
attributed to external, and usually supernatural influences
— never to want of care by the patient in such matters as
gluttony, excessive drinking, or dirty habits. Hence divina-
tion is the final diagnosis. The medicine man, by various
methods (discussed in Chapter VI.) will find out which of
the ancestral spirits is displeased, or what hving person
has compassed the illness by his magic arts or witchcraft.

120 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Treatment is, too, often pursued upon the lines of ' faith
heaUng,' which would have delighted the heart of Mrs.
Eddy ! The village doctor, for instance, will give the
sufferer a special horn containing remedies to be worn on
the painful side, and special amulets to repel the disease.
Drugs and actual medicines are used mainly as ancillary
to the action of such charms. Though the medicine man
will go into the bush to collect simples, and will powder
various roots, yet these natural remedies are considered
inefficient until rendered active by the addition of some
charm from the medicine-man's magic box {intangala).
Aperients and astringents are well known, but the nostrum
given is such a mixture of various ingredients, such as roots
and magic charms, that it is difficult to determine the action
of any special root.

The larger organs of the body are regarded rather as the
seat of the various emotions than assigned any definite
functions in maintaining the harmony of the body. The
natives have a very definite idea that at aU costs the blood
must be kept running through the veins, and they are
exceedingly afraid that any sudden shock may cause it
to desert the arteries and settle in the stomach, thus causing
death. When a friend falls from a tree which he has been
lopping to make his garden, whether his hmbs are broken
or not, the bystanders -wiU first make sure that his blood be
kept circulating all over his body, since they think that it
may have been shaken out of its place by the shock.
Accordingly they kindle fires round the patient, and massage
his Hmbs. In one case of a cut finger, treatment consisted
in pulHng out one by one, first all his finger joints, then
all the joints of his several toes, and was rounded off by
spitting on top of his head — probably as a spiritual bless-
ing additional to the physical first-aid.

A short description of the main diseases and iUnesses
seems necessary here.

Fever is the most common ailment. Towards the south-
west of the sphere treated in these pages, in the swampy
districts sloping from Luena (old) station to Lake
Bangweolo this fever is usually a symptom of malaria.

THE PLATEAU NATIVE 121

Among the hill tribes, however, especially towards the
north between Fife and Abercorn such fever may safely
be attributed to other causes, as the malaria parasites are
rarely found upon microscopial examination of the blood.
The recurrent attacks of tick fever which, in the old days,
was called intermittent malaria seems one of the main
sources of this prevalent native disease. Mr. Winston
Churchill, when travelhng in Uganda, gave an excellent
account of this hateful disease. Its worst features — at
any rate in the case of Europeans — are the frequent
recurrence of the attacks, as many as nine or ten separate
bouts extending over a period of a month or six weeks,
being by no means uncommon ; high fever, and intense
depression, while iritis is always to be feared as a sequela.
Usually, however, it is not dangerous, and though quinine
in the usual form appears to intensify the attacks, the
disease will sometimes respond to Warburg's Tincture-,
warmth and rest.

The ornithodorus mouhata, in other words the tick that
carries spirillum fever, is to be found in the majority of the
Plateau villages, but, happily, it is not always a carrier
of infection. On the main trade routes, however, and at
many Bomas where strangers are continually passing these
ticks generally become infected with the spirochaeta duttoni,
and thus produce tick fever. Old rest-houses are a favourite
haunt of ticks, and the Government has just issued a
circular warning travellers against camping in such build-
ings for the night. It must be said for the natives that
they themselves quite realise the danger of such old build-
ings, and villages are usually moved to new sites after six
or seven years — whereas round about an European settle-
ment it is not always convenient to effect such drastic
measures. At present the tick, called by the natives
Nkufu, is under suspicion as being a possible carrier of
Sleeping-Sickness.

An interesting point — though, unfortunately one which
cannot be vouched for — is that some of the Angoni have,
by repeated attacks in generation after generation, become
immune. To preserve this immunity when traveUing,

122 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

and with the idea of importing immunity to their friends,
they are said to carry these home-bred ticks with them
from place to place.

Many varieties of skin disease abound on the shores of
Lakes Tanganyika and Bangweolo. Leprosy is also found
in various forms, but in spite of want of segregation it does
not seem to make much headway, nor has it as yet spread
to any great extent to the mainland or the High Plateau.
The Wabisa subsist mainly on fish, which is often very putrid
— and, since among the non-fish-eating Plateau tribes the
disease is extremely rare, this fact would seem, to the
layman at least, a good confirmation of Hutchinson's
fish-theory in regard to the causes of leprosy. On the
other hand, the P.M.O. of Nyasaland mentions that the
eating of hippo-meat is viewed with suspicion as being a
possible cause of the disease.

A form of Leucoderma is also a common affection among
lake natives, and is by them attributed to eating certain
kinds of fish. The breast and especially the hands present,
in this disease, a curious mottled appearance, being covered
with large white patches.

The ordinary skin diseases, such as itch, boils, carbuncles,
and urticaria are common enough upon the Plateau.
Native children are much afflicted with parasites, especially
the painful body-maggot, mutiti, which occasionally appear
even in Europeans. Fortunately, however, the guinea-
worm — which an Irishman from Uganda described as
entering the skin as small as a pin, and ' trekking-out '
as large as a python — has not yet made its appearance ;
though ' jiggers ' are common enough.

Indeed Africa is most truly the paradise of the parasite.
In a land of such vast distances it may seem paradoxical,
but it is none the less true that the tiniest things are those
that count the most, and are the most important in ultimate
analysis. It is undeniable that more Europeans have died,
or been invaHded, through the bite of the insignificant
mosquito and the fevers, including blackwater, which it
engenders, than have met their fate in petty wars or from
the attacks of wild beasts. The glossina palpalis, which

THE PLATEAU NATIVE 123

would go in the smallest pill-box, is responsible for the
spread of the dreaded Sleeping-Sickness, as is its brother,
the glossina morsitans, for the cattle disease. These are
but a few instances — but they may suffice.

In one of his reports, Mr. Young, Native Commissioner
at Chinsah, remarks upon an eye disease common among
the natives between the months of August and October.
This disease is accompanied by acute inflammation and
discharge, and to cure it the natives prepare a decoction
into which they put alive a common or house-fly. They
say that the fly is very cunning, and that, as it spreads
infection from sore eyes to clean, so it may as well help to
carry the appropriate medicine with it.

Abdominal diseases are many and varied, and are stated
by some authorities — among whom is Dr. Kerr Cross —
to be due to the fact that natives bolt their food without
chemng it. But, as the staple food, porridge, does not
require much chewing, it is perhaps more often due to
habitual constipation and neglect.

Chronic diarrhoea and several forms of dysentery are very
common in swampy localities. Dysentery of a virulent
type occasionally becomes endemic just before or during
the rains, and last year (1909) caused many deaths in the
Fife division before it was suppressed. The natives often
complain of chulu which they say is an internal sore or
abscess, but since they point to it over the left side it may
be merely spleen enlargement. Excessive constipation is
called lusuku, and when the stomach is swollen up the
medicine man is called in to give drastic emetics and
purgatives.

The various groin-glands, septic or possibly of filarial
origin they call mupindo, and assert that native doctors
can soon reduce such swellings.

Natives can bear actual cold well enough, as is found in
the case of workers transferred from the hot Luangwa Valley
to a cold station hke Fife ; but cold and wet weather com-
bined are too much for them. Hence coughs and colds are
very prevalent in the first months of the year, and often end
in the dreaded kabale or pneumonia. If the ordinary colds

124 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

and fevers which abound at this time of the year are not
easily shaken off, they are attributed at once to the infidehty
of a wife : indeed, a special word has been coined to denote
this species. Consumption, though according to Dr. Kerr
Cross, extremely rare in the adjacent North Nyasa district,
is by no means unknown on the Plateau, and a certain
percentage of deaths occur from it every year. Cancer,
however, is said to be unknown.

The Awemba do not distinguish between attacks of
epilepsy and insanity, but classify them together under
the general word kwpena. They distinguish between three
forms : Akakoshi musa say they, is when a man has a mad
fit which throws him into convulsions on the ground, but
from which he quickly recovers and returns to his right
mind ; lupuma is an acute attack of madness which sends
a man suddenly raving mad until death ends his suffering ;
but this form is said to be rare ; chipupu seizes its victim
suddenly and causes coUapse in a very short time, when the
man lies absolutely rigid as if dead, and, if alone in his hut,
is almost sure to be severely burned. This collapse often
lasts a whole day, when the patient Mdll finally awake and
drop into a natural sleep. One of the writers was called
in the middle of the night to assist in the case of a woman,
and found the relatives, despairing of reviving her, in the
act of prizing open the clenched jaws with an axe.

Another form is chinsa, where the insane man will eat
leaves and grass, and hve in the woods. Such men are,
literally, ' mid men of the woods ' and are, perhaps, not so
much insane as a throw-back to a very primitive type.
One such man was brought before an official after being
trapped by the villagers who were enraged at his continual
monkey-hke thefts of crops and pilferings from the village
at night. The features of this man, especially the low,
receding forehead, and the gait and movements were
extremely simian.

Most tribes have the firm belief that for all these forms
of insanity or epilepsy there is a special and very efficacious
medicine, which produces violent vomiting, but, if persisted
in, leaves the patient in his right mind, though very weak.

THE PLATEAU NATIVE 125

The following description of native surgery is taken from
notes kindly given by Dr. Chisholm of the Livingstonia
Mission.

The skill of native doctors is considerable. They treat
fractures by setting and splints, but as they cause shorten-
ings, callosities, and ankylosed joints, the treatment cannot
be described as very satisfactory. Rest and position are
not much considered in their surgery, but more in medicine.
Haemorrhage is stopped by boihng water or hot mud,
but the principle of cauterisation does not appear to be
known. Venesection, however, is practised, and the cut
vein may be tied. Gaping wounds are stitched with fibre
thread, and successfully closed. Ordinary wounds are
washed with very hot water and medicines, composed of
pounded bits of special wood, and are then covered with
the leaves of a special bushy tree. Bad wounds are dressed
daily, while over small wounds a fibre called lukusa is
stretched, which acts as sticking-plaster. Blue-stone is in
much request for snake-bites. When a man is bitten a
Hgature is at once fastened between the puncture and
the heart, and the village doctor cuts the wound to allow
the blood to flow freely ; then, after chewing certain leaves,
sucks out the venom, afterwards cleansing his mouth wdth
the same antidote as before. Charms against serpents,
especially amulets made of the wood of rare trees, are much
in vogue as preventives of snake-bites. Some Wabisa
wear amulets of snake-skin to avoid being bitten by a
certain kind of water-snake which is considered dangerous.

Abscesses, when nearly pointing, are opened with a knife.
Cupping is frequently used, especially for headache and
fever, sharp incisions being made with a native razor close
to each ear, and the cupping-horn affixed, when a friend
starts the flow into this horn by suction through a tiny
hole at the tip, which is afterwards stoppered by wax.

The recuperative power of many natives after severe
accidents is marvellous. A villager at Fife, whose head
had been, Hterally, in the leopard's mouth, had, when
carried to Mwenzo Hospital, part of his brain exposed, and
yet recovered and leads an active hfe to-day. Natives

126 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

recover well and rapidly after the most serious operations.
Hundreds of people are living in the Awemba country
to-day who have suffered the most terrible and unnameable
mutilations at the hands of their chiefs, under which most
Europeans would have died of shock alone.

Particulars of the various forms of mutilations inflicted
for certain offences have been given in the chapter on
Legal Notions. The following typical description is
given by an eyewitness. The victim was thrown down on
the ground, and his hands — sometimes placed on a block of
wood — were amputated with an axe. The unfortunate,
who was often unable to rise immediately, being stunned by
a cruel blow on the spine, would rush away from the village
to the nearest water, pursued by a volley of logs of wood and
other missiles. The relatives, who were only allowed to
approach him in the village in a case of mutilation by blind-
ing, brought boiling water to the stream and dashed it on
the bleeding stumps, holding the victim's arms above his
head, and throwing on flour until, finally, the flow of blood
was staunched. When the eyes were gouged out (with the
thumb) the optic vessels were cut, and the relatives — out of
kindness and, as they said, to prevent further inflammation
— poured hot castor-oil into the sockets ! Such mutilations
were not, however, confined to the savagery of the chiefs ;
murderers often inflicting shocking mutilations on the
bodies of their victims. This was done, it is said, to prevent
the spirit of the murdered person from exacting vengeance,
and even if only the joint of the first or the little finger were
cut off, such mutilation would suffice for this purpose.

Abnormalities are very rare, owing, doubtless to the fact,
strenuously denied by natives but nevertheless undoubtedly
true, that abnormal children such as the chinhula are
destroyed after birth. Albino children are occasionally
found. Natives account for their partially white markings
by saying that they are the children of the Mulenga, who,
according to tradition, was a white man. The original
Mulenga, the Azrael of the Awemba, is said to have come

THE PLATEAU NATIVE 127

from Lubaland, and to have caused the great rinderpest
(in 1894) to revenge himself upon Chitimukulu, who would
not acknowledge his claim to be the real king of the Awemba.
The natives say that Mulenga still moves as a wandering
spirit from village to village in the Wemba country, and
that Albino children are thus begotten by him from time
to time. Though of this sinister parentage, Albino children
are not the subject of any further superstition, or taboo,
but marry in due course.

Erythrism is extremely rare, the writers having, so far
seen only one red-headed child ; they could not ascertain
that any especial superstition was prevalent regarding it.

Dwarfs are, again, uncommon, and the writers have seen
only two, and those in the Shinga country. Owing, per-
haps, to their Congolese origin, the Awemba have many
tales about dwarfs. For instance, on seeing a dwarf
approach, one must salute him afar off to propitiate him ;
he wiU then be much pleased, saying to himself : ' I cannot
be so smaU, after all, if these Awemba can see me at such a
distance ! '

Though children are occasionally born with webbed
fingers, which are carefully separated later by their mothers
the rooted superstition of the Awemba that the Waungai
those quaint and primitive denizens of the Bangweolo
swamps, have in many cases webbed feet, is a mere myth.

UmbiHcal hernials extremely common among the younger
children ; due, probably, to unsuitable feeding immediately
after birth. Men with protruberant navels were frequently
selected by the chief's messengers-who were known as
the 'Neck-Twisters '-as fit victims for the human sacri-
fices decreed by the chiefs in case of shortage of rain. A
fuller account, however, of this procedure is to be found
in the chapter upon Native Husbandry.

128 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

CHAPTER IX

THE PLATEAU NATIVE (ll)

In the darkest shadows of the African forest there thrives
a dwarfish shrub humbled, to outward insignificance, by
the luxuriant overgrowth of rank grasses which surround
it. The traveller passes it by as mean and ignoble. It
is the expert alone who knows that, beneath the surface,
its stems extend on every side in unseen ramifications, and
that its underground limbs teem with a precious flow of
the richest rubber.

So to the casual observer the treasures of the native
mind and character are hidden from sight — obscured by
the overgrowth of prevalent or fashionable theories which
surround them. Hence, in approaching the mental and
moral aspects of our Plateau native, we must resolutely
clear such obstructions from the field of our mental vision,
and brush aside that ungodly array of pernicious half-
truths ; as, for instance, that the native is ' haK-child,
half-devil,' that he is a ' pohtical idiot,' or that he is
' more non-moral than immoral.'

It cannot be too highly emphasised that, if we wish to
study the native, we must begin from the native standpoint,
patiently gleaning its expression from native languages
and institutions. One must ' think black ' to bridge the
vast gulf between African and European conceptions.
Better pasturage is to be found by an advance into the
sympathetic and unprejudiced study of native Hfe and
character than by merely browsing upon the edge of the
white men's theories.

Ten years of experience among natives — especially if
many of those years have been Uved alone in their midst —
give far more insight than mountains of monographs or

THE PLATEAU NATIVE 129

all the wealth of African literature. The arm-chair scientist
will, no doubt, look pityingly down upon so exiled an
investigator, will contend that his mind has been warped
by the influence of native hfe, will advise him, in haK-
veiled contempt, to cultivate more detachment from his
subject, and to reconstruct his ideas on the basis of cold
study of the problem and in the dry light of fact. Yet
how futile such advice must sound to those who have
caught, even for an instant, a ghmpse of the elusive in-
wardness of the African soul ! Our exile knows his African,
body, soul, and spirit, far better than does the scientist.
That he cannot transmute such insight into terms of
European thought, cannot reduce his knowledge so that it
may be accurately measured by the ' ridiculous callipers
of witless anthropology ' is unfortunate — and cannot be
helped. It is better to be inarticulate than inaccurate in
such matters. The study of African races on the spot is
still in its infancy ; perhaps some heaven-born genius
may eventually arise and fuse into a briUiant monograph
the inscrutable intellect of Tropical Africa. But, in the
meantime, it is better to flee from the devil of dogmatism
and to cast oneself into the deep sea of native thought,
even though it submerge us and render us dumb where we
should be definite.

Bearing such limitations in mind, the impressions here-
after recorded are advanced in no dogmatic spirit, but as
subjective, tentative, and confined mainly to the dominant
race in our especial sphere.

The genius of that dominant people is most clearly seen
in its language and system of government, both of which
evidence no small power of logical reasoning. This is our
first heresy against the generally accepted view that the
Bantu is hopelessly deficient in logical faculties and reason-
ing powers, so some attempt must be made to defend it.
As the late Dr. Gust wrote in the Introduction to his
erudite volume on the Modern Languages of Africa, ' some
of these wild languages evidence a most intricate and
elaborate organism, which, if they prove nothing else, at
least point to the existence in the brains of the speaker of a

130 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

logical power of reasoning.' If this argument may be
followed — and it has been acutely said that to the modern
philologist psychology is even more important than physi-
ology— then, in Chiwemba we have, assuredly, such a
language. The marvellous symmetry of its concords and
its intricate tense system are, in the opinion of perhaps
the greatest authority on Bantu philology, among the
most elaborate yet discovered. The copious vocabulary
and the almost unlimited capacity of forming derivatives
according to fixed laws make us wonder at the genius
of the race which evolved it. Again, the refinements
and nuances of oratorical and idiomatic Chiwemba
would appeal at once to any classical scholar, as
would the simple yet sustained vigour of its folklore
tales.

Nor is this language decaying or in any immediate
danger of becoming debased ; on the contrary, it is gaining
ground. And its very use at the present time postulates,
from those who speak it well, logical and reasoning powers
of no mean order.

Of the ' solemn foolery ' of formal logic, or of logic as
a theory of knowledge and scientific method, our Plateau
native is, doubtless, ignorant ; nor does he grace his mental
processes with labels of deduction or induction. Yet
no one who has used native assessors will deny that their
questions — especially in cross-examination — are directed,
whether consciously or not, to the eliciting of proof by one
of these methods. We may clinch the argument by point-
ing to the inlierent logic in the development of such institu-
tions as the Wemba form of government, which has been
discussed in a former chapter.

The sententious wisdom of the old men is another factor
to be reckoned with. Innumerable talks upon ulendo
with chiefs and village elders can only confirm one in a
high opinion of their shrewdness and mental capacity.
Such chiefs as old Chitoshi, head of the Walungu and
Zapaira — now, alas ! dead — were, in their way, true black
philosophers, and their remarks anent the character of
their peoples, doubtless derived from much experience in

THE PLATEAU NATIVE 131

governing them, would have dumbfounded any one apt
to be cynical in regard to native ability for reflection.

The denial of the logical faculty and of reasoning powers
is generally followed by the statement that the African
races are usually destitute of the capacity for abstract
thought. But this contention is disproved — at least to any
student of the language — by the existence of a special
Abstract Prefix, which is found more or less in most
Bantu languages, but abundantly in Chiwemba and the
kindred Chiluba. By the use of this prefix practically
any noun can be changed from the concrete sense
to the abstract. Abstract terms can, therefore, be ex-
pressed with greater ease and simplicity in Chiwemba
than in English. It is not necessary to go to the other
extreme and pretend that the natives are true meta-
physicians, or that they approach any conscious analysis
of the abstract. But the faculty and habit of abstract
thought are there and in constant use, as may be seen
from the numberless proverbs and pithy maxims of the
people.

This grasp of the abstract is accompanied by the sister
faculty of capacity for spiritual thought. Hence mission-
aries say that they do not find the often-quoted difficulty
of expressing the high moral and spiritual truths of Chris-
tianity in native terms. As Dr. Elmslie says : ' The native
lives constantly in an atmosphere of spiritual things. He
is consciously or unconsciously always under the power
and influence of the spirit world. Almost all his customs
are connected with a spiritual origin. It is in this power
of comprehending the abstract and spiritual in which the
so-called savage is at his best.'

Many officials fondly think that it is owing to their own
infiuence and that of a handful of native police that the
country is administered in peace and quiet. But is it not,
rather, that invisible backing force, the mysterious Europe
— the TJlaya of the natives — the maker of the ' Steamer
of the Mountains,' as the Awemba call the locomotive, and
the fashioner of long-range rifles that is the ultimate
restraining factor ?

132 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

The degree of brain-power and cleverness among the raw
natives is a very moot point. It can only be said that up
to the age of puberty black children educated with white
show much the same share of intelligence. The native
mind is in a constant state of receptivity, and its powers
of assimilation are enormous. There is a constant yearning
to learn to read and write, and to thus assimilate the
knowledge of the white man. Boys reading by the camp-
fire and by moonhght are a common sight. Such is the
intense zeal for knowledge that many of the advanced boys
who are sent to training-centres such as Kondowe, the head-
quarters of the Livingstonia Mission, will injure themselves
with overstudy and exhibit all the symptoms of neurasthenia
and brain-fag. However doubtful we may be of the capacity
of the average native, there is no doubt that some have
considerable talent, and, in the opinion of missionaries
who have trained them, could succeed in passing even such
difficult tests as the medical degree at home with ordinary
coaching.

The raw native is gradually being educated. In the
Fife division, for instance, about ten years ago barely a
score could read, out of a population of over 20,000 ; now
about 7000 can read and write a little.

Memory, though undoubtedly not one of the highest
qualities of the mind, is, nevertheless, not to be despised
if found in a backward race ; and it may be safely said
that the memory of our Plateau native is excellent. Find-
ing on an old file the copy of a report on district travelling
written nine years ago, one of the authors called up the
messengers who were with him at the time and questioned
them as a test. Though they had travelled many times
over the same ground with other officials, three out of the
four not only gave the exact route taken — a very devious
one — but also recalled many forgotten incidents of the
journey. Winamwanga boys at Mwenzo Mission can re-
produce, faultlessly, pages of the text-book set for examina-
tion, and at the French mission schools long catechisms
are learnt by heart and repeated word for word with
consummate ease. For this reason many missionaries

THE PLATEAU NATIVE 133

denounce examination from text-books as a defective
test, since it merely serves to train a faculty already
highly developed, and advise that every effort should be
made to stimulate thought instead of insisting upon a
mere parrot-pattering of the text.

To turn to the obverse of the medal ; we find that
athwart the path of mental progress cleared by these
quahties of mind are the two stubborn barriers of super-
stition and sensuaUty. The undoubted fact that mental
development is arrested and sometimes crushed by these
two obsessions must be fairly faced. Scientists have stated
that this check is to be explained by the premature closing
of the cranial sutures, by which the normal development of
the brain is checked (Keane's Ethnologij, p. 44). But this
theory is now somewhat in disfavour. In the opinion of the
present writers the intense sex instincts are the strongest
bar, and it is in this direction, by gradually teaching
resistance and restraint, that the best efforts of missionaries
should be directed. The weight of witchcraft and the fear
of magic has crushed any nascent critical faculty to death.
Even the best-educated natives have a sneaking beUef in
lycanthropy — in other words, the power of a wizard to change
himself into a Hon or a leopard — and it is simply waste of
time to point out to them that an open demonstration by
the suspect should precede belief. Such beliefs cry for the
strong corrective of a technical and scientific education, in
which the phenomena of Nature which frequently underlie
superstitious fear may be rationally explained. The lack
of critical capacity perhaps accounts also for the want of
a sense of proportion and the slow adjustment of relative
values. The old, time-honoured standards of values in
cattle, women, beer, and grain are well marked, but any new
object fits slowly enough into its proper niche. Natives
part with cattle, which represent so many wives, for the
Brummagem toys, cheap striking clocks, and the like
brought up by repatriated mine-boys from the south.

Mental instability and lack of power to fix the attention
have been commented upon by some writers as a defect of
tropical races. But in fairness it must be remarked that,

134 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

when a native grasps the importance of a subject, he is all
attention, and will follow the tedious windings of an intri-
cate cattle case when even the interest of the white official
has begun to flag. Again, missionaries who have had ex-
perience of teaching at home inform us that, in subjects
which call for sustained attention, their black pupils'
powers of concentration compare very favourably with
those of a white class of the same average age in Europe.
The above are but a few aspects of the strength and
weakness of the native brain. In fine, the mental gifts of
the Plateau native, rooted deeply in the recesses of abstract
and spiritual thought, are of the contemplative and un-
practical type, wholly in harmony with the life of ease
which he leads at present. The nimble adroitness, versatile
energy, aggressive and inventive power of the white races,
whicli make, no doubt, for practical success in life, are
foreign to his nature. Yet it is the practical, workaday
life of a Helot, the life of a ' hewer and drawer ' for a
superior race, to which, by the irony of fate, he is, apparently,
destined.

To turn to the general aspects of the moral and emotional
sides of native character.

Let us examine the view taken by the native himself as
to the source and effect of his emotion. He will attribute
the baser emotions of which he is ashamed to an external
source. ' Fear,' he says, ' seized me, and made my
heart say Pwa-a ! ' (imitating a fluttering sound). ' Anger
gripped me by the neck, and shame disturbed my breath.'
The more noble moral qualities are, apparently, conceived
as residing in the larger organs of the body, but are capable
of being dislodged by lower impulses. Thus the seat of
bravery is in the heart, yet the heart itself, by some crazy
notion, is literally said to be driven down on occasion into
the stomach. Intelhgence is at once pointed out as re-
siding in the right side of the forehead, and the expression
' He has a bee in his bonnet ' is paralleled by the coarser
phrase ' He has maggots in his brain.' Vigour and energy
proceed from the abdomen. Love and affection are spoken
of as residing in the bosom, and the natives point to the

Si'^'

THE PLATEAU NATIVE 135

centre of the chest to denote such feehngs. Remorse is
referred to usually as attacking a man over the region of
the spleen.

The native conscience is very complex and varied. As
an old trader put it grotesquely, but forcibly, ' an
elephant could dance with hobnail boots on the consciences
of most of the older men without any effect.' Yet the
majority of the younger men are very sensitive to the
various qualms of conscience, and are greatly disturbed
by remorse and the fear of discovery. They will endeavour
to lift this load from off their guilty minds by attributing
their lapse to the fault of an evil spirit, and by the help
of the medicine man, who often acts as father confessor
in such matters, the spirit incubus with its load of guilty
feeling is finally exorcised. Illness of any duration causes
the patient to rack his conscience to discover what villager
he may have injured, out of fear that the wronged individual
may be inducing a chronic malady by his revengeful
witchcraft.

The Awemba are, perhaps, the most emotional of the
Plateau races. Yet, although some tribes seem capable
of deep emotion — such as sorrow and real grief — no extrav-
agant gusts of passion or outbursts of emotion sway them
to the hysterical lengths which are credited to the Kafir.
Natives think far more of a quiet, easy-going man, unemo-
tional and slow to anger, than they would of a strenuous
official stepping from the pages of Kiphng, however admir-
able the latter might be with his driving energy and nervous
Telegraphese. Hence the proverb runs, ' He is a fool who
runs counter to a quiet man.' The most disturbing report
is received with stoic composure. Glad news often causes
the older people to break into an uncouth dance, but this
seems more a matter of form than an expression of genuine
emotion. How a native would act under the stimulus of
a Salvation Army meeting it is difficult to guess, as this
country has not yet been favoured with any outbreak of
revivalism.

Before discussing the nobler qualities — such as honesty,
generosity, confidence, fidehty to the given word of honour.

136 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

and frank belief — it must be emphasised that these affec-
tions are mainly the outcome of the original sacrifice of
the individual to the obHgations of the clan system. The
thraldom of the individual who, with all his rights, is bound
in the altruistic trammels of primitive sociahsm is well
worked out in a recent book by Mr. Dudley Kidd, so that
no specific proof of this assertion is needed. Suffice it to
say that on the Plateau the finks of the chain are obvious.
The individual is merged in his family, who are bound by
various ties to similar groups, uiuted in one village under
the headman. The village headman, again, is subject
to the infiuence of the various local overlords, who are in
turn responsible to the paramount chief — the apex of the
tribe. These bonds grip the Plateau native just as they
do the Kafir in religious and legal affairs, in war, in hunting,
in the everyday needs of life.

The unswerving honesty of the bush native is most
remarkable. A wandering European hunter — an easy
mark for plunder — may pitch his tent in any village, go
out all day with his boys on elephant spoor, and return
to find cash and goods untouched ; they are under the
protection of the headman, and no villager would dream
of purloining anything. Native capitaos frequently send,
by raw natives from the out-stores, bags of cash roughly
sewn up in flimsy trade cafico, which are faithfully delivered
intact to the trader at his central station. At the principal
homas, owing to the constant influx of natives of different
race, it would be unsafe to go out on ulendo without
first locking up the house. But at an out-station such a
precaution is unnecessary, and house and furniture may be
left unguarded in perfect safety. Unfortunately, however,
this high standard of honesty is beginning to deteriorate
— possibly owing to the fact that the thousands of natives
who have been south have returned with a lower code
learned from less honest tribes. Thieves are, as a rule,
natives who have seen the world, and very rarely are such
acts brought home to the raw bush native.

The strong confidence which the natives place in each
other is the best proof of this honesty. A Wemba boy, for

THE PLATEAU NATIVE 137

instance, working at the mines will frequently hand over
to a passer-by of his own tribe, who he may have only seen
for a day, part of his wages for deUvery to his friends, and
such trust is very rarely betrayed. Contempt-of-court
prisoners for default of hut-tax payments are free to do
ordinary work unguarded on giving their word of honour
not to escape, and this pledge is very rarely broken. The
very frequency of the native phrase, ' to put one's neck
upon a thing,' denotes that the utmost confidence is
constantly given and received. Unprincipled white men
sometimes take advantage of this simple trust ; in a recent
case a gang of carriers worked cheerfully for six months
in a neighbouring foreign territory for a party of hunters
without pay, relying on the false statement that their
wages had been deposited with the official of their own
homa.

To complete this sketch of the nobler outstanding quaHties
of the natives, their conservatism, their sense of justice,
and remarkable law-abiding quahties are merely mentioned
here, as they have been already referred to in the chapter
upon Legal Notions.

However, the reverse of the picture must not be ignored.
Foremost among the defects stands the want of an aim in
life. To this is due the sameness and persistency of the
native tj^Q, which can be easily identified in Egyptian
sculptures of four thousand years ago. The same shaped
huts, the same primitive clothes, the same destructive
methods of cultivation . . . but why run the gamut of a
conservatism more than Chinese in its conformity to type ?

The absence of will-power among some natives is doubt-
less due, to a certain extent, to the fact that the individual,
as we have seen, has merged his volition in that of the
clan.

The reserve forces of character — such as perseverance
and reliability — are sadly wanting, and it is extremely
difficult to engage boys in any pursuit for any length of
time. The nomad instinct reasserts itself, and they are
off in search of new masters hundreds of miles away,
though, finally, they often return and admit their foolish-

138 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

ness. Nor is it surprising that the factor of rehabihty
should be a very minor quantity, and this apphes to not
only the ordinary run of natives, but to police, to messengers,
and even to the ordinary run of educated native clerks
placed in responsible positions. It is astonishing how
often the most suave and soft-spoken capitao placed
in temporary charge of an out-station will turn, as the
natives say, into a lion. Bukali bufumu — ' Cruelty is
the mark of the chief ' — so runs the typical native
proverb, and so it is, perhaps, not surprising that a clerk,
being for the time in the position of a ' little tin god,'
is apt to abuse his prerogative.

This leads naturally to another phase of the native
character. It is of no use mincing matters or denying
— what is clear to any one of experience — that natives
feel keen pleasure in witnessing the sufferings of others.
When listening to the tales of mutilations carried out
by one who had acted as chief mutilator for the late
Mwamba, one could not help noticing how all the carriers
gathered round and followed, gloatingly, the vivid de-
scription of detestable details. At the hanging of one
of their own tribe, police were absolutely unmoved, climb-
ing down into the pit with the utmost sang-froid to see
if the execution had been successfully carried out. Of
their callous cruelty to animals, the less said the better.
Plucking a fowl alive and other horrors are com-
mitted by them vvdthout, apparently, the slightest shame.
Whatever allowance may be made for their apparent
insensibility to pain does but little to palliate their
heedlessness to the manifest sufferings of even their own
relatives.

A missionary report states that one youth objected
to the eyes of an old and suffering woman — his relative
— being operated upon because, he said, ' If she sees, I
shall have to pay a three-shilling tax for her ; now she
does not pay, being blind ! ' And when serious accidents
happen — when, for instance, a man is severely scalded
and lies in agony at an adjacent village — it is extremely
difficult to muster carriers there to bring him to the

THE PLATEAU NATIVE 139

station ; usually men must be written on by the official
to bring the sufferer in.

Yet, in spite of this callousness, there can be no doubt
of the existence of family affection, deep-rooted, though
not often outwardly demonstrated. Among the Plateau
tribes the love of a native woman for her children is un-
doubtedly very strong. Frequently, a native woman will
assert in court that she would rather put up with the
ill-treatment of her husband than lose the custody of
her child. The practice of infanticide — of which McLellan
gives such terrible instances throughout the world — is
singularly less prominent in Africa. ' How poignant is
the cry of a child to a barren woman,' says the pathetic
native proverb, which shows the deep yearning of the
women for children. When a young child dies, the grief
of both the parents is intense. All officials who have
attended many inquests can testify that there is no
Oriental insincerity in the mourning ; and, again, those
who have witnessed the return of a son of the family
from the mines will never forget the outburst of joy and
affection with which he is welcomed.

Though faithfulness is prominent, the sense of truth
seems very vague. ' For we people are all ahke in deceit
and cunning ! ' is the naive ending to many a tale, wherein
deceitful ' shmness ' and low cunning are just as pro-
minent as one might expect among what the Germans call
Nature Folk.

There is no exaggeration in the statement that a witness
in court cases will scarcely ever give a truthful reply
until he has perceived what he thinks to be the motive
of the question — hence the string of evasive answers
and, apparently, crass stupidity of many under cross-
examination.

The shortcomings of the native from the commercial
and business point of view are many and varied. For,
as Sir Henry Maine has pointed out, tribes still in the
status stage cannot understand the modern contractual
theory. Men who have engaged to work for a year on
the southern mines will suddenly feel the homing instinct,

140 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

and, despite the distance and the want of food for the
return journey, will escape and arrive safely at their homes.
A gang of natives engaged to work at Fort Jameson has
been known to desert on the way down through encounter-
ing a bad omen. Fortunately, however, through pre-
cedents created by punishments in the Native Courts for
this offence, the worker is being gradually educated as to
the binding nature of agreements.

With the exception of the more conservative tribes, such
as the Wiwa, it may safely be said that the Plateau native
is thriftless and improvident. The custom in vogue
among other Central African tribes of banking money
by secreting it in a deep hole underneath the floor of the
hut is very rarely met with here. Again, in spite of
continuous warnings by officials to save grain against a
bad harvest through dearth of rain, beer-drinking goes
on unchecked until absolute want sets in, and the people
are forced to live upon wild fruits and other indigenous
roots and leaves. Boys who are paid, on return from
Southern Rhodesia, sums varying from five pounds onwards
will squander this money immediately upon creature
comforts, and, in a few months, be compelled to turn out
again to earn money for a three-shilling tax ! In the
same way, instead of purchasing cattle, pounds will be
spent in collecting a wardrobe of flimsy and flashy clothes.

The native is absolutely without sense of the value
of time. Thus the ' ticket system ' of wage-paying and
all manner of piecework devised to get a certain task
finished in a certain time is regarded with the utmost
disfavour. But there is no need to flog a dead horse
in multiplying instances of so obvious a failing.

We come now to the final stumbhng-block — the intensity
of the sexual nature. It is not proposed here to enter at
length into the vexed question of native morality, nor does
it matter whether or not we agree with Sir Harry Johnston's
statement that ' misuse or irregularity of sexual inter-
course is not vice, and natives are rarely — knowingly —
indecent.' Any mission doctor will confirm the enormous
loss of nerve force and consequent mental degeneration

THE PLATEAU NATIVE 141

at puberty of their pupils from this failing. It is all very
well for anthropologists to sneer at ' books scrupulously
dressed for the drawing-room table, in which accounts of
native practices and beliefs are omitted as disgusting.'
There must be a limit somewhere, and to describe the
vagaries of native sex-impulses, whether vicious or not,
would require the strong realism of Suetonius and a con-
siderable facility for obscure and obscene Latin. One may,
however, without wishing to dot the i's and cross the t's
in this matter, note a few facts. First, that chastity is an
unknown quantity in young girls over fifteen years of age ;
secondly, that the immoral posturings and dances, kept up
till late at night, cannot fail to inflame the passions of both
the boys and girls who are invariably present ; thirdly,
that early marriage merely gratifies these passions to the
full. The older men, so soon as they feel at home with a
mission doctor, will pester him for aphrodisiacs. One has
but to listen to the filthy ingenuity of obscene abuse poured
forth by two quarrelhng women to reaUse that the fair
sex do not lag behind in such matters. A few tribes are,
by comparison, moral after marriage, but to speak of
morahty in the European sense with regard to such tribes
as the Awemba is mere foohshness.

Nor may the fashionable defence that the native is more
'non-moral than immoral ' be here set up. The Awemba
have a very definite code of sex-morahty, as enforced by
superstitious belief and definite sanctions, which included
mutilation. All know that immorahty is wrong, and that
it runs counter to the laws of superstitious observance.
Did space permit, it would be interesting to trace out the
manner in which, according to the theory of native custom,
sexual continence and faithfulness are essential in the daily
conduct of life, and how immoral acts will — theoretically
at least — vitiate and render unsuccessful the most ordinary
pursuits, such as hunting and fishing. If, for instance, a
woman who has committed adultery cooks her husband's
food, he will be seriously ill. The moral code exists, without
a doubt. It is not carried out in practice — that is aU.
Nor will any student of history be at a loss to quote parallels

142 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

of the difference between the theory and the practice of
national moraUty.

We have attempted to discuss both good and bad aspects
of the native character from the mental and moral stand-
points. To summarise the conclusions in a sentence — though
possibly illuminating — ^would be manifestly very difficult.
The grave defects of sexuality and superstition may be
eradicated by the growing power of missionary influence
and example, and by finding outlets for that readiness to
work which distinguishes the natives of North-Eastem
Rhodesia so favourably from the Kafir.

But all this is a matter of time — of centuries, even. When
one reflects that Eugenics have not yet been adopted among
civilised nations, it seems not only premature, but futile,
to advocate, with some writers, their introduction among
native races peculiarly impatient in matters of sexual
restraint. It is, after all, the titanic task of our Plateau
native himself to follow the advice of Browning —

' My business is not to remake mjself ,
But make the absolute best of what God made.'

THE VAGRANT OFFICIAL 143

CHAPTER X

THE VAGRANT OFFICIAL

Times are, perhaps, changed since the early days when
the natives of a certain division asked their official why
all Native Commissioners seemed to be in such a perpetual
bustle and hurry, scurrying round their districts as if their
very lives depended on it. Nowadays we take things, it is
true, in more leisurely fashion ; but, for all that, the life
of a district official on the Tanganyika Plateau is hardly
one which would appeal to the confirmed lover of peace,
whose habits have crystallised, whose daily round is set
in a bed-rock foundation of immutable routine. For it is,
during the better half of the year, a nomadic existence in
the barest meaning of the term. No dweller in the ' tents
of hide,' no wandering Mongol or Kurd can boast of
more numerous camping-grounds than those which, in the
dry season of the year, fall to the lot of the Native Com-
missioner who takes an interest in his district. Even the
native proverb says, ' The scarecrow may rest o' nights,
but never the watcher of men.'

A digression as to the term ulendo. It is what Ahce
would, probably, have called a ' portmanteau-word ' ; cer-
tainly its six letters comprise an extraordinary variety
of meanings. First and foremost it means a journey ; but
it also represents, collectively, the various human units
who go upon that journey. It is used as an adjective,
quahfying the buckets, folding- tables, camp furniture, and
provisions which stand to the Native Commissioners in the
place of household gods. The way-bill Avhich a native
carrier presents with his load is called an ' ulendo-note,'
and a somewhat strenuous brand of tinned meats is known
under the name of ' Ulendo Beef.' On ulendo is the

144 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

stereotyped phrase representing the normal condition of the
average official during six months out of the twelve ; and,
in preference to wasting further time in diiierentiating
between what ulendo does and does not convey, it may be
simpler to state that it corresponds exactly to sajari, which,
through the efforts of Mr, Winston Churchill, may be
taken to be as much a household word in the England of
to-day as ' veld,' ' kopje,' or ' khaki.'

Preparations for ulendo usually follow a definite routine.
They consist in packing away anything of interest or value
in the shape of books, pictures, photographs, or silver —
since there will be no room for such frillings either upon
the carriers' heads or upon the ground-sheet which is to
be one's carpet for some weeks to come. The strictly
utilitarian residue of frying-pans, enamel- ware, folding-
tables, and the like may then be deposited upon the back
veranda.

At this stage it is advisable to take a piece of paper and
a pencil, and proceed upon the lines laid down in Three
Men in a Boat, which will, at least, obviate the necessity
of spending the first night in camp minus bed, bath, tooth-
brush, or some similar indispensable. Mustard and pepper
are peculiarly elusive articles, and appear, upon the average,
in one ulendo out of four.

The next step is to pack — and it is a task which requires
a clear brain and a level temper, plus an elementary know-
ledge of mathematics and a specialist's eye for weights.
There are two methods of packing for ulendo. One is to
do it yourself, in which case your temper will suffer, and
you will probably lose money over underweight loads.
The other is to take a pipe and a book on to the front
veranda, and leave your boys to distribute loads as they
think fit at the back. The result of this method will
probably be that, at the moment of starting, you will find
a brawny Hercules stepping off gaily with an empty bucket,
while a tearful child of ten will be pinned to earth beneath
three portmanteaux and an iron bake-pot — upon the
principle, no doubt, that to him that hath shall be given.
Having collected your porters and written them down,

THE VAGRANT OFFICIAL 146

having inspected your loads and entered them carefully —
special penalties being declared for the breakage of a whisky-
bottle — having finally selected your machila-team, allotted
carriers to your personal boys, and chosen muscular persons
to carry your tent, you will, most probably, retire to rest,
after warning the men that an early start is necessary.
And, next morning, three men will be sick, half a dozen
will evolve invalid grandmothers, and one or two will have
disappeared. This will necessitate an entire redistribution
of loads, and you will probably move off at midday,
ruffled and heated, with the pleasing knowledge that, at
the outset, you have wasted half a day.

But, after the first camp, all such difficulties will vanish.
The men will have conceived each an undying attachment
for his own load, no matter what its substance, size, or
weight. Your machila-men will skip like rams, and your
capitaos like young sheep. For, to the average African, an
ulendo serves the same end as does a trip to the seaside
to the jaded suburbanite. He will see many villages and
consume much meat, shot for his special delectation by a
benevolent hwana ; his work will be light, and at midday,
probably, will be over for the day ; there will be the many
and varied delights of the camp-fire, with its stories and
jests, its piquant little scandals and its somewhat salacious
merriment. In short, he is on a pleasure-trip, for which he
is to be paid at the rate of one shilling a week, and his
tax will be secured for that year at least.

Let us picture a typical camp — such a camp as falls
to the lot of every official night after night and for many
nights together ; such a camp as would be welcomed in de-
lirious frenzy by the dyspeptic money-grubber, jaded and
surfeited by an overdose of civilisation ; a camp, in short,
the memories of which will call to one in the years to come,
when the staff of the wanderer has been laid aside, and the
inexorable walls of the city have taken one into their grip
for ever.

In the shadow of a tall, gnarled old tree the tent has
been pitched — no skimpy bell-tent this, but a spacious
Edgington, with long, low fly. Round about it the ground

146 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

has been hoed clean — or the grass merely beaten down,
according to individual taste — and the clearing is encircled
by a hastily thrown-up fence of leafy boughs, which are
still fresh and green and fragrant. In one corner of this
enclosure a temporary office has been constructed of
freshly lopped stakes roofed with grass and leaves — even
now the poles are dripping with brilliant red sap, which one
might take to be their life-blood. And, in the cool, dim
depths, one can just discern a table, a chair, and a tin box
— which, for the time being, represents to the native mind
a concrete exposition of Government.

Over there, under another tree, is a heap of firewood and
three or four piled rifles ; that is the guard, where malefactors
will be looked after should any be found, where the bugler
will sound his Lights Out and Reveille, where the sentries
will lie at night. Over in the other corner is another grass-
shelter — the dining-room this — equipped with tables and
chairs, venesta-wood boxes, a bottle or tAVO. Behind this,
again, is a kitchen, open to the winds of heaven, and, in
close proximity, a serviceable tree, where meat can be hung,
shielded from the sun by day, out of reach of four-footed
marauders by night. Round about the kitchen, too, you
will see rows and rows of utensils filled to the brim with water
— blackened, polished pots, or glistening gourds, which have
been brought by the women of the village, and Avill be re-
claimed by them after the exodus of the white man and his
following.

In the centre of all is the main fire — the hwana's fire —
the drawing-room and perhaps, too, the evening council-
chamber of the place. Here, when the spoils of the chase
come in, will the meat be distributed ; hither, too, will
come the old men and the headmen should the hwana
feel moved to discuss the customs — manners there were
none — of the olden days or the history of departed
dynasties.

And, round the outer hedge, partitioned off by leafy
screens into little booths, well to leeward of the tent, and
at a decent distance, wiU be the quarters of the ulendo.
Spears and bundles of mealie-cobs, little parcels of bark-

THE VAGRANT OFFICIAL 147

cloth or calico, battered cooking-pots wound about with
cord— or, perhaps, now and again a tin box that was made
in Birmingham and has come to see the world— charred ends
of stumps, and broken potsherds— these are the outward
and visible signs of native occupation. Three hours ago
the place was a forest sanctuary ; near to the village though
it was, there was nothing to mark it off from other miles
and miles of illimitable bush. But, within the last three
hours, the servants of the white man have seized upon it
and marked it for their own ; from a mere patch of forest,
uncharted and unknown, it has suddenly, with mush-
room growth, blossomed forth into the abiding-place, for
one night at least, of sixty or seventy human entities.
And, so far as it is involved, the whole face of the universe
has changed. Beetles and crickets, crawhng and jumping
things have either given up the unequal struggle and retired
to less tumultuous spots, or, disconsolate, wander to and
fro in the unaccustomed hubbub. While, in the middle
distance, a pall of bluish grey smoke, low-hanging, marks
a village — if, indeed, any mark were needed to point out
that which is self-evident from the hum of voices that rises
from it.

Such is the white man's camp— such the surroundings
where half his Hfe is passed, amid the freshness of primitive
dawnings, the clean, clear-cut coldness of sub-tropical
nights. Cheerful enough, no doubt, when the great fire
casts fhckering shadows upon the silver-barked trees
around, and is reflected in the pin-point ghmmer of the
tiny fires of the carriers ; eerie enough, too, in the dead
hours, when all save the sentry are asleep, and Heaven
alone knows what is lurking in the shadows outside the
encircling screen of boughs. For, perhaps, in those same
dead hours will come some sudden tumult and uproar and
the curious cry of natives who know that wild beasts are
abroad. Maybe some carrier, lying awake, has caught a
ghmpse of a long, low form gliding round outside the
circle of fires— perhaps a hyena only, perhaps a leopard
or a Hon. But, somehow, though lions are sometimes
heard, though their spoor is found often enough in the

148 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

vicinity of such a camp, it is but rarely — and that in well-
known vicinities — that night attacks occur.

So much for the dream and the romance. Let us turn
to more solid matters.

The average ulendo may be taken to consist of ten
machila-men, thirty carriers,three or four native messengers,
the same number of askari, four personal boys, and a
hanger-on or two, with, very possibly, several women and
babies, who will wake up when the rest of the camp has
gone to sleep. In all, perhaps, some sixty souls. Needless
to say, sixty stomachs require a considerable amount of
food, and, since no rations are issued in bulk, each
individual must shift for himself. In the majority of cases
messes of two or three men, linked by relationship or
village friendship, will constitute themselves automatically,
and draw the sum of their cahco uncut — since a doti,
which is four yards, is the exact quantity required to clothe
a man, and thus more valuable than four cut yards, which
have eventually to be sewn together.

Upon arrival at a village the headman will invariably
appear with a present of sorts, varying in size and value
with his social standing — a basket or two of meal,
perhaps a few wretched fowls, tied in an unhappy bunch
and squawking lustily, heads downwards — maybe, even,
a goat or a sheep. And, having thus rendered unto
Csesar, the village autocrat will squat himself down and
wait for the return gift — since your African beheves
firmly in the principle of nothing for nothing, and precious
little for a shiUing. But a yard or two of calico will
content him, and he will retire — only to make way for
the female population who, bringing you gourds of water,
will thereafter make the world hideous for a space with
their shrill ululations.

Social matters having been thus disposed of in accord-
ance with strict etiquette, the time has come to proceed
to business ; and it may not be out of place here to sketch
briefly the aim of the official ulendo.

The main object is, of course, to get into closer touch
with the people in their own surroundings ; subsidiary

TkAVF.I.LING in M ACHILLA.

Men's early morning breakfast.

lui nil .pilot.

THE VAGRANT OFFICIAL 149

matters are the checking of the census, the enumeration
of stock, inquiry into the condition of crops, the considera-
tion of apphcations to move from village to village, and,
in general, the promulgation of any administrative decrees
which may have become operative since the last visit.

In the system of Administration at present in force
throughout North - Eastern Rhodesia the unit of all
calculations is the village— composed of several famihes,
mostly inter-related by marriage. These villages, each
represented by a headman, are sub-divided into groups
under the district headmen, selected by the Native
Commissioner upon the advice of the chief, and these
are again responsible to the chief who, in his turn, refers
directly to the official as regards matters of wider import
than mere census details. For instance, while such
matters as removals, deaths, births, and the like must
be notified direct to the ho7na by the village headmen
concerned, weightier matters of poUcy such as the cutting
of vitemene, the suppression of game-pits, and the like
fall within the sphere of the personal influence of the
chief, who will, as a last resource, be held responsible for
any widespread infraction of regulations. As a counter-
poise to this responsibihty, however, he will derive a
certain influence from the authority which enables him
to adjudicate upon minor cases ; and, indeed, the keynote
of Administration is this relegation to the chief of all
matters which he is capable of adjusting.

Among the officials themselves the same principle of
centralisation holds good. Of recent years the system
has undergone certain changes. Formally the Magistrate
of a district was responsible to headquarters for the affairs
of his native divisions, a.nd all reports were made to him by
his divisional officials. Under this provincial system the
Magistrate was responsible for the whole native pohcy
throughout his district, the advantage of the system
being that queries from Native Commissioners were dealt
with on the spot by a man acquainted \^ith local con-
ditions. Now, however, as far as native affairs are
concerned, the division and not the district is the

150 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

practical working unit, and Native Commissioners corre-
spond direct with the Secretary for Native Affairs at
headquarters.

We will take it that the division under consideration
is one of average size and shape ; that is to say, that its
farthest boundaries lie some three days' journey from the
boma, that it contains two or three distinct tribes, each
with half a dozen chiefs or, at least, superior headmen,
and, probably, about one hundred and fifty villages of
from twenty to two hundred huts apiece.

Probably there will be definite geographical features
which may be utihsed as subdivisional boundaries, and
which will be Hkely to correspond more or less roughly
with inter- tribal delimitations. Each of these sub-
divisions \vi\\ be the subject of a separate ulendo, and
they will be taken in rotation during the year until every
village has been visited throughout the whole division.
Some may be low-lying, swampy country, which it is
advisable to visit before the heavy rains ; others, perhaps,
are rich in game-bearing nyikas which it would be sin
and folly to visit before the grass has been burned — in
short, each subdivision will have its special characteristics,
and, after consideration of these characteristics, will take
its place in the touring programme for the year. And, in
addition to the foregoing considerations, such questions
as taxation and the labour supply, which go hand in hand,
must have close attention. In some divisions labour is
called out in rotation from a definite subdivision each
month, in accordance with a prearranged scheme, formu-
lated in council with the chiefs themselves ; but, of late
years, labour itself has been so little in demand that such
a scheme is not so valuable as it v/as, say, five years ago.
Nowadays labour is drawn as much as possible from those
subdivisions where taxes are most in arrear, while it is
found unnecessary to press for taxes in the villages lying
closer to the homa until the end of the financial year —
31st March — is in sight. In short, a detailed programme,
based upon common sense, is a most important factor
in successful district travelling.

THE VAGRANT OFFICIAL 151

The distance between villages may, in the fairly well-
populated portions, be averaged at between seven and
ten miles. Assuming that every village in a division is
to be visited at least once during the year, and allowing
a full day now and again for the larger villages, usually
those of chiefs and headmen, or mission stations, where
there may be as many as three hundred or four hundred
huts, it is frequently necessary to visit as many as three
villages a day. And this is no light task. Usually the
tent and sleeping gear are sent ahead to the last village
on the hst for the day, so that the camp may be ready
against arrival, and then, in the glare and the heat — or
it may be in drenching tropical rain — the intermediate
villages are visited.

If the tents have been sent on, shelter of some kind must
be found — perhaps in an nsaka or native council hut, a
flimsy erection of grass and poles, some six feet high,
with a floor of beaten earth, smoke-stained rafters, the
remnants of wood-ash and charred stumps scattered
amid shrivelled, half-gnawed mealie cobs, and, probably,
a tangle of blood-stained game-nets hung from the roof.
There, at the mercy of the winds of heaven, after the
floor has been swept and garnished, the office table is
set up ; pen, ink, paper, and the case books are produced
from the depths of the office-box — and the villagers,
marshalled by messengers, troop to the nsaha and squat
around it. Here and there an individual grasps a skinny
goat by the leg, trusting to the clemency of the hivana
or the necessities of his larder to accept the animal as
the equivalent of a florin or a half-crown towards the
three-shilling tax. Others, with luckless fowls gripped
by the neck, sit in stohd silence until their names are
called. Now and again a ripple of laughter runs through
the group ; some one has reheved the tedium with a jest.
Or some old bag-of-bones who has passed beyond the
limit of taxation receives his exemption paper, and,
tottering out into the sunlight, lies doA\Ti and gives the
salutation of the women, amid the congratulatory jibes
of his fellows. Or So-and-so has a grievance — wishes to

152 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

build mitanda — is refused for the fiftieth time, and retires
with a dubious shake of the head. So-and-so again,
perhaps, has lost his M'ife, who has succumbed to the
superior attractions of Someone Else ; he receives advice,
and is told to produce his witnesses and his erring spouse,
when the case will be heard. Various matters of policy-
are dealt with — various instructions issued, with hints
of awe-inspiring punishments if they are not compUed
with — and at last, the work in that village being completed,
the signal is given to move on. Like hawks upon their
prey the carriers, who have been lurking in the shadows,
pounce upon tables and chairs ; in the twinkhng of an eye
the nsaka is deserted. The women, having brought forth
their little single ladders of notched palm-stems and,
clambering up their grain-bins, deposited therein the
precious tax-papers which have just been issued, descend
again with the agility of monkeys and run, laughing and
shrieking, through the village The machila-men with much
vociferation and expostulation clear a way through the
crowds, and set off at a brisk pace ; it would seem that
a miracle must be needed to avert catastrophe, as the
long, unwieldy hammock swings through the hnes of
scattered huts, past projections, over stumps, through
gaps in rickety fences. Then come the gardens, where
the unfortunate passenger may think himself lucky if
he is not bumped like a shuttle-cock upon the raised beds
which line the winding path — and so out into the open
country once more, the shrill cries of the women growing
fainter in the distance, the song of the machila-men waking
the echoes in the quiet land.

Now and again, in some unusually populous neighbour-
hood, a two-day halt may be made. Then life is luxury.
Proper shelters can be built ; flannels can take the place
of ' ulendo kit ' — usually khaki ' shorts ' and shirt, socks,
boots, and a helmet — and in the evening or the early
morning there is time and to spare for shooting. Then,
too, there is always the joy of the evening hours — when a
hush comes over the world, and the voices of the tax-payers
are stilled, or so mellowed by distance as to become a

Pitching Camp.

F. .1. C shir. phot.

^2\^ y-rft^T-^^r"^ .-»: _., ., .^^.j.

Crossing the Luaxsexshi K

- cy-yonis.fliot.

THE VAGRANT OFFICIAL 153

lullaby. Over by the fire, upon a carpet of boughs, lie
vast joints of meat awaiting distribution, here and there a
horned head, with great, mournful eyes, cocked at quaintest
angle. The chink of bucket against bath falls soothingly
upon the ear ; the rattle of tumblers presages a drink,
which will rank not least among the pleasures of the day —
for it has been more than earned. And then a few shrouded
figures slip from the gloom and squat on the far side of the
fire, to be joined a moment later by others. The headman
has come to pay his respects, and to discuss affairs of
State. So, while the clamour of voices rises in the village,
and the carriers, over their tiny fires, sit and gossip of the
day's march or the chances of meat upon the morrow, night
creeps gradually upon the forests and the bushland spaces,
and another day has died.

On ulenclo the native character is, undoubtedly, seen at
its best. Upon the station — overshadowed by the influ-
ence of the boma, by its awe-inspiring neatness, by the
oppression of brick buildings, trim paths, and all the un-
accustomed burden of the white man's routine — it is
hardly to be wondered at that the native does not show
in his true light. Instinctively, almost, he seeks to adjust
his mental focus to that of the white man — and does not
succeed.

But, when the official goes upon his journeys, conditions
are reversed. It is then necessary for the hwana himself
to adjust his outlook to the necessities of the primitive
existence. He finds the native in the very midst of his
household gods ; questions of village policy, of boundaries
and of garden sites, of marriage and giving in marriage, come
to him fresh and piping hot, and are discussed amid the
very surroundings which have given rise to them. The
native, too, is, undoubtedly, pleased to see his Native
Commissioner — he delights in the opportunity of showing
hospitality, and, incidentally, the presence of a large crowd
of visitors, each of whom is anxious to do business upon
the basis of calico for food, must necessarily tend to a
short-lived but none the less pleasing prosperity. And,
besides, the ulendo affords a connecting - Hnk with the

154 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

outside world ; it serves, indeed, the same purpose as does
the arrival of the English mail upon a lonely station.
There is all the news of the district to be discussed : what
has happened to Simulenga's wife, who, when last heard
of, had thrown a cooking-pot at her husband, and had taken
up with Wadya ; whether little Mwali will be ready for
the marriage rites this year ; whether it is true that Balazi
died on the Southern Mines. Perhaps some one wishes
to sell a cow — a matter of paramount importance in the
native mind. Rest assured that the question in all its
bearings will be discussed around the camp-fire. Or the
headman may wish to move his village to a site where there
are better hoeing-grounds — then, indeed, there will be
discussion and argument prolonged far into the night.

On the other hand, no doubt, the advent of the official
causes a fluttering in the dovecot, in so far as those un-
fortunates are concerned who have not discharged their
obligations for the year. But it has always been the policy
of the Administration to impress upon the native that the
proper place in which to pay taxes is the ho7na. The
ulendo, as we have seen, is intended primarily to allow the
Native Commissioner opportunity to get into closer touch
with his people, to study their economic and social con-
ditions at first hand, and to lend tangible expression to
the interest which is taken in their welfare by visiting them
in their homes, and discussing with them all matters of
importance in open council.

The charm of the touring season is intangible — but very
real. One feels, perhaps, somewhat as a young adventurer
of the Middle Ages may have felt when setting forth from
the comparative security of mediaeval England into the
untried perils of fifteenth-century France or Italy. For
the standard of comparison has changed since first one
came to live in this wonderful country. The station —
though it be but a pin-point in the wilderness, a mere
congeries of bricks and mortar, thatched roofs, and outlined
paths — has come to stand for home and civilisation. Out-
side it — among the tawny grasses, over the low lines of
sprawling purple hills, on the other side of those patches of

THE VAGRANT OFFICIAL 155

dark bush and forest which stretch north, south, east, and
west — hes the district itself — the real abiding-place of the
curious peoples among whom one's lot is cast. Here, on
the station, is settled routine and a peaceful round of days.
Out there — down the long white road and over the rickety
corduroy bridge — adventures may Ue in wait ; at the least,
it is there that the real zest and savour of life is to be found.

Let us thank Heaven for ulendo and all it means ; let us
pray that it may never be with us as with less fortunate
Administrations, where the soul of the official is cramped
and fettered about with bonds of red tape and the exigencies
of office routine.

So long as the year's work may hold days of open travel
— days compact of honest, steady tramping through tangled
forest-land, of gliding, boatlike, in machila through seas of
nodding grass — nights that throb and hum with the song
of insect life, or, maybe, with the raucous voices of evil
beasts — just so long will the life of a district official upon
the Plateau of the Great Lakes be one of the lives that is
best worth the living.

156 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

CHAPTER XI

INITIATION, MAREIAGE, AND DIVORCE

Four formal festivals — birth, initiation, marriage, and
burial — stand clearly out from that ' codeless myriad of
precedent ' in custom and ceremonial which surrounds —
one had almost said submerges — our Central African
from the cradle to the grave. As Professor Tylor says,
marriage should be described first, ' because upon it de-
pends the family, on which the whole framework of society
is founded.'

The ceremonies of initiation of the young girls at puberty
— called chisungu— and the marriage rites are so intimately
connected that we will discuss these and the various
questions arising out of native wedlock forthwith. The
ceremonies of birth, and death, and burial can be dealt
with in the next chapter.

Among the Awemba and the majority of the Plateau
tribes there is now no such initiation ceremony for boys
as is described among the Yao tribe by Sir H. Johnston.
The butwa rite, described in Chapter XVI., is, undoubtedly,
a foreign and imported custom. In fact, all moral surveillance
of young children is conspicuous by its absence. Little
boys, when detected in the reprehensible practices mentioned
in British Central Africa, are scarcely, if at all, blamed
by their parents. Young children will rudely interrupt
their elders when discussing important village business,
and are merely gently reproved for such breaches of decorum,
for which a white child would be soundly tlirashed. The
httle girls, it is true, are bespoken at a very early age, and
betrothed to the young men after the prehminary match-
making. But this is purely a commercial transaction, in
no way making for morahty. The boy gives the girl a

INITIATION, MARRIAGE, AND DIVORCE 157

ring or some other token of his preference. The parents,
after being informed by the young girl herself or the young
boy's messenger, consider the offer carefully. The boy, if
not straightway rebuffed, after a short time sends his
messenger at sunset with a hoe or other offering as the
mpango or marriage dowry. The family elders of both
parties are called together, and dehberate as to the marriage.
The hoes, etc., are instantly returned to the rejected suitor,
whilst the dowry of the accepted youth is retained. The
little girl, according to Wemba custom, is then taken to
the young man's hut, and lives with him without further
ceremony until she attains puberty. This pernicious
practice is winked at by Wemba mothers, whose only care
is to ensure that their daughter do not become enceinte
before the cMsungu (puberty) ceremonies of initiation.
The unfortunate girl who found herself in such a condition
became a byword in the village, and had to walk round
the huts carrying a water-pot on her head, running the
gauntlet of the older women, who filled her cruse with all
kinds of filth.

The first real moral instruction for both sexes as to the
duties and privileges of life was given at the chisungu.
The boys, it is true, were merely admonished by the older
men, and warned that they must observe the proprieties
of married life, but the girls were very carefully instructed.

For the suitorless girl — a great rarity — the chisungu
merely spelt initiation at puberty pure and simple ; but
for a betrothed Wemba damsel the suitor joined in the
rite, and the ceremony, when consummated, constituted
marriage. We shall meet with other forms of wedlock
later on in this chapter, but we must, at the outset, clearly
emphasise the cardinal distinction between the chisungu
and the hwinga forms of marriage.

The chisungu is, for the Awemba, the ordinary marriage
ceremony, though the hwinga is not unknown. For the
Amambwe, Winamwanga, Alungu, and other Plateau
tribes, however, the chisungu is merely the young girl's
initiation at puberty, since they have a separate and
distinct ceremony called the hwinga, synonymous mth our

158 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

wedding. The hwinga is the most binding form. It is
held to be a concession on the part of the parents, who
thus, more completely, surrender their daughter to a
favoured suitor knowTi to them intimately, who has, more-
over, probably worked years in their gardens for the
privilege. ' My husband and I are twins ; we grew up
together ! ' is the proud song of the Nabwinga bride, boast-
ing before the lesser wives of her more intimate relations
with her polygamistic spouse.

The chisungu form, on the other hand, is less binding, and
hence arise the more frequent divorces among the Awemba
as compared with other tribes. One can say with justice
that the chisungu marriage is only tantamount to the
' temporary loan of a woman, revocable at will by the clan,'
though this would hardly be true of the more binding
hwinga. To take a classical parallel, the hwinga is as
superior to the chisungu in point of solemnity and strin-
gency as was the confarreatio to the connuhium in the days
of the early Romans.

Having thus cleared the ground, let us turn to the actual
chisungu ceremony.

When a young girl knows that she has attained puberty,
she forthwith leaves her mother's hut, and hides herself
in the long grass near the village, covering her face with a
cloth and weeping bitterly. Towards sunset one of the
older women — who, as directress of the ceremonies, is called
7iachimbusa — follows her, places a cooking-pot by the cross-
roads, and boils therein a concoction of various herbs, with
which she anoints the neophyte. At nightfall the girl is
carried on the old woman's back to her mother's hut.
When the customary period of a few days has elapsed, she
is allowed to cook again, after first whitewashing the floor
of the hut. But, by the following month, the preparations
for her initiation are complete. The novice must remain
in her hut throughout the whole period of initiation, and
is carefully guarded by the old women, who accompany
her whenever she leaves her quarters, veihng her head
with a native cloth. The ceremonies last for at least one
month, and often even longer for a girl of well-to-do family.

INITIATION, MARRIAGE, AND DIVORCE 159

since beer and porridge are supplied to the guests without
stint, and they are, needless to say, loth to abandon such
free rations. During this period of seclusion, drumming
and songs are kept up within the mother's hut by the
village women — no male, except, it is said, the father of
twins, being allowed to enter.

The directress of the rites and the older women instruct
the young girl as to the elementary facts of life, the duties
of marriage, and the minute rules of conduct, decorum, and
hospitahty to be observed by a married woman. It is,
naturally, extremely difficult to find out what actually
takes place, but there is reason to believe that, though
many of the songs are obscene, yet, on the whole, the
instruction given is wise and sound, and the ' filthy and
putrid ' customs remarked by Kidd as prevalent in South
Africa, and noticeable even among certain Nyasaland
tribes, are, happily, not practised. It must be noted that
these old women are the only medical advisers available
for the girl, and that, therefore, certain unmentionable
practices should be regarded from a purely medical stand-
point, and not as having any vicious origin.

The most peculiar feature of this instruction is the
series of tests which the young girl is forced to undergo.
These appear to us bizarre and eccentric, and the only
explanation given is that they are intended to prepare the
young girl and accustom her to all things she may have
to encounter in her grown-up state. The following
examples may be given of such tests devised by ' mothers
of the rites.' They make fences of stout withies con-
cealed in leaves, over which the girl-novice is forced to
leap ; if she trips up, the older women jeer at her.
Sometimes she is forced to thrust her head into a collar
made of thorns. Again, in the middle of the night, one old
woman will imitate the roaring of a lion outside the hut.
Figures of animals are fashioned from a mixture of mud,
lime and charcoal, and nkula (camwood dye) in the forms
of lions and other animals ; the commonest objects of
daily domestic life are also represented. After much re-
luctance one of the directresses of the rites allowed one of

160 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

the writers to inspect these figures inside the hut. One
was an uncouth model of a lion, angular and grotesque, the
framework being of sticks driven into the floor of the
hut and plastered over with the above-mentioned mixture.
The eyes and mouth were clearly shown by means of beads
inserted, and the shaggy mane of coarse grass bristled all
over the image like the quills of an angry porcupine.
Another fearsome image represented a snake, but was,
in reality, more like an octopus, since its plaster tentacles
spread all over the floor of the hut, the spotted effect of
the skin being given by white beans cunningly inserted in the
camwood moulding. {See the photo, opposite.)

The old women point to these in turn, and give a kind
of kindergarten lesson, emphasising the dangers from
wild beasts and the proper uses of the utensils ; the young
pupil must, meantime, listen with respect, regarding with
astonishment each of the quaint and crude objects pre-
sented to her.

Among some tribes she is carried to the stream on the
shoulders of one of the old women, and there immersed ;
grass bracelets and anklets are bound around her, and she
is finally escorted back to her mother's hut, enveloped
almost to suffocation in sleeping mats. Upon arrival the
grass anklets and bracelets are wrenched off and thrown
on the roof of the hut. The inside of the walls of the
initiation hut are painted by the nachimbusa with rude
pictures, each with its special signification and song,
which must be understood and learnt by the young girl.

Occasionally the novice is led into the bush close by,
loaded with a bundle of firewood which she carries, pre-
tending to be heavily burdened. Her woman attendant,
after lighting a fire, cooks a hotch-potch of all the grains
in the country, mixed with castor-oil, which unsavoury
mess the girl has to swallow.

Curious as the above customs may seem, many parallels
can be found in Dr. Frazer's Golden Bough, and Dr.
Haddon, in his book, Head Hunters : Black, White, and
Brown, describes similar customs as obtaining among the
Torres Straits islanders.

Paixtings and Fic.ures ixsidk the Initiation Hut ok ihk (;iri,s.

The Chisunou ceremony, Wemba.

The ' Mbusa ' images.

Photos, by G, Stokes

INITIATION, MARRIAGE, AND DIVORCE 161

For the suitorless girl the foregoing rites conclude the
initiation ceremonies, and she bides her time until a
husband is found for her.

But when a suitor is already available, he is called the
sichisungu, and the function is prolonged. The young man
will suddenly appear towards the end of these observances,
and, standing in front of his future mother-in-law's hut,
brandish his bow and arrows, uttering the prescribed
formula, ' Where is my game ? ' He peers around the
open door and fires at a small target — often made of one
of the clay images shown to the young girl — placed by the
lintel, and having a black bull's-eye mark in the centre.
He aims carefully, and, if Jiis arrow strikes the centre
mark, he shouts aloud ' Eya ! ' dancing for joy. If he
misses he is subjected to the jeers of the old women, who
pinch and deride him unmercifully. On this occasion the
hut is adorned with beads and calico, and the suitor must
appear to be impressed with this show of wealth. After
complimenting the parents, he returns to his own quarters.

On the following day the pair are shaved and anointed
with oil, the youth — and, sometimes, also, the young girl —
being bathed at the stream. Usually, however, the girl is
merely anointed inside the hut, being then carried out on
the back of her attendant and set on a mat in front of the
house. Bows and arrows are placed across her knees,
in token, they say, of submission ; possibly, however, this
may be a relic of primitive bride-capture. She is attended
by her sister and her mother and father, while the relatives
of the suitor muster in front. The father of the girl then
hands an arrow to his future son-in-law, with the words,
' With this you shall pierce the seducer of your wife.'
Both parents address the young couple, the mother ex-
horting her son-in-law to be energetic in tree-cutting and
garden-making, that he may keep want from the hut ;
the father saying to his daughter, ' Now that you have
grown up, little mother, be sensible, and keep desire from
your eyes ! ' The bystanders gather round and offer
presents of grain and flour to the girl, who receives all such
gifts in silence. The village women have the right on this

162 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

occasion to speak plainly to her, and are not slow to ad-
monish her for her pride or haughtiness, telling her she must
henceforth be obedient to her husband, a good housewife,
and generous in entertaining her fellow- villagers. The girl,
however resentful of any accusations she may think unjust,
must bear them all in silence, until, finally, her husband
leads her into the hut, and their joint life begins.

In dealing with the whole question of primitive marriage
it is customary to draw parallels from authors, ranging
from Aristotle to Andrew Lang, and to weigh in the balance
the theories advanced by Morgan, Kohler, McLeUan,
and Westermarck. But the writers frankly shrink from
such a task, and prefer simply to describe the cere-
monies at the marriage of a well-to-do Lungu man, leaving
deductions and parallels to be made by more competent
experts.

Not the least interesting feature of note among the
elaborate ritual observed is the long antiphonal Marriage
Song translated at the end of this chapter, which is full
of quaint conceits and inspired with a rude, but none the
less genuine, poetic instinct.

In the case of a well-to-do and important man the
ceremonies usually last three or four days, and the follow-
ing description is typical of the full rite, there being,
naturally, local variants and omissions, especially in the
case of less well-to-do people. The mother of the bride
sends her son-in-law two pots of beer to show that the
preparations are complete, but the carriers take good care
to finish the beer themselves en ro2ite, arriving before the
bridegroom with the calabashes filled with water. Though
he, as in duty bound, supplies them with food, they return
again to the mother-in-law complaining of their hunger and
the short commons received. However, as soon as fresh
provant is set before them, the bride is shut up in her hut
and must not appear again until the next day.

Meanwhile, the bridegroom goes a-begging in the neigh-
bouring villages for the beads and other presents which he
must disburse in order to conciliate the bride's family.
They, however, have set a strict watch over all entrances

INITIATION, MARRIAGE, AND DIVORCE 163

that lead to that quarter of the village where the young
girl is lodged, since, if the bridegroom can elude their
vigilance and enter the bride's hut unseen, he is not re-
quired to pay any further dowry. Towards evening the
bridegroom appears at the outside of the girl's quarter,
followed in silence by a crowd of his own people. All are
challenged by the bride's relatives to pay their footing ;
after much haggling, on payment of a few beads they are
permitted to occupy the central open hut of the quarter.
Later on, fire, pipes, mats, and finally huts for the night are
doled out and assigned to them, but for each of these
luxuries some trifling payment must be made.

The bridegroom, meantime, has to wait outside in the
cold ; he asks for a fire, which is given to him on payment
of ten arrows. The bride's relatives, however, soon ex-
tinguish his fire with pots of water, so that he has humbly
to ask for more embers, which are granted after further
payment. A messenger from the parents then formally
demands from the bridegroom the price of entry to their
quarter, and returns with some arrows and beads which
are rejected as insufficient ; but, having finally exacted
enough from the eager suitor, he conducts him to a hut
apart from his followers, where he passes the night.

The second day the suitor may not break his fast, but
both he and the bride are anointed with oil mingled with
the customary red camwood dye. Two Uttle boys are
likewise dressed up and anointed with the same red dye
to act as pages (bashindisi) for the pair. The bridegroom
comes forth adorned with a head-dress of plumes, carry-
ing in his hand the ceremonial flys witch of a zebra's
tail. The whole party then perform the wedding-dance
(ntaivila) together. The bridegroom's friends dance up
to the bride's hut singing, ' Come out, little mother, cook
us porridge ; don't be niggardly ! ' while the womenfolk
taunt the bridegroom, affirming that it will be a poor
look out for their 'Bwadya' with such an idle husband.
The Sibwinga bridegroom, accompanied by his page,
holds his spear of office, and whirls round in an extravagant
dance, flicking the crowd with the zebra's tail. The women

164 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

of his clan form up, carrying calabashes full of the various
indigenous grains, and, shaking them in harmony with
their own sinuous movements, finally empty the cala-
bashes over the bridegroom's head.

Although these dances are kept up all the morning
of the second day, the bride must still remain invisible
in her hut. At length, however, she appears, standing
between the doorposts of the hut, hiding her face, and
holding a spear with the point reversed. The bridegroom
shouts a greeting, and, levelling his spear (the point of
which is carefully protected by a maize-cob), rushes at
the girl, who escapes into the hut, hastily barricading
the door. He storms at it ineffectively, but is not allowed
entrance, and finally gives it up and rejoins his comrades.

The third day the band of followers is drawn up as
before, but this time some friends carry the bridegroom
on their shoulders, others bringing his mat and a stool.

On this occasion the wife sits on the stool, the husband
being supported on her knees. The attendants shave
his head with his spear, carefully brushing off the curls
with a zebra's tail into a little heap, which is then collected
and hidden away. This operation is repeated four times,
while the bystanders resume their dances and singing.
Four times, likewise, the bridegroom stands up and,
turning towards the bride, who has also arisen, presses
firmly mth his foot upon her extended toes. He then
takes a small stick from the hands of his mother-in-law
and gently touches the girl with it, which custom, say
the natives, is tantamount to proclaiming to all and
sundry that she is henceforth his wife, and that he has full
authority over her.

The people then proceed to the mother-in-law's hut.
As the husband comes up, his mother-in-law takes off
his head-dress and stretches out a mat for him, where
the pair take up the same position as before.

The father-in-law then makes a solemn speech to the
young couple, and, at the end, repeats the ceremony of
giving an arrow to the husband with the same formula
of vengeance to be exacted for misconduct. This arrow

INITIATION, MARRIAGE, AND DIVORCE 165

is carefully kept and returned by the bridegroom in case
of divorce. The mother-in-law cooks porridge for the
pair, throwing out a little with her stirring-spoon to the
bystanders.

This concludes the ceremony, and both families, now
united by marriage, forthwith set to work to demolish
the numerous pots of beer collected for the marriage feast.
And the proceedings terminate in a general carouse.

On the fourth day, albeit the marriage has been con-
summated, the young mfe may not speak to her husband
until he has tendered the customary offering of beads
to induce her to break her silence (kushikula). Nor does
the girl relent — especially if very young or of good family —
until a heavy toll of beads has been paid.

We can but briefly touch upon the puzzling problems
of polygamy and the complex quarrels, the jarring
jealousies which are its inevitable outcome. Though
there was, and still is, a superfluity of women among
the Awemba, owing to the practice of sparing them in
warfare, while destroying the males, yet it cannot be
said that our Central African woman favours polygamy,
as is asserted of her South African sister. For the Wemba
woman polygamy may be truly described as serving as
the battlefield of her status.

We must first get a clear idea of the feminine factors
involved in such conflicts, and briefly describe the classes
of wives commonly found in a polygamist household.
This A\dll, incidentally, illustrate other hitherto neglected
forms of wedlock.

First in pride of place comes the ceremonial wife, or
nabwinga, for whom the hivinga rites were solemnised.
The nahwinga was the head wife and lorded it over the
others, and, even though the inferior wives possessed
separate huts, often, in outlying villages, she would
maintain her mastery over all. The chisungu-Yn^a,de wife
had, among the Awemba, the same prestige m relation to
the inferior wives as the nabwinga, so we may class them
together.

Next in rank came the dowry-acquired woman, who,

166 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

for want of a better term, we may call the ' commercial '
as opposed to the ' ceremonial ' wife, since she was
acquired with the minimum of ceremonial, passing into
the possession of her husband upon his paying the mpango,
or dowry. A polygamist who was already mated to a
nahwinga would approach one of his poorer neighbours
blessed with marriageable daughters with a suitable
dowry. If the woman had been already initiated, he had
to contribute some extra present to pay for these rites,
in which he had not taken part. The old women would
then carry the girl to his hut, and the marriage be
summated without further ceremony. Occasionally, how-
ever, the following short ritual was observed : A cock
and a hen were killed early the next morning, cooked
with a mess of porridge and beans, and partaken of by
the pair, who sat outside the house on a mat. A portion
of this food was then taken to be eaten by the parents.

The position of the commercially acquired wife was,
theoretically, somewhat equivocal. She was below the
nahwinga, yet, being a free woman, far above the
slave-wife. Her marriage was easily broken as compared
with that of the nabivinga, which had been riveted by
the sanction of ritual.

In the everlasting divorce cases arising out of this
' dowry marriage,' the parents always attempt to vindicate
their right to take away their daughter on restoration of
the original dowry, even after several years have elapsed.
They stoutly uphold the theory that their daughter is a
temporary loan, recoverable at will. Nor will they ever
admit that the acceptance of the dowry was, in any sense,
an act of barter, or that their power over their daughter
was thus transferred to the husband. The actual bride-
price they prefer to regard as a survival of traditional
gifts by Avay of a douceur, and not in the light of a busi-
ness transaction.^ Parents, however, who accept a large

1 Indeed, among some tribes the mpango or dowry was more of the nature
of a marriage settlement placed with the parents of the girl as trustees
for the pair ; for instance, among the Winamwanga, when the dowry cow
calves, the son-in-law, if he behaves himself, recovers the young stock.

INITIATION, MARRIAGE, AND DIVORCE 167

dowry are considered to have sold their daughters, and
to have reduced them almost to the status of a slave.
Hence we frequently find fathers refusing a substantial
mpango and surrendering their daughters to poorer, but
more complaisant, suitors, as against whom they reserve the
right of recalhng their daughters and revoking the contract.
This non-committal caution of the parents, and the re-
sultant elasticity of these contracts, renders this ' dowry-
marriage,' from the legal standpoint, equivalent to ' mere
concubinage, terminable at will.'

However equivocal her position might be, the Wemba
commercial wife — especially if young and mated to an
uxorious husband — would make stout resistance to the
tyranny or ill-treatment of the head wife. The usual
menial domestic duties imposed by the nahwinga, her
superior, she would take as a matter of course, but if the
husband, presuming upon the heavy dowry paid for her,
began to treat her as a slave, she would at once escape,
with the connivance of her parents. Or, to vindicate her
independence, and to gain a temporary triumph, a Wemba
woman would straightway leave her husband's house, and
marry a lesser man in pique. Many a Wemba woman
would thus sacrifice all to her pride, emerging from a
course of successive husbands to find herself older, stripped
of her reputation, and ultimately relegated to that slave-
class which she had, all along, so strenuously striven to
avoid.

Last in rank came the slave-wife. She was, usually,
bought from the chief, and was considered as a mere chattel,
to be sold with her children, if necessary, at the option of
her master. A chief would often reward his warriors by
allotting them slave-wives from the numerous captured
women of the subject tribes. The Arab influence, which was
strong at Chitimukulu's capital, undoubtedly fostered this
slave-wife traffic, and hundreds of women were bartered
and exchanged amongst the Awemba, the remainder being
taken in gangs to the coast, where a great number are to
this day.

Since the advent of the Administration the position of

168 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

the slave-wife has, naturally, improved. She knows that
domestic slavery is not recognised, and that she can appeal
to the boma against ill-treatment from the other wives.
By thus boldly asserting her freedom she again enters into
competition and strife with her fellow- wives, and this adds
to the problems of the unfortunate husband.

To any one who has listened to countless cases arising
out of the quarrels and jealousies of the polygamistic state,
the foregoing description will appear by no means over-
drawn. But, among the Wiwa and Winamwanga, polygamy,
though not so prevalent, is acquiesced in by the women in
comparative peace, when judged by the standard of the
Awemba and the Wabisa. Yet the general attitude of the
Plateau woman is adverse to polygamy.

Though, owing to the preponderance of women, polygamy
was common among the tribes lying west of the Chambeshi,
monogamy was the usual lot of those to the eastern half
of the sphere indicated upon the map. The ordinary Wiwa
or Winamwanga youth had to be content with one wife,
and, after paying a small dowry, but doing many years of
garden work, he would make her his ndbwinga. For the
native woman, the monogamous state is eminently satis-
factory. It is a commonplace of missionary literature, and
of the earlier books dealing with Central Africa, to comment
upon the downtrodden state of the ' poor native woman.'
This may have been true in the old time, when slaves
abounded, but nowadays it is a mere myth, and deserves
to be exploded, as giving a false impression. One may
safely assert that the native woman is subjected to less
ill-treatment and hardship than many a working-man's
wife in England, The terrible economic pressure which
forces so many married white women into occupations and
constant toil too great for them to bear is absent among
the natives. The physique of the average native woman
is amply strong to cope with her usual domestic duties,
which are easily performed, and give plenty of leisure.
Again, the native woman has many safeguards against
possible ill-treatment by her husband. Divorce is an easy
matter, and her parents are only too ready to take her

INITIATION, MARRIAGE, AND DIVORCE 169

back with open arms. While, if their son-in-law is not
attentive to them, and does not work in their gardens,
they will take the initiative themselves and remove their
daughter. Among the majority of tribes, indeed, it was
imperative for him to move into the parents' village, where
his mother-in-law would be at hand to keep him up to the
mark. The Wemba mother-in-law is always ready to take
up the cudgels on behalf of her daughter — and, indeed, she
possesses, in a sense, the virtue and advantage of im-
mortality, since on the decease of the true mother her sister
succeeds to the title and exacts the same respect from her
son-in-law. The fierceness of the Wemba woman is pro-
verbial. On several occasions one of the writers has been
awakened in the middle of the night by a much-bitten
husband, who has plaintively asked that he may be placed
in gaol until morning, as the only safe place from his wife,
who was pursuing him like an avenging fury.

Among some tribes a woman can even choose her own
husband. Though this is rarely done in practice, yet
undoubtedly the Mambwe and Winamwanga girl can avail
herself of this right of choice, which is called the mwata
wa kwi7igilila, 'the custom of entering the hut.' When a
young girl is greatly enamoured of a youth, she will enter
his hut at dusk, and take from it his bow and arrows.
She breaks one arrow across, and then sits down in front
of the hut, placing the bow and arrows across her knees.
The youth tells the older men of this, and they usually
advise him to marry her. They admonish the girl that
she must be a model wife, as she has chosen her husband,
and never let her desires stray away from him. Her goods
and chattels are removed from her mother's hut, and she
lives with the man of her choice without further ceremony.
Very rarely will the young man refuse the honour done to
him ; but, if he does so, the girl is held as disgraced among
the village women, who taunt her with having offered
herself where she was not wanted, and her father has to
pay a goat to the young man to atone for his daughter's
forwardness.

We may now consider some of the innumerable reasons

170 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

which would serve, on occasion, as vaUd causes for separa-
tion and subsequent divorce.

Among the Awemba, when a woman has presented her
husband with two or three children, she considers that she
has fulfilled her marriage obligations towards him. With
his consent, which, as a rule, is not difficult to obtain, she
hands over her niece as a substitute (mpokeleshi) . The
niece inherits her aunt's position, and cares for her children,
while the aunt retires to the peace of a single life or, very
often, finds a new partner.

Again, the redoubtable mother-in-law often removes her
daughter unless the husband comes into residence in her
village, and, if he relaxes his garden-work for his parents-
in-law, she will take away her child on pretence of a
short visit, and marry her out of hand to a more energetic
suitor.

Incompatibility of temper of either party soon leads to
separation and practical divorce by mutual consent before
the village elders. Among some tribes the husband cuts
off the string of his wife's sandals as a token that she is
henceforth free. Even on the wedding night trouble may
arise. One of the girl's relatives, usually her aunt, keeps
watch outside the hut until the husband throws out the
customary firebrand to show that the marriage has been
consummated, but, if he makes no sign, the woman, after
a long vigil, enters the hut, upbraids him, and removes the
girl for good.

Divorce, again, often arises from the barrenness of the
wife. If, after the customary period, no child is born, the
husband consults with the village medicine-man, who gives
him the usual remedies and has recourse to divination to
ascertain who has bewitched the wife to render her unfruit-
ful. Cases are frequently brought before the Native Com-
missioner where an old lover of the woman is accused of
retaining part of her clothing and, by bewitching it, causing
her to be barren. Women, too, often ask to be set free
on the ground that their husbands are sterile or impotent.
This claim was, however, often avoided in the olden days,
since by custom the husband might ask his brother to

k.^- / aM- '

j;er>ui,d Tmiur. phot.

Bride and P.riuksmaii) at a native WEMDixr,.

o~t, -ryr ».

Native wedding.
The V)ride is veiled and ihe household t'ods are carried hv friends.

INITIATION, MARRIAGE, AND DIVORCE 171

visit his wife's hut secretly, so that she might have a child
which should bear his name. But, if this method proved
unsuccessful, the woman herseK was held to be barren and
the husband obtained a divorce.

The jealousy of Wemba women is proverbial, and
frequently severs even a long-standing union. The head
wife often, out of pure jealousy, threatens her husband
with instant desertion unless he discards an inferior
wife ; so that, no matter which alternative he chooses,
his decision is followed by separation which, after a
few years, operates as divorce. Repeated adultery also
causes divorce, as has been described in Chapter IV.

Among the eastern group of tribes — the Wafungwe,
Wiwa, and Walambia — the introduction of cattle into
the dowry makes divorce in many ways more difficult
to obtain ; and, indeed, among the Wiwa very few cases
are brought to court, as the cattle and wives are scarce
and must be retained at all costs.

The native system of wife-inheritance often caused
many forced divorces. When a native loses his wife he
dispatches a messenger vdth a present to his father-in-
law, who must, later, send back another daughter to fill
the dead wife's place. If the nearest sister is already
married, the next unmarried daughter is called out, but
if she is too young the father must then provide a slave
woman to replace her until she grows up and can inherit
her sister. If no unmarried female relatives of the dead
woman are available, a married sister of the deceased
must spend one or two nights with the widower ' to take
the death from off his body.' This leads to many divorces,
since often a poor relation's wife is forced, not only to
perform this ceremony, but also to fill permanently the
place of wife to the richer widower.

Although the divorced state is very common, young
women rarely remain for long unappropriated. And
widows, unless old women, very seldom remain bereft
of a husband for more than a year, when they are
inherited by the nearest male relative. The widower
soon consoles himself with the new wife, who must

172 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

inevitably fall to his lot owing to the foregoing system of
inheritance.

The ritual of inheritance is well worthy of note.

The widower carries a pot of beer to the tomb of his
wife, placing it at the head of the grave. When the beer
is sour, he opens negotiations with his father-in-law for
her successor. As soon as his request has been granted
he repairs to his wife's grave with a pot of beer, makes a
little hole in the soil with his finger, and pours therein a
small hbation. The bulk of the beer is then disposed of
by the villagers, who escort him back to his home. At
sunset the new wife is brought, and, at nightfall, they
enter the hut and hght a fire. Near it a mat is laid down,
and a stool placed upon it, on which the woman sits,
supporting her husband on her knees as in the hwinga
ceremony. Dancing begins around them until a relative
enters the hut, gathers the embers of the old fire, and
scatters them to the winds. A new fire is ceremonially
kindled with the firestick, and, amid shouting, dancing,
and beer-drinking, the husband and wife re-enter the
hut.

It cannot be said that any such strict system of exogamy
or endogamy, as exists among some of the native races
of Australia, is exemphfied in the marriage relationships
of the Plateau tribes.

Among the Awemba we find two main principles
regulating the laws of marriage affinities. The first is
that a man may not marry a woman of his mother's
totem ; for instance, an ' Elephant ' man may not marry
an ' Elephant ' girl. The Awemba, it is true, are known
by both the totems of their father and mother ; but, in
marriage, the totem of the father is not considered, that
of the mother being the determining factor. Thus, female
cousins, who bear the totem of his mother, are taboo to
the young suitor. Though the marriage of cousins is of
common occurrence, yet we cannot assert that mar-
riages are made within the totem. A man may, for
instance, marry the daughter of his maternal uncle, or
the children of his paternal aunt, because the totems of

INITIATION, MARRIAGE, AND DIVORCE 173

their respective mothers are ahen to his own, which he
derived from the distaff side. The Wemba elders say
that even marriages of cousins were prohibited in the
olden days, and deprecate the present universal system
of cousin marriage. It is, undoubtedly, one of the main
reasons which render the Wemba women less prolific
than the wives of the Wiwa and other tribes where such
close unions are prohibited.

The second principle is that a man may not marry the
daughter of his ' potential ' mother or father. On his
father's decease the uncle inherits, and, o^ving to the
generic system of nomenclature, takes the title of ' father.'
The daughters of this paternal uncle are, therefore,
always taboo to the prospective suitor, who is called
their ' brother.' In the same way, since his aunt on
the mother's side, in the event of the latter 's death,
assumes the title of ' mother,' he cannot marry any
of the children of his maternal aunt, who are called his
' sisters.'

We may here contrast the marriage laws of the neigh-
bouring Winamwanga, where descent is reckoned on the
father's side, and where the son can inherit in default
of a brother. They absolutely prohibit marriage wdth
first cousins on either the father's or the mother's side.
Yet the son takes over his father's wives as a matter of
course, so in this we may see a form of endogamy. To
give a concrete instance : a man, Kafyume, a polygamist,
has a male child Kachinga. On his father's death,
Kachinga will inherit and live with his father's wives,
with the natural exception of his own mother, who is
pensioned off. The Awemba express their disgust at a
man marrying his father's wives, while the Winamwanga
retahate by asserting that the Awemba are so shameless
in wedding their cousins that they would, no doubt, hke
to espouse their own sisters !

Though other tribes have their own pecuhar rules of
marriage affinity, yet the above main principles may be
taken as fairly typical, and, moreover, it is scarcely
within the scope of the present volume to delve into the

174 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

difficulties or to explore the intricacies of polygamistic
inter-marriage.^

ADDENDUM

Translation op Some Stanzas of a Typical
Wedding Song

(Note. — This song was written down in the original and sent with
a translation by one of the missionaries of the White Fathers.)

1 0 thou Nightjar (Kambasa), preen thy plumes ; the winter is

ended and spring begins.

2 The little Mulea has found her husband ; shake thy plumes for

joy!

3 Let us, too, dance, though we be strangers, since they have

wakened us for the wedding.

4 The huge roan antelope in the thicket hard by hears our song

and awakes.

5 The Sibwinga, my bridegroom, is waitmg at tne cross-roads to

bring me a bracelet.

6 I see his beard : let us escape ! He is like a lion, and will devour

me !

7 The form of my betrothed is as supple as the taut bow ; take

him not from me, ye passers-by.

8 He is as swift as the m'pombo and as agile as the gazelle, or like

a little zebra gambolling before its mother.

9 The bride is no longer a child ; respect her, therefore.

10 She is like the stem of the nut tree, bending almost to the ground.

11 No longer does the bride weep, for she is stout-hearted,

12 Come, little mother — let us go bathe, and turn ourselves into

crocodiles !

13 I do not want to marry another : I love my husband.

14 My betrothed, who could find only an old crone to marry him,

is not like his friend.

15 Let not the Sibwinga stumble when carrying his bow, lest ill-

luck come upon him.

16 The fish -eagle gnaws his bones in solitude, pining for want of a

mate.

17 In our village there are no barren women — saving only my
iT ._. gluttonous aunt, who eats the beans and the stalks as well !

^ Those who desire to gain some acquaintance of the Bantu laws oF
exogamy are referred to Dr. Frazer's great work on Totemism and
Exogamy, published|by2Macmillan in four volumes.

INITIATION, MARRIAGE, AND DIVORCE 175

18 In vain does the village sorceress point at me the finger of ill-

omen, so that I may bear no children.

19 If the bride has jealous rivals, let us seize them and break their

heads against the grindstones, so that they may die of shame
and sink beneath the earth.

20 Every day the bride will sweep out the house, and, setting all in

order, take victuals from the grain-bins that are full to over-
flowing.

21 Yomig man, prepare thyself — to-morrow thou goest to the fire !

(Referring to the arduous bwinga ceremonies.)

This chant is recited alternately by men and women at
the wedding of any important man. The men chant it
antiphonally with thejwomen.

176 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

CHAPTER XII

BIRTH AND DEATH

The ceremonies at birth and death are so closely associated
in the native mind that they can fittingly be dealt with
in the same chapter. It is a common theory that the
spirit of a dead ancestor will arise from the grave to act
as guardian to the babe from the moment of birth.
This is strikingly exemplified in the pathetic custom of
cutting a hole in the blanket over the dead man's ear in
the grave, so that the spirit may respond promptly if called
out during the casting of lots at the name-giving, and
rise from the tomb to act as the familiar of the living
babe.

The Plateau tribes observe an essentially similar ritual
at birth, so that the following description, though of the
Wemba form, may be taken as fairly typical : —

The fortunate woman who becomes pregnant assumes an
air of importance, strutting about with bark-cloths swathed
so as to exaggerate her condition. The old women who
superintended her initiation ceremonies now assume charge
of her, and give her medicines and charms to avert accidents
at birth — but on the sole condition that she shall make a
full confession of all indiscretions she may have committed.
She is subjected to a rigorous cross-examination after her
first admissions, since the slightest concealment may impair
the efficacy of the remedies given. As a rule the midwives
will respect such secrets, and, being, as it were, the reposi-
tories of the moral conscience of the village, are held in
great awe and esteem by all. If the midwife, however, is
not sufficiently paid in food or beer for her services, she
will sometimes, at a dance, publicly chant the various
indiscretions of an ungrateful patient. Nevertheless, in

BIRTH AND DEATH 177

spite of this occasional betrayal, the practice of the con-
fessional is in great vogue.

These midwives assist the woman in deliverance, and,
after this has been successfully accompHshed, the child is
washed and a Httle salt is placed in its mouth to make it
take to the breast. The father is then invited to enter ; he
takes the child, and, holding it in his arms, looks searchingly
into the baby features to detect some resemblance to him-
self. If he is satisfied, he grunts out ' Chisuma ! ' ('Tis
good !) and returns the baby to its mother's arms. But if he
has any reason to suspect her fidehty, and sees no point of
likeness, he roughly hands it back to her without a word,
and before nightfall — for a native has no sympathy with
a woman's suffering or weakness after birth — there is
trouble in that household.

If the child is born in the daytime, the proud
father rushes out and tells the neighbours, ' He is
for the axe ! ' if a man-child, or, ' She is for the mill ! '
if a girl.

The women friends of the mother then enter the hut,
and, after the first ' Samalale mukwai ! ' of congratulation
upon her safe deliverance, the conversation takes a distinctly
medical turn. The after-birth, if not already disposed of,
is buried deep beneath the hut.

In cases where the child is still-born, the midwives bury
it underneath the hut. Sir Harry Johnston, in his British
Central Africa, quotes an old resident here, Mr. J. B. Yule,
to the effect that among the Amambwe, when a child is
prematurely born, it is cut into five pieces (two legs, two
arms, and the trunk), and is then interred under the floor
of the mother's hut. Mambwe old men, however, when
questioned by one of the writers, have indignantly denied
this, and it seems unlikely that it was ever a widespread
custom.

In the event of abortion, the Wemba mother must bury
it herself, since the midwives would absolutely refuse to
handle any such untimely birth which they themselves
had not delivered. The mother, then, removes all traces
outside the village, and buries it deep beneath a muvanga

178 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

tree. At the foot of the tree she sets a black pot, inverted,
and retraces her footsteps towards the village. Where
two paths cross she lights a fire, setting thereon a broken
potsherd, in which she places a small ball of unleavened
dough, called the mufuba, which especial medicine she buys
from one of her fellow- villagers. This is cooked with
water and other miti, or remedies, are cast in ; she then dips
her hand and rubs the decoction all over her body — the
natives say, for purification. This done, she returns to
her hut to resume her daily tasks, since no mourning or
grief may be shown by her.

When both mother and child die in the birth-pangs,
great horror is expressed by all, who assert that she must
assuredly have committed adultery with many men to
suffer such a fate. She is exhorted, even when in extremis,
to name the adulterer. Whoever is mentioned by her is
called 7nusoka, the ' murderer,' and has, later, to pay a
heavy fine to the injured husband. The bodies of both
mother and child are, in this case, buried at the cross-
roads outside the village. When any married woman
passes by such a grave in the path, she will say — averting
her eyes — ' Is it well with you ? ' to conciliate the spirit
of the dead woman, which, if not saluted with respect,
might cause pain in childbirth.

The name-giving of a child is attended with much cere-
mony. The village elders, with the medicine-man, meet
together before the hut shortly after the birth of the child,
who is then placed outside with its face turned towards the
right lintel of the door. The musunga — a kind of gruel-
pap — is cooked, while the mother sits with her hands
resting upon an axe, to proclaim that she has borne a
man-child, or, even more proudly, stands upright, leaning
upon a hoe, to show that a lucky, dowry-bringing girl
baby has appeared. The doctor places by the right foot
of the mother the special ointment prepared for the purpose,
with which she duly anoints her child, beginning at the right
thigh and rubbing the unguent in as far as the neck, then
turning the child over and repeating the process on the
left side. The baby's first gruel-pap is then given by a

BIRTH AND DEATH 179

young unmarried girl, who just touches the child's hps
with it.

Young children, it may here be noted, are often employed to
administer drugs, remedies, even the Ordeal Poison, and to
sow the first seeds. Such acts, the natives say, must be per-
formed by chaste and innocent hands, lest a contaminated
touch should destroy the potency of the medicine or of the
seedlings planted. It used to be a very common sight upon
the islands of Lake Bangweolo to watch how a Bisa
woman would solve the problem of her own moral unfit-
ness by carrying her baby-girl to the banana-plot, and
inserting seedhngs in the tiny hands for dropping into the
holes already prepared. This practice — at least as regards
seed-planting — would appear to extend far into the Congo,
and is commented upon by the Rev. J. Weeks in his papers
upon the ' Customs of the Lower Congo People ' (see Folk-
lore, vol. XX. p. 311).

After the baby has been fed with this gruel, the young
girl then gives it back to the father, who hands it to the
mother. The medicine-man, who has been engaged mean-
while in consulting the lots or ula, proclaims the name
of the child, and is henceforth himself called the mhoswa
or, as we should say, the godfather. Unless one of the
spirits of relatives recently dead signifies its approval by
the falling of the lots when called upon by the medicine-
man, the name is taken from the limited list of great
chiefs or chief tainesses, so we find even in the many
villages many Uttle ' Mulengas,' ' Chandas,' ' Mutales,'
and ' Bwadyas,' and the parents are henceforth known
by the name of their child, e.g. Sichanda, the father,
Nachanda, the mother, of the baby Chanda.

The child is suckled until he can walk, often, indeed,
up to three years. During all this time the mother is
not supposed to co-habit with her husband, and, in any
case, pregnancy is avoided. The natives say that, if the
husband resumes intercourse ^^dth his wife, the child will
die. The old men quote this law of enforced abstention
in justification of polygamy, pointing out that the mono-
gamist, when thus debarred from his wife, would naturally

180 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

solicit the wives of his fellow- villagers, and cause great
trouble, whereas the polygamist had another wife to fall
back upon. As soon as the children are v/eancd and
are considered old enough to be dressed — approximately,
when they are between five and six years old — the httle
boys are made to sleep in separate huts, and in a different
quarter from the little girls, who are, as a rule, placed
under the supervision of an old aunt or grandmother.

If the first-born die shortly after birth, the fault is
considered to lie "wdth one of the parents, and the follo^ving
test is imposed : Hunting nets are set, into which small
game, such as duiker, are driven. If a male is caught,
the father is blamed ; but, if a female, the vnie is accused
of having caused the child's deatli.^

We may briefly note the superstition found among
many tribes throughout Rhodesia, connected with the
cutting of teeth. At the appearance of the first tooth
the gums of the infant are bared, and the parents satisfy
themselves that the upper teeth have not appeared first.
The relatives are also called to the inspection, and, having
ascertained that the lower teeth have been cut first,
congratulate the mother, saying : ' Waluka mivav ' —
' You are vindicated ! ' and anoint the mother with the
red camwood powder. The unfortunate children who
cut their upper teeth first are called Chinkula,^ and are
usually handed over to some old crone, in order that she
may make away with them by drowning or exposure in
the woods. In the latter case the mother will often
rescue her child, and have him conveyed secretly to one
of her relatives, who is ignorant of the affair, in an out-
lying village. Should the villagers, however, have reason
to suspect that the mother had concealed such an ill-
omened defect, they would instantly seize the child and
drown it. The natives firmly believe that all relatives
who allowed such a ' portent ' to survive would themselves
perish shortly, root and branch.

1 See page 183.

2 Chinkida ; perhaps the derivation is ' that which may not grow up ' — ■
Chi-i-kula, from Kukula.

Bernard Turner, phot.

Banana band to shew mourning.

Twins in a Basket. The Twin Ceremony.

G. Stokes, fhoi.

BIRTH AND DEATH 181

Death is not such a ' King of Terrors ' to our Central
African as Dudley Kidd states he is to the Kafir.

The Plateau native is a thoroughgoing fatahst. Life,
moreover, is held very cheap by men who have seen,
little more than a decade ago, the frequent Angoni and
Wemba raids and their attendant massacres, and the
devilish disregard of life in the Arab slave-dealing caravans,
of which the late Major Wissmann has given such a graphic
picture.

The not infrequent Congolese custom of suicide, again,
hardly points to any excessive dread of death. Nor can
it be said that there is any marked disinclination to talk
about death, and, in fact, many of the Bisa folldore tales
are based on the cleverness of a man cheating his creditors
or gaining some end by feigning to be dead, and inducing
his followers to perform a mock burial. A well-known
missionary, in Vvriting of his talks wdth the Luban people
(who were akin to the Awemba), mentions that the old
men were much interested in the subject, and finally
asked him if he knew the Death Secret ! Again, one
may often hear Wemba or Bisa relatives of the recently
bereaved speculating, without the reticence noted in
southern tribes, as to what had ' devoured their friend.'
The elaborate ritual of purification after burial is no sign
of actual awe, but merely shows that the well-known stage
has been attained where ' the manner in which a thing
is done has become more important than the thing itself.'

We shall describe the death of a commoner first, as
being much simpler than that observed on the death of a
chief. Since the ritual at burial of one of the common
people is much the same all over the Plateau, we may
first describe a Mambwe burial as typical, noting, after-
wards, minor divergencies obtaining among other tribes.

When the sick man is at the point of death, his wives
and nearest relatives gather about him, the brother often
winding his arms around him over the region of the heart,
as if to hold the fleeting spirit within the body. But,
when the signs of death have fully developed, the eyes
and the mouth are closed, and the dead man's knees are

182 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

bent up to his chin. Waihng is immediately raised, and
taken up all over the village by the women. All the
members of the clan and their friends then gather together,
some to dig the grave, and others to act as escort to the
corpse. The body is buried usually the same day if there
is light enough, there being no process of embalming for
the common people. Since the large thickets and groves
are reserved for the chiefs and their relatives, any spot
near the village is chosen for the resting-place of the body
of a commoner, so long as it be not too near to frequented
paths. The side of an ant-hill is a favourite spot, but
there is no definite cemetery ground. The body, swathed
in a blanket or common calico for the winding-sheet,
is wrapped in a mat, which is slung, as a rule, from the
' bitter pole ' and carried to the grave. The pole used
for this purpose is henceforth accursed, and one of the
most solemn oaths is : ' By the cruel pole which took
my father to the grave ! ' When the body is hght and
frail, it is, however, simply carried by one or two bearers.
The body is carefully deposited in the grave, which has
a niche hollowed out from one side of the vertical cutting
to receive it. The head is placed facing the east, and so
inclined that the eyes may look towards the rising sun,
so that, the natives say, ' He may still bask in the rays
of the sun.' The brother, or nearest male relative, finally
descends into the grave and cuts a hole in the blanket
over the ear of the deceased. Curious reasons are given
for this custom, which is prevalent among almost all
Plateau tribes. The Amambwe say that this is done in
order that the spirit may listen readily to appeals addressed
to him by the living, for instance, at the name-giving of a
baby relative, as we have noticed at the beginning of this
chapter, or in invocations for a safe journey, or for the
fertility of the crops. The Awemba, however, simply say
that the hole is cut ' so that he (the dead man) may hear
when God calls him.'

One of the village elders will then take a handful of flour
and cast it over the corpse, while making a funeral oration,
the gist of which is more or less as follows : ' Thou didst

BIRTH AND DEATH 183

hold together the rafters of our house — now thou art dead
our bonds are loosened. If the death thou hast died came
from God, then art thou a spirit even now, and mayest
rest in peace. But if witchcraft destroyed thee, return
thou and take the sorcerer thyself. If this witchcraft has
come from the womenkind, then suffer the female of (bush-
buck, wild-pig, or gazelles) to fall into our nets ; but, if
from the male side, then vouchsafe to us males. And ye
departed spirits of our ancestors be nigh to guide us in
our essay. Mayest thou ' (indicating the deceased) ' return
as a good spirit, and prove propitious to our cattle and to
our crops.'

This speech being over, the friends of the deceased, who
have already placed beside the corpse little tokens of their
respect, such as bracelets and rings, come forward and
throw a handful of earth into the grave. When the earth
is finally filled in, two relatives stand on either side of the
grave, link their hoes together, and let them fall to the
ground with a crash.

The grave-diggers, and those who have actually touched
the dead body, then go to the nearest stream to wash. The
others slowly return to the village, and are met, usually,
where two paths intersect, by the medicine-man, who
has prepared the infusion of ground-nuts and water for
their cleansing. Each man, as he passes by, dips his hand
into the simmering lustral bowl and rubs ground-nut oil
aU over his body. On returning to the village the mourners
reassemble before the dead man's hut.

One of the relatives, after due preparation, enters the
hut alone and carefully sweeps the floor, taking especial
care to cleanse the spot where the corpse lay. The sweep-
ings are carefully deposited in an earthenware pot, which is
carried outside the village, inverted, and then smashed to
atoms. The sweeper himself will forthwith bathe alone
in the stream, and must, even then, be very careful not to
strike or jostle by mischance any of his fellow- villagers,
since it is firmly believed that whoever comes into violent
contact with him will soon swell up and break out into
evil sores.

184 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

The mourners, meantime, have dispersed to gather each
his faggot of firewood, which is heaped into a httle pyre
by the medicine-man, outside the dead man's hut, and
lighted by him ceremonially with the fire-stick. A fowl
is then seized and decapitated by the door-posts, while
the formula is repeated : ' If the death of our friend came
from inside the house {e.g. from the wives) 0 fowl, enter
within ; if not, remain without ! ' If the muscular
twitchings and flutterings cause the fowl to enter the hut,
it is considered a manifest sign of witchcraft. The fowl
is then roasted, and both men and women smear the burnt
feathers over their bodies.

Certain tribes, such as the Wawiwa, after the hearth
has been whitewashed anew, cast on the first-kindled fire
a piece of the root of the 7nuteta tree — a knotty wood in-
digenous in the Lungu country, which fumigates the hut
with a faint, incense-like odour.

The next day the mourners hoe a tiny garden near the
grave, and sow in it a few grains of the common indigenous
seeds. The natives say that they must use their hoes to
perform some task for the deceased to show their respect
for his memory, before soiling them in the common daily
gardening.

The Wemba ceremonies differ little from the above,
save that they do not observe such an elaborate system
of purification. They content themselves with putting
out all the fires in the village immediately after a death
is notified. In the villages of the great Wemba chiefs,
before the advent of the Administration, when a sick man
was in articulo mortis, he was carried outside the village.
The natives say this had to be done, as, otherwise, the
chief would be angry if his village were defiled by death,
and to this day, when a death is reported to the Native
Commissioner, a fowl or a goat is brought to appease him
as the chieftain.

After some days the hunting test is made, and the
Lupupo ceremony — a kind of wake — is observed.

To go into mourning a man binds round his temples a
circlet of bark — for four days if it is an infant^, two months

BIRTH AND DEATH 185

for a grown-up boy, and at least three months or longer
if for his own father. The time of mourning also depends
upon the medicine-man's verdict after the hunting test.
The Winamwanga doctors hold an elaborate post-mortem,
especially over children, dissecting the organs with care,
to find out the cause of death. When the husband loses
his wife he takes no prominent part in the actual funeral
ceremonies, only later, when the question of inlieriting
of her sister is brought forward. But, when the husband
dies, it is the wife's duty to mourn him with a wailing dirge :
' Thou hast cast me away, my husband ! I shall never see
thy like again ! '

As has been noted in Chapter II., until the old king
' slept ' and was buried at MwaruU with the proper
ceremonies, a kind of interregnum was maintained. The
following description is taken from eye-witnesses, one an old
resident at Chitimukulu's village, the other being a villager
of Mwaruli, who lived close to the Sacred Burial Grove : —

At the king's village certain old men were always
selected who were called the Ifingo, or Buriers of the Chiefs,
and who must keep aloof from the reigning king during
his lifetime. When these Ifingo, whom w^e call the Masters
of the Ceremonies, heard the waiUng, and knew that the
king was dead, they crossed the inner stockade which v/as
previously forbidden to them. After examining the dead
king's body they seized all his personal attendants and
servants that could be found. Three were straightway
killed, the first slave's lifeless body being put under the
king's head as his pillow, the second slave under his feet
as his footstool, while the third was slain at the gate of the
harem stockade, so that his spirit should act as guardian
and ward off evil spirits and thieves whilst the king slept.
Not unfrequently one of the favourite wives was killed
on the spot, and the court singers and jesters, if not killed
'out of hand, were bound up to be reserved for future
sacrifice. The body was then laid out in state in one of
the principal huts, the walls of which were lavishly decorated
with caHco, beads, and tusks of ivory. The Ifingo rubbed
preservatives into the body, so that it should not fall to

186 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

pieces during the customary lengthy waiting for the burial ;
among the ointments a decoction of landa beans was con-
sidered very efficacious for drying the corpse. When the
nails dropped off, as the body became mummified, it was
the duty of the Iflngo to collect them, and, finally, to hand
over the full tale to the heir. Only the Ifingo had access
to the hut where the remains were laid out in state. It was
a crime, punishable by death, for any one to cross this
tabooed ground, and one of the writers had, many years
ago, to try a case in which seven men were seriously
wounded for crossing the sacred ground in ignorance.

After a considerable time — frequently almost a year — had
elapsed, and the millet had begun to ripen, the old men
would say that the chief's spirit was preparing to arise and
follow his body to Mwaruh, the royal cemetery. The
Masters of the Ceremonies thereupon ground fresh millet,
made an ointment therefrom, and dusted millet flour over
the dried-up corpse ; they then wrapped it up in an ox-
hide, and slung it on a pole cut from the muengere tree.
The captives collected by the young warriors in their raids
to provide victims for the solemn journey, and such slaves
as had been previously reserved hy the Iflngo, were marshalled
together and victims selected the same night.

Before the dawn a procession of the Ifingo and the old
councillors gathered together in front of the principal gate
of the village. Here one of the king's servants, bound
as a lipaki (human sacrifice), was smitten between the eyes
with a sacrificial club and the grim machila of the king
passed over the quivering body. The cortege passed on,
seizing any one found traveUing on the path as a sacrifice.
At each camping-place the body was carefully guarded
all night in a hut. Next day, and again before the dawn,
another victim was struck down at the gate of the village
where the night had been spent, and Chitimukulu ' leaped
over him.'

The next night, at the crossing of the Chambeshi, another
attendant was immolated, and the grim burden crossed
over him. In striking down the sacrifice the Ifingo smote
only once with the club between the eyes, no second blow

BIRTH AND DEATH 187

being permitted as a coup de grace. If the victim still
breathed, ' Chitimukulu despises him, and does not want
him as a slave,' said the Ifingo, and passed on, leaving the
unfortunate to crawl away to his home, as no one would
succour him, or to fall a prey to wild beasts. If, however,
the victim managed to sneeze before he was smitten, he
escaped.^

From the Chambeshi the procession reached Mungu and
tarried there, and, on resuming the march, another slave
or servant of the old king was killed. The village of Chembe
Kambasa was then reached, whence could be faintly seen
the plains of Kukula and the distant fringe of Mwaruli
Forest. Another unfortunate was sacrificed en route,
usually on the Kukula Plain. When hard by Mwaruli,
the procession was met by the headman, Mwini Mwaruli
himself, and his people, who received the body of the dead
king from the bearers. The Wakabiro and all the mourners
from the capital, save the head wdfe, and the remaining
victims thereupon retraced their footsteps, and Mwini
Mwaruli himself assumed control.

On arrival at the Sacred Grove, Mwaruli sacrificed two
more slaves and superintended the digging of the grave.
The assistants then carefully lowered the body and filled
in the grave. A hut was rapidly built over the spot, and
some of the dead king's bows and arrows and spears were
placed inside, a bed constructed, and the hut fitted up
with the usual native furniture. Tusks of ivory were
placed leaning against the walls. The attendants had,
meantime, killed an ox, and, cutting the hide into strips,
bound the rafters mtli them, sprinkling the blood on the
floor.

The head wife was finally dragged into this hut and, the
the natives say, dispatched (by strangling) by Mwaruli
himself and buried, in cases where she was not instantly
killed on the king's death.

This terminated these gruesome rites, and the hut was

^ This curious respect paid to sneezing is a widespread custom; vide
Prof. Tylor's Primitive Culture, vol. i. p. 101, as to Thugs letting captured
travellers escape upon hearing a sneeze.

188 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

finally closed up and mudded over. Mwaruli then told the
people that ' Chitimukulu had accepted the sacrifices, and
would now sleep in peace.'

Two of the king's elder wives, who were called Ba Muka
Benye, were left at MwaruU to attend to the occasional
offerings of food and beer made to the spirits of the dead
kings. Whenever Mwaruli dreamed that one of the old
kings had appeared to him, he repaired to the neglected
one's burial-hut. He carefully opened the door and
pushed inside a hghted pipe of hhang at the head of the
wooden bed, and, after he had prostrated himself and
clapped his hands as if to a Uving king, he closed up the
hut again. At other times, offerings of beer prepared by
the women caretakers and pipes of tobacco were taken to
the grave by Mwaruh alone in the same fashion. Mwaruli
was much feared, and his prayers .to Leza through the
mediation of the ' Great Spirits ' were held to be singularly
efficacious ; his offices, in consequence, were greatly in
request in times of drought or hunger. But he could only
bury one king, and no second. To avoid any such ill omen,
and to correct any tendency to longevity on his part, his
own villagers, on a hint from the reigning king, would Idll
him forthwith and designate another village elder, who,
subsequent to the approval of the reigning Chitimukulu or
Mwamba, would exercise the priestly functions in his stead.

We may conclude with a description of the curious
customs at the burial of the paramount Mambwe chief,
who is called the Sokolo.

A deep pit was dug for the grave, in which the body of
the chief was placed in a sitting position, his wrists being
crossed over his knees. His v/rists and ankles, moreover,
were tied tightly together. The mourners then lowered
into the tomb the bodies of a youth and of one of the chief's
wives, sacrificed to act as his attendants in the spirit
Underworld. The body of the wdfe was laid on the rigid
breast of the sitting corpse, while that of the youth served
to prop up the back of the dead chief. A hollow bamboo
was inserted in the chief's right ear, lengthy enough to
project above the surface of the grave. The mouth of the

BIRTH AND DEATH 189

grave was thereupon roofed with stout poles and mudded
over, and a hut was built above. The people believed
that, after two days, came a spider through the orifice of
the projecting bamboo, a little later a python, and later
again a young lion.^ The older men went to inspect the
grave at intervals. Wlien the python appeared it was fed
and solemnly warned, before it glided away into the bush,
that it must seize game only, and never molest a man.
When the lion cub came forth they placed on one side a
mixture of flour and water, and on the other a kind of
pottage tinged with nkula — the red camwood. The young
lion was exhorted to lick the flour, to show that it was
a good spirit. If, however, it licked the mess of nkula
instead, it was, manifestly, an evil were-lion, and the old
men withdrew in haste and dread, admonishing the evil
spirit at a safe distance to bev/are of molesting them. If,
however, the cub licked the flour, it was a good spirit, and
was fed regularly. When strong enough to fend for itself,
the young lion was taken into the bush and shown the
fresh spoor of game, with the strict injunction that, though
it was free henceforth to hunt the beasts of the forest, it
must abstain from hunting men or women of the tribe.

^ For the myth of the young lion emerging, of. Si^eke's Journal, p. 221
(Edinburgh, 1863), relating the death of Rohinda vi., as told by his
grandson.

190 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

CHAPTER XIII

GAME AND THE CHASE (l)

By slow degrees, yet none the less surely, North-Eastern
Rhodesia is winning the suffrages of big-game hunters,
and year by year the number of visitors in search of horns,
tusks, and skins increases. But trophies have to be earned ;
the country is, indeed, no lotus land in this respect.
Captain Stigand, in The Game of British East Africa,
states : ' In the countries in which I had shot before
{i.e. North-Eastern Rhodesia and Nyasaland) practically
every animal has to be hunted and tracked with the
utmost care before being brought to bag. In East Africa,
on the contrary, the majority of the game wander about
in a semi-tame state, and hve on the open plains, where
all the world can look at them.'

It is, of course, true that even the confirmed ' machila-
hunter ' can — and does — obtain a good many head ; but,
speaking generally, the country is none too easy-going.

Nevertheless the presence of a native population greatly
simplifies matters for the sportsman. Most natives of
Central Africa have been hunters from childhood ; the
pursuit of meat is, indeed, one of the essentials of their
existence. Nowadays, with the introduction of (from
their point of view) vexatious game laws, devised to
prevent the wholesale slaughter of elephant, rhinoceros,
eland, hippopotamus, and the larger animals, their ancient
privileges have been curtailed. Their game-pits are for-
bidden by a humanitarian Administration ; their nets, it
h true, remain, but the use of them is confined to the
capture of small game. No wonder, therefore, that they
leap gaily enough at any opportunity of accompanying
the white man who goes a-hunting, seeing that, in many

GAME AND THE CHASE 191

cases, it is the quarry itself — as representing so many
pounds of raw meat — rather than the actual pursuit which
appeals to them.

Thus the European finds no difficulty in obtaining men
to perform the laborious part ; rather will his energies be
directed to preventing half the male population of the
village where he is encamped — greybeards and toddlers
included — from following on his trail and waking the
echoes in hideous glee when the game is viewed. And it
would seem to be an unwritten law of the country that,
when game is killed, a certain portion of it shall be the
perquisite of the gun-bearers and spoorers, but that,
when a blank is drawn, the liability of the white man
shall be nil.

The game found upon the Tanganyika Plateau is too
well known to need detailed description, and, in any case,
this is not a treatise upon Natural History. Most of the
specimens to be bagged in North-Eastem Rhodesia are to
be met with, though more sparsely, in South Africa.
Black lechwe alone, perhaps, are not found below the
Zambesi. For the rest, eland, roan and sable antelope —
— the latter less widely distributed, though plentiful
enough in its local habitat — hartebeeste (Lichtenstein's),
koodoo, waterbuck of the smaller variety, reedbuck,
red lechwe, puku, klipspringer, pombo (the South African
duiker), tsessebe, oribi, bushbuck, and katiri (the South
African steinbok) comprise practically all the specimens
of buck and antelope to be found. A curious furred harte-
beeste has also been shot in the vicinity of Katwe. Sita-
tunga, too, are common enough in certain northern localities,
though the nature of the ground — heavy swamps — renders
their shooting difficult.

Of the larger game, buffalo are common enough in
parts, as are also zebra and rhinoceros. Hippopotamus
are to be found in most of the larger rivers, and elephants
are fairly widely distributed. Giraffe, unfortunately, miss
the Plateau proper — they live across the German border
on the north, and again south on the Loangwa river, where
they are strictly preserved. On the other hand, vermin, i.e.

192 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

lions, leopards, cheetahs, hyenas, wild dogs, and crocodiles
are far too common to be agreeable.

Among the smaller mammals the following are the
principal : Red lynx, civet cat, serval, booted lynx, wild
cat, genet (two species, tigrina and rubiginosa), lemur, bush-
baby, tree cony, three or more kinds of mongoose, squirrel,
giant swamp rat, several field rats, mice, and voles, six
or seven species of rodent moles, otter, ant-bear, porcupine,
and two kinds of jackal.

The principal game birds are geese (five or more kinds,
including spurwing and knob-nosed), eight or nine kinds
of duck, two kinds of guinea-fowl, three or more kinds of
francolin, teal, snipe, korhaan, pauww, marabout stork,
crested crane, egret, and wood pigeon.

The reptiles of the country do not merit a lengthy de-
scription, though there are numerous varieties of snakes,
most of which have been captured by the White Fathers at
the instance of Bishop Dupont, and their venoms sent to
Paris, in order that anti-toxins might be found. The
more usual kinds are the python, the black mamba, the
puff-adder, and many kinds of grass-snakes, which are,
presumably, non-poisonous. There is also a snake called
by the natives ngoshye, which is usually found in holes in
the vicinity of water. This snake is dreaded by the natives
more than any other kind ; it is said to be the fiercest of
all known reptiles, and is credited with the capacity not
only to attack its prey but to stalk it as well. There is
also the cockatrice, inondo or ilea, which is said to cfimb
trees, and, hanging by its tail, to strike downwards at
men or animals passing beneath it. It is supposed to
crow like a cock — and, whether this be true or false, white
hunters of repute asseverate that they have heard the
crowing of cocks in the bush far from any known village.
Probably, however, it is hke the Ndhondhlo of Zululand
— a purely mythical creature.

There are also found the iguana, the chameleon, a
large, brightly-coloured tree-lizard, and many varieties
of frogs and toads.

Speaking generally, the best season for ordinary buck-

GAME AND THE CHASE 193

shooting is, in North-Eastern Rhodesia, from August to
December, although the tendency of the native seems to
be to burn the grass later every year. In the old days
it was a heinous offence — some say punishable by death —
for any person to set fire to grass until the signal had
been given by drum in the chief's village. And nowa-
days, with mitanda and vitemene scattered throughout the
country, and grain-bins in almost every patch of bush, the
hunter, European or Native, who sets the grass alight, incurs
a considerable risk of being held liable for compensation.

By the beginning of October, however, at latest — and in
some districts much earlier — the old grass on the plains
has been thoroughly burnt off, and the new shoots are
sprouting ; while, in addition, all but the main waterways
have run dry. Then it is that the buck, which throughout
the rest of the year are dispersed through the bush or in
the vicinity of old native gardens, collect in large herds
and frequent the grassy plains or nyika with clockwork
regularity. From dawn until the sun is well above the
skyline, and again from four o'clock until dusk, hardly a
nyika can be visited — with due regard, that is, to the direc-
tion of the wind — mthout several head of roan or reedbuck,
hartebeeste, eland, or zebra being found upon it. It is,
however, a fact worth noting that, when the moon is growing
on to full, the buck do not come out to feed in the plains
until much later than usual ; at full moon, indeed, one is
lucky to meet them early enough to have hght to shoot.

Only average caution and an adherence to the laws of
common sense are needed to bring the hunter within reach
of his game, even though in this ' nyika-Q\\ooim.g ' shots
are rarely taken at more than 150 yards distance — usually,
indeed, much nearer. And, supposing that meat in large
quantities is needed — as it usually is when a ulendo of
forty or fifty natives, each blessed with an infinite capacity
for raw meat, is in question — it is by no means difficult,
with careful shooting, to bag say, nine or ten animals
with a dozen shots.

For, curiously enough, the mere report of a rifle, or
even the sound of the impact of the bullet, does not at

194 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

first seem to scare the average herd. This is, probably,
because they cannot for the moment locate the danger.
Most b^lck— more especially, perhaps, roan, hartebeeste,
and pukii, will merely stand AAdth heads uplifted in bewilder-
ment, provided they have not caught sight of the hunter,
or got his wind, until several of the herd are lying dead.
And not until then will they move off— as often as not to
stand again a hundred yards farther on. On the other
hand, when a herd is in full flight, a bullet pitched discreetly
in front of them on their hne of progress is often sufficient
to bring them to a standstill.

Naturally, however, wholesale slaughter of this description
is to be avoided, unless the condition of the larder impera-
tively demands it. The one unpardonable crime is to leave
meat lying ; not, indeed, that such a condition of affairs
often occurs, since natives are hke vultures, and Avill collect
from miles around upon the shghtest rum.our of m.eat going
a-begging. Generally the objective of the hunter is a
good head, and, although ' records ' are as difficult to obtain
in North-Eastern Rhodesia as elsewhere, the very quantity
of the ordinary species increases the chance of bagging a good
specimen. Bushbuck, koodoo, and good roan are, perhaps,
the most difficult specimens to obtain — though, curiously
enough, roan is by far the commonest buck of the Plateau,
except in the North-West.

Once the game is down, nothing remains but to instruct
the fundi to cut its throat, to send a runner back to camp
for carriers, and to adjourn to the next nyika, where the
process may be repeated. Except in the case of the very
small animals, all meat is, of course, cut up on the ground
— for an eland scales close upon 1200 lb., a roan from 500
to 600, a waterbuck 450, a hartebeeste 300, and it is im-
possible to transport them wholesale to camp except under
very exceptional conditions. An excellent method of
scaring vultures from the carcase is to hft the head shghtly
by tying the neck to the hind leg, for instance— and attach
a piece of white calico to the horns ; while, if the animal
has been shot during the evening, it is always advisable
to leave at least one native in charge of each kill, equipped

GAME AND THE CHASE 195

with a fire, to provide against the visitation of lions, leopards,
or hyenas.

Now and again, of course, the above simple programme
undergoes necessary alterations. It may v/ell chance that
an animal has not been struck in exactly the right place
— just behind the shoulder or in the neck being the spot
generally recognised as the most deadly — in which case,
more especially if it be hartebeeste, puku, or eland, a stern
chase, which is often a long one, begins. The tenacity of
life among buck and antelope is proverbial — perhaps the
hardiest of all is the httle puku. Puku, with two legs
broken and no interior left worth mentioning, have been
known to travel over two miles through dense matted growth
— a pitiful sight, indeed, and one tending to disgust the
hunter to the extent of inducing him to swear off shooting
altogether. But, after all, meat is a necessity of life, and
even the best of shots cannot be always certain of hitting
his quarry in exactly the proper place.

It is in such stern chases that the shooting-boy begins
to earn his wages. Anxious and alert, with eyes that must
scan both the ground and the surrounding bush simultane-
ously, a grass-stalk in hand to point out the spoor — he will
follow — perhaps for miles — over country which would be
unintelhgible to the average European. From the imprint
of the hoof he divines the speed of the beast ; from the
quantity and position of the blood, the nature of the wound.
Rock or swamp, leaf -mould or grass, it is all one to him ;
sooner or later the wounded animal will be sighted, probably
in dense, close bush, and the end will come at last, though
the white man aches in every sinev/, and would sell his soul
for a long, strong drink.

Many writers, it is true — Lugard and Grogan, for instance
— scoff at the shooting-boy ; it is, indeed, fashionable to
assert that the vnld man of the woods is much over-rated
as a huntsman and tracker. And, no doubt, there are to
be found so-called fundis who know not the tail of an animal
from the head, a roan antelope from a hippopotamus, or the
muzzle of a rifle from the butt. But, on the other hand,
there are men who hunted — perhaps for the chief — long

196 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

years before white men came to the country — who speared
their elephants in dense, matted forests — who have eyes Uke
hawks, and an instinctive knowledge of the workings of
the animal brain. Such are the men of whom we write.

For the shooting-boy, be it remembered, has his reputa-
tion to maintain. It is his province — and his alone — to
clean the guns of the hwana, in full view of an admiring
village populace. It is he who is responsible — so far, at
least, as other natives are concerned — if his master's bag
does not equal that of other sportsmen ; he who will, un-
doubtedly, be blamed if a wounded animal escapes, if the
bwana loses his way, if any untoward accident befall.
Moreover, in the evening, when others are chattering round
the fires, it becomes his duty to look to skins and trophies,
to prepare the masks, to clean heads, to make fly-switches
out of freshly lopped tails, and the like. And, for the most
part, he is worth his salt.

So much, then, for the programme of an average day's
' 7iyika-shootmg.'' Now and again wart-hog may come
into the bag — curious beasts, that seem almost like a
link with the prehistoric ages. Unsuited by nature to the
burrowing of holes of their own, they usually appropriate
the vacant dwellings of ant-bears, and — no doubt because
of the utter disproportion in size of the head to the rest
of the body — invariably enter those holes tail-first, with
the result that no spoor is ever found leading to a hole,
but always away from it. The native method of killing
wart-hog has the crowning merit of simplicity. They
take station above the hole armed with spears, and stamp
violently. It is not long before, annoyed by a shower of
falhng earth, or, perhaps, frightened by the noise, the
lodger rushes forth, to be promptly speared by the
expectant hunter.

It is, perhaps, worth noting that big tushes are not
often to be found among wart-hog dwelling in rocky
ground, whereas in sandy places, where there is little or no
friction to contend with, the tushes often attain to consider-
able size.

The wart-hog undoubtedly suffers considerably from

War I llui

7. Stuart I!\lls./>hot.

Lion.

l<r. jf. H. Paz ey. the

~~'^fr^-

J Stuart U'cUs, f'hot.

GAME AND THE CHASE 197

rinderpest. Possibly from this reason he is not so easily-
found as buck, antelope, or the common bush-pig. Very
early in the morning one may meet him upon the nyika ;
at any time during the day there is a chance of a rencontre,
but it is a remote one enough. And yet, very short-
sighted and intensely curious as he is, it is usually easy
enough to get a close shot once he has been viewed,
though it is commonly believed that, owing, perhaps,
to his lack of height and deceptive colouring, the novice
is more likely to miss his first wart-hog than any other
game.

It is sometimes said that the wart-hog, when wounded,
is an ugly customer to tackle. Some sportsmen even
asseverate that he has been known, unwounded, to charge
natives gratuitously, when escape would have been the
simpler policy. But it is more than probable that his
pugnacious attitude has been exaggerated. Like any wild
animal, his first thought is to escape ; when driven into a
corner he will, naturally, show fight, and can certainly
inflict a very nasty wound with an upward rip of his
tushes. But, for that matter, even bush-pig are held
in great respect by natives, who will refuse point-blank
to enter a niusito where wounded pig have taken refuge.
And the roan, vdien badly wounded, often proves himself
a most formidable opponent. There exists, to testify,
the well-known case of a hunter of considerable reputation
who, having incautiously approached a wounded roan,
found himself in the unpleasant predicament of having
to dodge round a tree for a quarter of an hour to evade
the attack of the infuriated animal. Indeed, of all the
buck and antelope tribe, perhaps the eland alone is never
known to show fight — which is a merciful dispensation
of Providence when it is remembered that he is, in size
and weight, not much inferior to the average cart-horse,
and that his horns, heavy but sharply pointed, would
inflict a fatal wound with very little power behind them.
Even the little bushbuck — undoubtedly the prettiest of
his family, with his daintily spotted chocolate skin and
his delicate curving horns — is an animal to steer clear

198 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

of when wounded, and there are men who go so far as to
state that a wounded bushbuck is quite as dangerous as
a wounded lion.^ This is, no doubt, an exaggeration,
although, quite recently, a settler saved himself by
gripping the horns of a bushbuck which was making for
him ; nevertheless, they are savage little brutes, and, were
it not that their skins are very soft and pliable, it is
probable that the natives would leave them severely
alone, since the meat of the bushbuck is, in many tribes,
tabooed for superstitious reasons. Women will not wrap
their children in the skins, lest they should become
spotted, and many natives will not seat themselves upon
the skin for a similar reason.

Of the really dangerous animals buffalo, when wounded,
are, perhaps, as deadly as any. Sullen, sulky beasts,
feeding, as they do, at night or in the early morning,
wandering during the heat of the day in almost impenet-
rable musitos, they resent the presence of a human being
immediately, though — unless wounded — they will usually
do their best to escape. But, once wounded, the buffalo
is a foe to reckon with. His vindictiveness is very nearly
human ; for no object that can be surmised — except that
of revenge — he will almost invariably turn at a sharp
angle to his track and wait for his pursuer, charging at
short range with incredible energy. No rifle that was ever
made will suffice to stop or turn him, unless a vital spot
is struck ; and herds that have been frequently disturbed
will often charge en masse upon one of their members
being wounded.

For the successful pursuit of buffalo a knowledge of
their habits is indispensable. Generally speaking, they
leave the nyika at sunrise, feeding slowly through the
bush until about ten o'clock — though for perhaps an hour
after the sun is up they may be found standing just
inside the edge of the bush. About ten they lie doAvn
and sleep until about two, when they once more move
on towards the nyika, feeding as they go. All through

^ Recently, indeed, in the Fife division, a native v/as ripped up and killed
by a bushbuck which he had caught in a net.

GAME AND THE CHASE 199

the night, from sunset, they continue to feed, leaving the
open ground once more as the sun begins to rise. It is
probable that they water morning and evening, though
this, of course, depends upon the time of year ; in the
rainy season they will frequently make wallows in the
swamps, and lie there deep in the mud all day long. They
are very fond of thick musitos, and feed upon young
bracken to a large extent.

Until about four or five months old the calves are
not allowed to travel with the herd, although, a week after
birth, they may join them with their mothers for an hour
or so during the day. It has been said that the old cows
hide them in thickets and feed them at stated times,
but this is not fully substantiated. A herd with young
calves will usually travel very much more slowly than one
consisting entirely of adults. Lions are believed to be
particularly fond of the young calves, and it is said that
they will follow a herd for days together, subsisting in
the interval solely upon the droppings of the herd.

A somewhat noticeable instance of the presence of
mind of a native face to face with danger of a very real
description occurred recently. A white man, having
wounded a buffalo, was charged by it in country which
admitted of no escape. At the crucial moment his
fundi sprang to his side and, reversing the spear Vvhich
he carried, struck the animal with it violently upon the
nose. It may be remarked in parenthesis that, had the
native inflicted a flesh wound, neither he nor his master
would have lived to tell the tale.

With regard to the rhinoceros, but little of interest is
kno\^'^l at present. The only species hitherto found in
North-Eastern Rhodesia is the black rhinoceros, Burchell's
white rhinoceros being unknown. At certain times these
beasts herd like elephants ; one official has stated that he has
seen as many as fifty in a single herd, and that the tracks
of twenty together are seen ^v^th comparative frequency.^

It is the habit of the rhinoceros to scatter his dung mth

1 In 1909 a tlirec-horned rhinoceros was shot by Captain Pisiscelli, A.D.C*
to H.R.H. the Duchess d'Aosta-

200 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

his horn ; the natives say that he is mad, and that he does
this in the idiotic behef that the procedure will effectually
prevent the hunter from following him.

Ant-bears, though common enough throughout the
Plateau, are but rarely met with. The natives call them
nengo, and are especially fond of their flesh, which is very
fat. The animals themselves subsist mainly upon ants,
and their method of capturing these is to dig into an ant-
heap until the inhabitants, alarmed, commence to scurry
to and fro. The ant-bear then inserts its long, thin tongue,
and holds it motionless until it is thickly coated with ants,
when it is withdrawn and the ants devoured.

As is but natural in a country where lions abound, these
animals form the basis of many native superstitions, which
it would be wearisome to detail at length. But the super-
stition anent the cliisanguka, or were-lion, is interesting,
as having its parallel in most of the primitive systems of
folklore. It is implicitly beheved that certain lions are
not merely animals, but human beings, malevolent and
endowed with magical powers, who, for their own evil ends,
have assumed the dreaded form of the king of beasts. A
native will tell you, confidently, that such-and-such a lion
is well known to be So-and-so sanguka'd — that is to say,
transmogrified. And there is a story, widely beheved, of a
certain so-called were-lion which, being slain by a boar,
was thereupon at once declared to be no cliisanguka. Again,
the lion plays an important part in the fortunes of the
Mambwe dynasty, it being a universally accepted fact
(as previously stated) that the Sokolo, or Mwenemambwe —
the reigning chief of the Amambwe — is, at death, trans-
formed into a lion.

Two distinct species of lions are known to the Plateau —
the ' white ' lion and the ' black-maned ' lion. As a pendant
to this, one may consider the swamp leopard — if, indeed,
this is a distinct species. An official who has had experience
of these animals gives it as his opinion that the swamp
leopard is not a different species, but that leopards who, on
account of the flat, swampy country around some parts
of Lake Bangweolo, have taken to frequenting the edges

GAME AND THE CHASE 201

of the swamps for the purpose of catching fish become
longer and darker in the coat, and, apparently, longer also
in the leg. The swamp leopard is said to hunt only
in couples. Definite information concerning this animal
would probably be of great interest to naturalists.

Considering that the crocodile is the totem of the reigning
Wemba dynasty, there is a regrettable paucity of interesting
superstition or tradition connected with these reptiles.
They are very common in most of the larger rivers of the
Plateau. It is said that there are always two crocodiles
in every egg that is laid. When the young ones are hatched
— that is, if they are lucky enough to escape the fate of
providing a meal for their parents — they do not take to
the water at once, but five among the reeds until they
are old enough to look after themselves. It is a well-
enough-known fact that crocodiles usually kill their prey
by pulling it under water and floating above it until it
is drowned ; they then hide it in a cranny under water
until it has put rifled, but take it on to dry land to
devour it.

It is believed in some parts that there are special crocodiles
which are possessed by the spirits of departed chiefs, and
will do no injury to human beings. It is also a common
superstition that, every year, a crocodile eats a white stone ;
when the beast dies the stones can be counted, and the age
thus computed. The stones are said to be carefully preserved
and taken to the Chitimukulu of the crocodile totem. ^ The
gall-stone and the bile-duct (ndusya) are kept by witch-
doctors as medicinal ingredients. Under certain exceptional
circumstances men are, in some parts, believed to turn
into crocodiles.

The follo^dng notes taken from the Luena District Note-
hook, compiled by G. M. E. Leyer, Native Commissioner,
will afford a clear insight into the various methods of trap-
ping game and procuring fish : —

' Traps. — Huiiting-net {sumbu). These are made of bark-rope,
with large meshes, and are about six feet high. They are put up

^ It is a fact that stones are found in the bellies of crocodiles, and also
of elephants.

202 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

in lengths so as to extend about a mile, and, for choice, arranged so
as to be supplemented or flanked by some obstacle like a fence or
river. The beaters form a large circle, of which the net is a segment,
extending over the gromid to be hunted. The game is then beaten
up and driven to the net, where it becomes entangled and is quickly
dispatched by men concealed in shelters of twigs, etc. Game thus
caught includes all the smaller buck, and often the yomig of the
larger antelope.

' Game- Pits (buchinga). — These pits may be open or covered,
with or without sharpened stakes at the bottom. They are dug
in game -paths, or in gaps in fences. In them are caught all kinds
of large and small game, except the fuU-gro-mi elephant, which is,
perhaps, too sagacious. Similar pits for hippopotami, dug along the
banks of rivers, are usually fitted with spears instead of stakes.

' Snare- Trap {mupeto). — The principle of this trap is a rope, or
string, forming a rmming noose. The spring-force is supplied by a
young tree or sapling, bent to sufficient tension with a second rope.
Any animal stepping into the noose, which is hidden from view,
releases the string, and is caught by the leg. These snares, which
are often very strongly made, are placed in tracks where the game
is likely to pass. Even the largest antelopes are sometimes caught
in them. Tiny variations of the same idea are also often made,
and baited for small animals, mice, and birds.

' Suspended Log or Weighted Spear {ikunku). — A sharpened
log, pointed downwards and often provided with a large spear-head,
is suspended in the branches of a tree above a path frequented by
elephant. In connection with this weight a string is stretched across
the path in such a way that the former drops instantly the spring
is touched.

'Box-Trap {chimfangu). — This is used chiefly for leopards,
and is built after the mouse-trap pattern. It is made of stout
timber in the shape of an oblong box. At one end a goat is placed
as bait. When the leopard enters to seize the goat the other end
closes automatically by means of a falling log. If well made it is
most successful.

' Harpoon [chiwingu). — This is, in principle, an ordinary harpoon
with a log attached, and is used to Idll hippopotami from canoes.'

The use of poison to destroy beasts of prey is unknown.
When they did not possess firearms, natives killed elephants
simply with their spears. Dogs were sometimes sent
forward to annoy the elephant, and while they were thus
occupied spears were thrown by men at close quarters.

SaULF, ANTEI.orK.
{Fiihlishcd hy kind pcjuiission of thf B.S.A. Co.)

GAME AND THE CHASE 203

There is a good deal of superstitious belief in regard to
hunting and woodcraft. Some of these have already been
referred to. When setting out, the sight of certain animals
is a good omen, that of others spells bad luck. But such
superstitions are of little practical importance.

' Fishing. — Along the large rivers, and in the vicinity of the
great lakes, Tanganyika and Bangweolo, fishing affords perhaps the
most important means of subsistence for a considerable number of
natives. Native methods of catching fish do not appear to vary
from those in use elsewhere. Nets are, of course, the chief implements,
both fixed and for dragging. Another favourite method is to build
fences (bwamha) across rmming water, leaving gaps in which are
placed cone-shaped traps {miono) made of reeds, of which the bases
are turned up-stream.

' Fish-hooks are used, and also a kind of iron gaff. A very
reprehensible, but common, practice, is that of IdlUng off all the fish
in a certain stretch of river with fish-poison. This is called wuwa,
and is of five distinct kinds, all vegetable. Also, though fish may
have been killed by this poison, it does not thereby become dangerous
or mifit for human consumption.

' The method of using the wuwa is as follows : A quantity, say
ten to twenty baskets-full, is poured out on to the ground — prefer-
ably on ant-heap clay. It is then pomided to flour. Then the
ground is raked up with a hoe and mixed with the poison. This
is put into the baskets, which are immersed in the river, being stirred
and spmi round until the contents have dissolved and the baskets
are empty. The dead fish shortly begin to rise to the surface
and to float down -stream, where they are caught by a fence and
gathered in. This poisoning can, fortmiately, only be practised
in small rivers, and then only when tlie water is at its lowest, i.e.
October and November. . . . '

Many of the species of fish collected from Lake Bangweolo
by Mr. F. H. Melland, F.Z.S., were entirely new, and have
now been classified by Mr. G. A. Boulenger, F.R.S.

On the whole, the attitude of the native to the members
of the animal world that teems about him is a quaint one
enough : a curious mixture of shrewd hunting-lore and
childish superstition. In one breath he will tell you that
lions hunt men more frequently in the rainy season because,
their skins being wet, the scent is stronger and the difficulty

204 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

of approaching game consequently greater. This theory,
whether true or not, argues keen reasoning powers. But
the next instant, you will find him babbling of some weird
were-lion Avhich is impervious to spear-thrust or bullet-
wound. Equally illogical is he in his respect or contempt
for dangerous animals. One day he will refuse to walk
along a hoed road in broad daylight without a gun
(whether loaded or not is immaterial) ; the next, armed only
with a spear, he will drive a lion off a kill with the utmost
sang-froid.

Indeed, when far from a white man and compelled to act
upon his own initiative, the native is often astonishingly
plucky. In almost every case of natives being attacked
by lions — say in a village at night — the whole male com-
munity will turn out and do their best — often successfully —
to rescue the unfortunates, while cases are on record of
old women, children, and even badly mutilated men killing
savage beasts in defence either of themselves or of members
of their family.

In the accepted sense of the word, however, the native
is not a " sportsman." His nets and his fences, his poison
and his traps, are repugnant to our ideas of fair dealing —
though, perhaps, one may except the Waunga, who kill
otters by spearing them from canoes. But, after all, he
has to live. Meat is not, it is true, essential to his existence,
but it is, perhaps, the greatest luxury which life has to
ofifer ; and one cannot blame him if, being out of reach of
butchers' shops, he procures that luxury in the simplest
and most effective manner that is known to him.

Nothwithstanding that every hunter has his own ideas
upon the matter, no review of hunting conditions would
be complete without reference to the all-important question
of the ' battery ' most suited to local conditions.

For use in ordinary nyika-shooting — that is to say, exclud-
ing elephant, rhinoceros, buffalo, lion, and leopard — popu-
larity wavers between the "303 magazine sporting rifle and
the 8 mm. Mauser. The former is cheap, serviceable, and
has the crowning merit of taking standard ammunition
which can always be obtained in the country ; the latter

GAME AND THE CHASE 205

has the advantage of superior penetration, and, a clip being
fitted to the cartridges, all five rounds can be loaded into
the magazine in one motion.

Elephant hunters again are divided into two schools —
those who believe in the head-shot with a small-bore rifle
of great penetration such as the "303, and those who, pinning
their faith to the body-shot, prefer heavier bores such as
•600 or '450. It may be submitted for the decision of
experts whether there is not safety in compromise — for
the 9 mm. Mauser has been found by many hunters to carry
a sufficiently heavy charge for body-shots, while retaining
enough penetration for head-shots as well. It is, however,
necessary to calculate upon the possibility of an elephant
charging, in which case a heavy rifle is, undoubtedly, a
comforting weapon. A double "400 hammerless ejector
is favoured by many.^

The "350 cordite rifle may, perhaps, be considered ideal
for all African game except rhinoceros and buffalo. The
two latter beasts are so often met with in thick bush that a
heavy rifle — not less than "450 — is essential in dealing with
them. In the case of a sudden charge at close quarters a
bullet from a "450 or '600 should turn any beast, whereas
with a small rifle the bullet must reach the brain or prove
useless. In elephant-shooting the conditions are some-
what different, inasmuch as a shot should, under ordinary
conditions, be taken at from ten to thirty yards, and it is
generally possible to use the greatest deliberation. Under
such circumstances the brain wiU usually be aimed for,
and, of course, much more accurate shooting can be
made with a small than with a large-bore rifle. With the
ideal battery it is probably best to take the first shot with
a small-bore rifle at the brain (since the body is often
covered with thick bush or grass), and have a trustworthy
native at hand with the heavy-bore, to provide for a sudden
charge.

Lions, met in the open, can usually be settled with a

^ In writing the above the authors are greatly indebted to Major V. G.
Whitla, who has shot in most parts of the world, including North-Eastern
Rhodesia.

206 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

•350 or 9 mm. ; but for wounded lions, followed into
' thick stuff,' a big-bore should be carried, double-barrelled
if possible. For hippopotami there is no doubt as to the
superior merits of the small-bore, since the shot — unless
the animal is met on land, which is exceedingly rare — is
always at the head, and the greatest accuracy is needed.

In selecting large-bore rifles, it is advisable to choose
one with hammers and rebounding locks, the reason
being that this rifle, being usually in reserve, will probably
be carried up to the last moment by a native. Under
such circumstances hammer rifles are infinitely safer than
hammerless, as the mere rubbing on the bearer's shoulder
or against bush and branches may easily put the safety-
catch to danger, v/hereas v/ith the hammer rifle it is
necessary to actually cook the hammers. And here it
may be mentioned that one of the everlasting difficulties
of the Plateau hunter is to induce his gun-boy to carry
his rifle in any other position than directly pointing at
the eye of the person immediately behind him. In narrow
bush paths this will be found a drawback. Another
favourite method is to grasp the rifle firmly by the barrel
— with the result that it becomes badly strained and
the sights corroded with perspiration. Those who bring
out rifles — such as the *303 magazine — with screwed-on
stocks should make sure of having also a long butt-trap
screwdriver, since the dry weather — the proper hunting-
season — causes the wood to warp and the stock to become
loose, with disastrous effects to accurate shooting. In
an emergency the faulty screw can generally be reached
with a spear heated and beaten down.

A double-barrelled 12 -bore shot-gun is an indis-
pensable article, as are also, of course, good field-glasses
and a serviceable cartridge-bag. Except when using a
rifle adapted to clips, which can be easily carried in the
breast-pocket of the hunting-shirt, it will be found advis-
able to have a small leather flap on the belt, carrjdng
five or ten cartridges fitted in holes and ready for im-
mediate use. Nothing is more annoying — and, on occa-
sions, dangerous — than to find at some critical moment

GAME AND THE CHASE 207

that the heathen in charge of the spare rounds is some
fifty or a hundred yards in rear.

For those hunters whose eyesight is defective, hght
spectacles will be found more usefu] than pince-nez, which
are perpetually being caught in branches, etc. A hunting
eyeglass, attached to the brim of the hat or helmet, might
be useful.

The telescopic sight is most useful in shooting black
lechwe, ostrich, and sassaby, as it is usually most difficult
to approach nearer than 250 or 300 yards. Also, when
an animal is standing in the shade, the advantages of
such a sight are keenly realised, as it tends to make him
stand out distinctly.

With regard to bullets for the '350, '303 or 9 mm. —
that is to say, the rifles used in ordinary shooting — the
best are those v.dth a very little lead and a small cavity
in the head, not more than a quarter of an inch in depth.
For elephant, hippopotamus, or hon, sohds, of course, are
used. The correct bullet for buffalo would seem to be a
moot point.

On the whole, the follo'v\dng may perhaps be taken as
an ideal battery for all kinds of shooting in North-Eastern
Rhodesia : (1) Double '600 cordite hammer ejector, vv-ith
rebounding locks ; (2) double '400 cordite hammerless
ejector (as a reserve rifle) ; (3) magazine '303 or -350, with
a telescopic sight ; (4) magazine -256 Mannhcher ; (5) D.B.
12-bore shot-gun.

For protection after dark a shot-gun loaded with
S.S.G. is far more useful than a whole battery of heavy
rifles.

The following may be quoted from notes by Mr. C. P.
Chesnaye upon the fauna of North-Eastern Rhodesia,
embodied in the Reports of the British South Africa
Company, 1898-1900:—

' Lake Tanganyika, the fauna of which is of a distinctly marine
type (see To the Mountains of the Moow— Moore), is full of jBish
of great variety. The electric fish, called by the natives ktuita, is
of the cat-fish variety, pale yellow, with dark blotches ; the electric
tissue covers the whole body, and the fish gives a powerful shock

208 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

when handled. For the table the fish called by the natives masiipa,
pamba, mkupa, numoi, can be recommended. There is an endless
variety of others, from the nsembe, resembling whitebait, to the
pamba, weighing 80 to 90 lb., and measm-ing 4 ft. in length.
All the lake fish are eaten by the natives, and are greatly prized.
The nkupe is as good as a haddock, and the masupa quite equals
mackerel. Sponges are also found. . . . The Medusa fresh-water
jelly-fish is, with one exception, supposed to be the only one of this
class found in fresh water. Turtles are also found. . . . The eels
of the lake are curious, the nose being split into three pieces. Another
fish, the ndomo, has the nose elongated till it is like an elephant's
trmik, with only a small mouth at the tip.

' Birds. — In addition to those previously mentioned, the following
are found : Heron, flamingo, pelican, eagles, vultures, sparrow-
hawks, falcon, owls, parrots, paroquet, three kinds of hornbill,
finch, cardinal, weaver, tick-birds, mocking-birds, goat-suckers,
night-jars, cormorant, gull (Tanganyika), pigeons, turtle-dove,
Turaco quail.

' Insect Pests. — Tsetse-fly {Glossina morsitans and palpalis)^
mosquitoes, locusts (rare upon the Plateau), the Pulex penetrans or
jigger, and the Kufu bug are among the most common.'

. /

^^p^

. 1^

'^^

«^,

-f ^.^

. * (. ■^

^^■^^

Oribi.

Waterbuck.

(Puhlishcd hy kind permission of the B.S.A. Co.)

GAME AND THE CHASE 209

CHAPTER XIV

GAME AND THE CHASE (ll)

Elephant-hunting is, undoubtedly, one of the finest sports
in the world ; it is also, unfortunately, one of the most
expensive, unless good ivory can be obtained to cover the
outgoings. And upon the Plateau we are still in the stage
when it is regarded more or less as a commercial speculation.
Certainly the palmy days of old, when the hunter could
bag as many elephants as he pleased, irrespective of sex,
have gone, never to return. It is just as well for the
present generation, for instances have been known of one
European having killed as many as a hundred elephants
in a single year.

Elephants are as plentiful as ever they were — indeed,
their numbers are, no doubt, increasing ; but the big
tusker is a thing of the past — or fast becoming so. The
recent Government Notice increasing the number to be
shot upon a £25 licence from two bulls to four of either sex
has, undoubtedly, given a temporary fillip to the sport so
far as amateurs are concerned, since the risk of incurring a
heavy fine by accidentally shooting a cow — quite an easy
mistake for the tyro to make — has now been obviated. But,
concurrently, the export duty on ivory has been raised from
9d. to 2s. 6d. per lb., and it is the general opinion of those
skilled at the game that conditions are, on the whole, no
better than they have been for the past two years.

Tusks, as a rule, run much smaller in North-Eastern
Rhodesia than in Uganda or British East Africa, the
average for bulls being about 30 lb. per tusk, and for cows
about 11 or 12 lb. With ivory at, nominally, 10s. per lb.,
but actually nearer 6s., local price, the total value of a
full-grown bull elephant is something between £20 and

210 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

£30. From this must be deducted the cost of travelling
and — if not sold locally — the cost of export duty.
Travelling is quite a serious item when it is remembered
that the hunter may often travel a week or more before
striking spoor that is fresh enough to follow, and much
longer before he sights an animal really worth shooting. A
very big bull may, upon the Plateau, be reckoned at any-
thing over 60 lb. per tusk.

It is difficult to lay down definite rules regarding the
habitat of elephant. But certain facts are known. In
August, September, and October, when the smaller water-
courses are dry and there is no food elsewhere, they are
to be found in the vicinity of large rivers, and at these
times they drink at all hours of the twenty-four — pre-
sumably because this is also the season of wild fruits,
especially 7nasuku and mpundu, of which they are in-
ordinately fond, and which have the effect of engendering
great thirst.

Native opinion is to the effect that the large bulls are
never — or but rarely — found with the rest of the herd,
being generally two or three miles away, though within
call, and that such bulls as are found running with the
cows are either tondos (tuskless animals) or small bulls
with insignificant tusks. Some white hunters, however,
asseverate that this segregation of the sexes depends upon
the time of the year, and that, while in August, September,
and October the bulls do not accompany the cows, they
usually do so from February to May.

The natives beUeve that elephant, like cattle, calve once
a year, and, in proof of this, allege that cows are not infre-
quently seen with three or more calves of varying sizes,
all small. This argument may, however, with equal logic
be taken to prove that the calves mature but slowly, from
which it would be reasonable to assume that the period
of gestation is also prolonged. It is probable that this
period is, in fact, from twenty to twenty-two months,
and that cows calve every two and a half years. There
would seem to be no definite breeding season.

Another curious fact in connection with the young

GAME AND THE CHASE 211

calves is — according to native evidence — that they do not
suck. The mothers are said to strip bark from trees, masti-
cate carefully until soft and pulpy, then, exuding their milk
over it, give the milky mass to the calf. Possibly some
white hunters may have witnessed the process !

In the old days, before the white men came to the
country, the hunting of elephants was, in practice, restricted
to a certain class of jundis or skilled hunters. These men
— the aristocrats of sport — were held in great esteem by
their fellows ; they were banded together into societies —
uwanga wa nzoju — which had their own language, initia-
tion ceremonies, body-marks, and the like. The tail and
one or both tusks of all animals killed belonged to the
chief, and it may here be mentioned that the generally
accepted theory of ' ground tusks ' is hardly in accord-
ance with native custom. The chinibo — or left-hand
tusk — was held to represent the lordship of the country,
and was invariably given to the chief, who would have
suffered severely in prestige had he allowed the fundi to
retain it. In cases where this chimbo was exceptionally
small, the chief usually kept both tusks, and compensated
the fundi by presents of calico, wives, etc. It is worthy
of remark that, at the burial-ground of Wemba chieftains
at MwaruU, it is always the chimbo that is used in the
ceremonies for obtaining rain.

Part of the tail — a most valuable article, seeing that high
prices were, and still are, paid for a single hair — was usually
given to the fundi, and if he killed two elephants he
usually received one in its entirety as a perquisite — though
still ceding the chimbo to the chief — while the particularly
expert fundi with an established reputation would receive
various presents, such as salt, calico, blankets, and bark-
cloth, and was usually, in the course of time, given a village
of his own to govern.

The following account of the ceremonies attending the
initiation of a postulant for the privileges of the uwanga
were supplied to one of the writers by two fundis of repute,
who had, probably, between them, been in at the death of
over a hundred elephants : —

212 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

The would-be initiate applied to one of the bachibinda or
elders of the uwanga for permission to enter the association
of elephant-hunters. He was then sent out into the forest
with an ' old hand ' and told to fire at some small buck or
other animal which was pointed out to him. It must be
remembered that, in those times, guns were supplied in
plenty by Arab traders, and most of the elephant-hunters
possessed one at least.

If successful, the novice was informed that his application
was granted. Next morning, at dawn, he appeared before
the initiates, bringing with him four dotis (16 yards) of
calico and a hoe — or a goat — which was handed to the
principal chibinda.

The actual ceremony of initiation — which consisted of
tattooing — took place on the outskirts of the village. Only
initiated men were present. One fundi was detailed to
make the necessary incisions, which was done with a native
razor. The ' medicine ' used was concocted of the following
ingredients : the nJcolomino (Adam's apple ?) of a lion ; small
bones of the inondo and ngoshye snakes ; certain portions
of the ingujwilila, a kind of snake, ' larger than the python,'
which was said to be found in German territory, which
were mixed — bones, blood, and all — into a paste worked
up with honey (and of which mixture a piece the size of a
matchbox was said to be worth one large bull tusk!); a
small piece of the munganunshi and mulama trees ; the
nsomo or nerve of the tusk ; skin from the ribs, the forehead,
and the tail of the elephant ; and scrapings of the elephant's
toe-nails. These ingredients were pounded up, dried in the
sun, burned or charred, and then cut into little pieces,
which were then powdered and rubbed into the incisions,
with the effect of raising small oval cicatrices.

On the day of initiation the novice received five marks
below the second joint of the right thumb, one on the right
shoulder, and one just above the right eye — that is to say,
upon the hand, shoulder, and eye which he would there-
after use in shooting. Subsequently, for the first elephant
he killed he would receive seven more such marks higher
up the right forearm. When the right forearm was com-

GAME AND THE CHASE 213

pletely covered, the marks would be continued on the left
forearm. Evidently, however, the exact number of marks
varied, since as many as fifteen were sometimes given for
a single kill, and it would seem that, after a certain number
of elephants had been killed, the expert became entitled
to finish tattooing his arm with as many marks as he might
think fit.

Wlien a man had killed two or three buffalo, he was
admitted to the uivanga. A rhinoceros equalled an elephant,
but a hippopotamus was evidently regarded as very tame
game, and a good many had to be killed to quahfy for
admission.

The effect of the uwanga medicine seems to have been
considered as rendering the hunter invisible to his quarry.
Lions, probably for superstitious reasons, were not included
in the uwanga, but a special medicine could be obtained
which would ' hold up ' an attacking lion until the hunter
had time to shoot.

The mulamha, or special doctor, whose province it was
to make the incision, was paid large prices for his good offices.

After the initiation the fundis returned to the village,
where beer was drunk, a white cock killed and partaken
of by the bachibinda, and the women and children joined
in dancing and singing until a late hour.

Well-defined ceremonies undoubtedly attended the
cutting-up of an elephant — but they are not practised
nowadays in their entirety, and seem to have varied in
different districts, so that it is difficult to vouch for the
accuracy of the following : —

In some districts a torch of grass was passed around the
body of the dead animal, under the legs which were upper-
most when the beast was down, and finally the elephant
was slapped with it upon the forehead. At this stage the
song ' Chonde chalima ' was sung, and continued for some
time after the ceremony, while one of the hunters stood
upon the carcase and the people danced round about it. The
skin was then cut, a beginning being usually made at
the neck.

The next undertaking was the cutting-up of the tusks.

214 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

First the head was severed and stood on end, with the
tusks pointing upwards, supports of branches being made
in the case of very large animals. The skin and meat
between the tusks was then cut aAvay, and afterwards
the osseous matter was removed A\dth an axe. The tusk
was then drawn by its point — or sometimes carried — to a
fire Avhich had previously been lighted, and was allowed
to remain upon it for a few moments until it could be
scraped clean and the nsomo or nerve easily drawn out
with the point of a knife. Leaves were chewed and spat
out upon the tusks as they were being chopped, and also
upon the nsomo the moment that it was withdrawn from
the tusk. This withdrawal of the nerve was, indeed, the
crux of the ceremony, and was always performed out of
sight of whosoever might be present at the cutting-up. The
general beUef was that if an uninitiated man caught sight
of it he would become impotent — while, if even a properly
initiated jundi attempted to cook and eat it, the same
fate would befall him, and, in addition, he would be cast
out with ignominy from the fellowship of the uwanga.

When the meat had been cut into long strips it was
placed on stakes (malamho) and dried by lighting fires
under it. In the evening a dance called the chiriri took
place, which was attended by the hunters, who carried
the tusks under their arms. A modern variant is for the
jundis to refuse to put down the tusks until the white man,
whose first elephant it is, has paid his footing in cahco or
otherwise. The meat was finally packed in grass or reeds
and carried to camp, the appropriate song being ' Yombwe
nmna waingila mu chipiya, ingolowola.' ('The elephant —
the one with the thick tusks — has gone into the bush ! ')

In the old days there were three or four well-known
methods of hunting elephant. In one the simunini was
used, one of the hunters chmbing a tree towards which
the elephant was driven by the others, when the simunini
or heavy spear was thrown downwards into the skull as he
passed beneath.

Another spear, used in a different fashion, was the
kalongwe — a weapon about eight feet in length, heavily

GAME AND THE CHASE 215

weighted near the blade, which was twelve inches in length
and about three inches at its broadest part. The younger
men, armed with spears, first harried the elephant until
he retreated to some little distance for his last stand ;
whereupon the more experienced hunters, armed each with
his kalongwe, lined up silently at right angles to the expected
path of attack. The infuriated animal was then, by a
flank movement, driven out past the line of fumlis and
speared by them as he went.

Elephants were, in some districts, killed when crossing
streams, when the natives would surround them in the
water, and stab and hack until the waters ran with blood,
and the poor beasts emerged to die upon the farther bank.
It may be noted that it is the opinion of experts that
elephants can swim, though natives deny this, stating
that their feet are always on the bottom, even though
the very tip of the trunk only may be above water. Many
hunters, however, affirm that they have seen elephant in
waters which, when sounded, proved to be far too deep
to allow of them wading on the bottom ; and there is no
doubt that the broadest and deepest rivers offer no bar
to the advance of a herd.

The two native hunters above referred to tell the story
of an elephant which, being caught by the leg by a crocodile
in crossing a river, dragged the brute across and, carefully
selecting a patch of firm ground on the opposite bank,
stamped on its head, crushing it to death. They also state
that they have known elephant to be attacked and killed
by lions on at least two occasions — in one case by four
lions, in the other by two. The elephants in each case
were full-grown bulls, and the trampled condition of the
grass and bush bore witness to their mad rushes to and fro
in their endeavours to escape.

Many superstitions exist as to the possibility of governing
an elephant's movements (though it is noticeable that
genuine jundis — who are, nowadays, few and far between —
scoff at such superstitions, and refuse to admit that they
were ever generally accepted). For instance, grass was
knotted at intervals along the edge of a nyika to prevent

216 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

a herd entering gardens, and if, when following fresh spoor,
the herd appeared to be travelling too rapidly, a large white
bead was frequently placed near the droppings to hold
them up for a while. There is a story of a particular fundi
who chanced to annoy his chief, and, as a penalty, was
ordered to kill six elephants within two days or suffer
death. His wife, hearing of the sentence, whittled some
pegs of wood and, going out into the bush, drove them in at
intervals round an area some ten miles in circumference.
The next day the fundi found his six elephants and slew
them without the slightest difficulty.

It is related by a European hunter who has shot many
elephant that, on one occasion, the spoor seemed hope-
lessly and irretrievably lost. The grass was dense and
matted, the fundis had lost heart, and the hunter sat
himself down to smoke before returning to camp. Where-
upon up came an ancient load-carrier, saying that with a
basin and three beads he would undertake to find the lost
spoor. There being no basin available, he was accommodated
with a saucer and three white beads. After shuffling the
beads in the saucer for a while, mumbling and mouthing,
he shook them out upon the ground, and confidently
pointed in a certain direction. Within an hour the herd
was viev/ed and an elephant killed.

Left alone, the elephant is an amiable animal enough ;
one feels, indeed, rather sorry for him, seeing that his only
protection lies in his sense of scent and hearing, since he
is so short-sighted that he can hardly distinguish a motion-
less man from a tree at thirty yards. But once wound
him and one must take the consequences, which are apt
to be serious, since he weighs anything from three to four
tons, and can travel at the rate of a cantering horse. Nor
can any shelter avail the hunter against him ; high, dense
bush will be crashed through, tall trees uprooted, and his
trunk will search out any nooks and crannies in the ground.
Casualties are, comparatively, few and far between, but
they occur ; and the man who adopts elephant-hunting
as a permanent pastime is practically certain to come to
grief sooner or later. Quite recently a well-known hunter,

GAME AND THE CHASE 217

who had bagged his 112 elephants, was killed by the
113th ; still more recently, in German East Africa, a man
who had wounded an elephant and was following its
spoor came upon what he thought was the same animal
lying dead. He advanced, looked at its tail, and began
to measure its tusks ; when, suddenly, the elephant, which
was a different unwounded animal that had been sleeping,
rose to its feet and trampled him to death. In another
and happier case, a hunter crawled out ahve from between
the hind legs of an infuriated bull which had pursued him,
and escaped with nothing worse than a severe shaking.
In one case, it is said, when a spear had been driven through
the trunk and the tail cut off, an elephant rose and went
off, and was never seen again. Vaughan Kirby tells a
similar story.

Some natives say that the tondo, or tuskless elephant,
can see better than the animal with large tusks, which
serve to distort its vision. Probably the explanation of
this theory is that the tondo, having no tusks, can cover
the ground quicker when charging or escaping in thick
bush, and is thus credited with better sight than the
ordinary animal. It may be remarked that, though
Captain (now Sir Frederick) Lugard queries the existence
of tondos in Africa, there can be no doubt that they exist ;
and, though opposed to the belief of many European
hunters, most natives claim to have seen, and even killed,
tuskless cows in different localities. The tondo would
appear to represent a distinct species, seeing that the skull
is formed after a different fashion, the space between
where the roots of the tusks should be being hollow in
tuskers, whereas in tondos it is filled with solid, bony
matter, Tondos usually keep with a herd — probably
because they cannot strip bark for themselves — and they
undoubtedly rely upon the labour of others for their sus-
tenance. On being asked why, if this v/ere so, the remainder
of the herd did not drive them out, an old native hunter
gravely replied with a cross-query — ' Do we drive out
our children who have the misfortune to be born cripples,
and cannot fend for themselves ? '

218 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

In the dry season elephants often powder themselves
with dust, scraping with their feet until they obtain a very
fine powder and then shampooing themselves, so to speak,
with their trunks. This is probably to keep off insects ;
and, for the same reason, they indulge in mud baths during
the rains, which account, no doubt, for the various shades
of colour which they present at different times, varying
from almost jet black to pinky brown.

The accepted theory that elephants pull down trees with
their trunks is probably inaccurate. In the case of small
trees it is, no doubt, true ; but, confronted with a large
tree, they usually rest their foreheads against it and sway
gently backwards and forwards until it goes by the
roots. Once down, the tree would appear to lose interest
for them ; one would almost say that it had been up-
rooted in sheer devilry, though, especially in the case
of tondos who cannot strip bark, they are said to be fond
of the roots of certain trees.

In following elephant— as, indeed, with all game — the
distance between the droppings is a good indication of the
speed at which the herd is moving. Elephant travelling
fast may be said to average seven miles an hour. Before
finally holding up they usually scrape the ground, either
looking for a soft patch, or to make sure that there are no
ants, and the presence of these scraped patches is sure
indication that the herd is near. Another explanation of
this, and one generally preferred by natives, is that the
elephant kicks up the dust— just as the native himself does
— to ascertain the direction of the wind ! An elephant
invariably chooses sloping ground — preferably the side of
an ant-heap— upon which to sleep. When an elephant
has been wounded and is down it is a common practice
of natives to drive a spear through the trunk close to the
end, so that his attention may be distracted should he
rise and attempt to charge. In some districts this practice
is denied, but a hole was often made in the trunk and
a string passed through it and secured to a stump, so that
the trunk should not shrink before reaching the chief.
Among themselves elephant have the crowning virtue

Hum, Elephant.

/'. At. Michleiit, /•hot.

Cutting vv.

T. M. Afui/cm.p/iot.

GAME AND THE CHASE 219

of loyalty to wounded comrades, and have often been
known to assist a stricken beast by walking beside it and
holding it up. In this they differ from most buck and
antelopes, which seem to have an unconquerable aversion
from a wounded fellow, and which will almost invariably
drive it from the herd. One member of a herd of elephants
will also draw the attention of others to danger by
touching them with its trunk and emitting a kind of
blowing noise, while a hunter states that he has seen an
elephant take up some grass, upon which he had been
sitting a moment or two before, and pass it to his com-
panions, whereupon the whole herd turned off into the
bush.

Mr. Young, in one of his reports, has an interesting
note about the Mushiri Forest, which may perhaps tally
with the widely spread behef that elephants have a
special burial-place. It is to the effect that this forest
was one of the late Nkula's game reserves, and a favourite
retreat for elephants. There is some superstition about the
place, and the natives will not go there themselves or
take any one through, although they will go all round
the actual spot, and afterwards say that they have been
through. After the undergrowth has been burned, at the
time of the grass fires, native hunters will venture in,
but only after special doctoring and ceremonies.

The sport itself is, undoubtedly, one of the most
fascinating in the world. There can be no telling whether
any given beast will yield his life or claim that of the
hunter — and therein, perhaps, hes one of its greatest
fascinations. The merest trifles — the variation in a puff
of wind, the crackUng of a dry twig underfoot — may turn
sport to tragedy. It differs, too, from other kinds of
dangerous shooting in that the strain is more prolonged.
With hon or buffalo the chances are that the actual
encounter will occur quickly, and last but a few moments ;
with elephants, on the other hand, if good tusks are sought,
there must often be an hour or more of cautious
manoeuvring, often within twenty yards of four or five
unconscious animals, which may, at any moment, reaUse

220 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

their danger and either flee headlong — or charge. This,
too, usually as the culmination of a long and tiring day,
in the wet season as likely as not, when one has left camp
at the merest peep of da^^•n and followed the tangled
spoor through matted, sodden grass, through thicket and
thorn, until at last one stumbles forward almost in a dream,
without hope of ultimate outcome. The mere spooring
is a strain upon both eyes and brain, for the tracks will
cross and interweave — now crowded together into a narrow
space, when no separate mark will stand out distinct,
now branching away in a huge loop that may or may not
join the main track farther on. Even the native tracker
cannot follow spoor at any pace for more than an hour
or so at a time ; and, indeed, when it is all plain sailing,
the work will usually be left to comparative amateurs.
Then, when there is a block — when four or five ineffectual
casts have been made to right and left — the skilled fundi
will elbow his way through the admiring throng and,
with a grunt of contempt, cut out the spoor of the bull
and swing away upon it — to fall back again once more
when there is no longer danger of its being lost again for
the moment.

Very typical, too, is most of the country in which the
work must be done. Now and again elephant may be
found and killed in the open ; but such chances are rare.
For the most part it is forest land, very silent and dark
— a primeval setting for the primeval beast — matted
bush, dank, grassy undergrowth, or, for a change, a patch
of the curious ' white country,' as the natives call it,
where silver-barked trees extend for miles, set thick and
low, though there is no undergrowth beneath. Then, as
the spoor grows fresher, one comes upon the signs —
traihng strips of bark, where the sap is not yet dry, fronds
of bracken trampled by giant feet and even now curling
upwards in the last instinct of life before they become
parched and dry for ever.

Here the fundi will stop for a moment and examine
more attentively than before some twig or crushed leaf
— and then point ahead with a smile. It is the time for

GAME AND THE CHASE 221

rope-soled shoes, for the halting of such carriers as are
near at hand, for looking to rifle and cartridge-belt, for
the last few words of command. Somewhere in the gloom
— just ahead, or, it may be, two miles or more distant
— great beasts are moving slowly to and fro or standing
motionless, save for the rhythmic flapping of their huge
ears, the switching of their mighty tails.

On again — carefully but swiftly — for even this is not
quite the last stage. That will come when a low, dull
rumbling rolls through the forest, varied by the swift,
sudden snap of a branch broken and dragged to earth.
When that sound comes it is safe to wager that the novice
will, for a moment at least, repent bitterly of his temerity.

And then, suddenly, the fundi stands on tiptoe and
points. Just ahead — so close that it seems one could
almost touch it — is a great, grey, motionless shape wedged
in beneath the overhanging branches — a very part of the
forest. As one's eye becomes accustomed to the sight,
another and yet another mass looms up into view — ahead,
to right, to left. The hunter is v/ell within the herd,
and — especially if it be the wet season — it behoves him
to make the best possible use of his time, lest a sudden
puff of wind from an unexpected quarter should result
in a dangerous scramble for hfe or, at best, the loss of a
day's hard work.

Yet this is, essentially, a case where ' hastening slowly '
is the best policy. Nothing can be seen but the great,
grey shapes — ' furniture vans,' in the apt words of a well-
knov/n hunter who recently met a terrible fate among
these very woods. It is impossible to say if they be cows
or bulls, and — if the latter — whether the tusks are worth
bagging.

There is a small tree close at hand, and the hunter
climbs it cautiously to spy out the land. Just so ! — the
four or five animals within the immediate range of vision
prove to be cows, one or two with calves at foot, which
were, before, hidden in the thick grass. Rejoicing at a
mulandu averted, the hunter shdes to earth again, and,
moving with the utmost caution, a handful of dust kicked

222 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

ofiE an ant-heap or, better still, a pepper-pot in his hand to
test the wind at every second yard, he steals cautiously
round the bunch of cows to a sohtary animal standing
asleep a httle farther on.

This, surely, must be a bull ! The great arch of his
back curves up well above the lower branches of the tall
tree near which he is standing — from behind he looks
hke an enormously stout old gentleman in very baggy
trousers. His ears flap and his tail swings lazily — for
the rest he might be carved out of stone. Slowly and
cautiously the hunter steals round, and, peering through
an opening in the bushes, sees what he was looking for —
a pair of huge white tusks curving gloriously out on
either side of the great trunk.

It is the moment of a lifetime. Round about in the
vast forest are Heaven knows how many more similar
monsters ; it is difficult to gauge mth any accuracy the
precise direction in which they will charge when once the
shot has awakened them to headlong panic. And yet —
that shot must be fired, or the bull will go free.

Quite unconcernedly, in almost his ordinary voice, the
fundi discusses the merits of the beast in question. Yes,
he is a big bull — not but what the fundi himself has seen
others twice as big. But the hwana may as well shoot
him. There is a village quite close, whence men will bring
flour for meat, and, with that Httle stream down there, the
place will make a good camp. There may, of course, be
a bigger animal farther on ; but the wind is choppy, and
the cows are getting restless. Yes — on the whole it will
be as well to shoot.

This affectation of superiority is but a bhnd— a mere
concession to the claims of his dignity. In his heart of
hearts the fundi longs for that mass of meat to be lying
motionless, and cares not a jot for the tusks, every bit as
much and as Httle as do the lesser lights, who are shivering
with excitement and imploring the white man to shoot
the largest bull that has ever been seen in the forest,
while a glance to the rear will detect heads bobbing up
at intervals among the bushes — the heads, these, of machila-

GAME AND THE CHASE 223

men who were warned only five minutes before to remain
well in rear.

Shoot — yes ! that is the obvious duty of the wretched
hunter. But at this particular moment it seems more
easily said than done. What utter presumption to attempt
to stretch so colossal an animal on the ground with a tiny
rifle and a bullet no bigger than one's little finger. And
what about the mothers, and the calves, and the possibly
bigger bulls hidden away in the gloom ?

Still, the situation is one which has been voluntarily
sought, and must be faced. Suddenly the tremor of
nervousness passes ; here one is face to face with a big
bull elephant, and every precious moment may make the
capture of those tusks more difficult. The rifle is ready
cocked — that was done some time back. It only remains
to slide back the safety and press the trigger.

Then, at the last moment, comes the question — head-shot
or body-shot ? followed by an agony of indecision worse
than all that has gone before. Just for a second both are
possible. Odd remarks of casual friends, ' tips ' from
sporting manuals, diagrams of the vulnerable points come
to sway the mind now hither, now thither — and the
valuable moments spin by.

Suddenly the elephant himself solves the problem.
With a lazy movement he turns haK round, until his head
comes well into view. Very slowly the great ears sway ;
then — is it imagination ? — they seem to move more rapidly.
That is the spot — just there where the outer edge of the
ear falls upon the massive shoulder, or a trifle below.
But surely there is something wrong, for the ears are
working now, and the great trunk is thrust aloft. Suddenly
there comes a puff of wind on the back of the hunter's neck,
and in the twinkling of an eye the huge beast has swung
round with a wicked bellow and a dangerous light in his
tiny eyes and plunged into the forest. Pandemonium
reigns where a moment before all was peace — a rush like
the wind, the trampling of gigantic feet, which shakes the
very trees — and silence. So much for wasted opportunities !

Such misadventures, however, only serve to whet the

224 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

appetite. With the next beast the hunter will take no
chances and waste no time in idle speculation. A good,
steady head-shot at twenty or thirty yards, and there will
be a fine bull on the ground, as dead as mutton. And
thereafter there will be orgies in that silent forest. Camp
must, for obvious reasons, be pitched wherever the elephant
falls. From near and far villagers will come like vultures
to assist in hacking up the mighty carcase. Scenes of
blood and offal, which must be witnessed to be realised,
will make the very night hideous : natives, more like
madmen than human beings, stripped mother - naked,
wading in pools of blood, hacking indiscriminately at their
own limbs and those of their fellows in the effort to obtain
an ounce more of the precious meat, small boys staggering
to and fro with huge baskets of intestines, women trailing
strips of meat and sinew, gory ruffians peering out of the
very carcase itself or standing tiptoe under the arching
ribs to reach some tempting morsel — all these are sights
familiar enough to the hardened hunter, but hardly meet
to be set down in print. And then, when night comes,
the dancing and the singing, the rows and rows of stakes —
each marked by a twinkling fire, each holding strips of
drying meat — perhaps, in the small hours, the visit of a
hyena, or even a lion, to see what man has left him — all
these are part and parcel of the biggest and the best sport
that the world has still to offer.

Appendix to Chapter XIV

So7?ie Notes on the Game Regulations

The following notes are extracted from the Summary of
the Game Laws of North-Eastern Rhodesia, pubUshed by the
Administration Press, Fort Jameson : —

' Import of firearms and ammunition. — No permit for the intro-
duction of arms or ammmiition is now required. Sportsmen
proceeding from England via Broken Hill should consign their
firearms to Broken Hill in North-Western Rhodesia as " in transit
to North-Eastem Rhodesia," and may then obtain their release

GAME AND THE CHASE 225

from the Customs officials by signing a Customs Bond. On arrival
at the first administrative station in North-Eastern Ehodesia —
Serenje or Petauke if the country be entered via Broken Hill, Fort
Jameson if via Blantyre or Tete, Fort Hill if via Nyasa and
Karonga — Customs dues at the rate of 10 per cent, ad valorem must
be paid on all arms or ammunition introduced, and any Broken Hill
Customs Entry Forms will then be signed by the administrative
officials (the Magistrate or Native Commissioner, as the case may
be), and should be returned to Broken Hill. The administrative
officials will then register each gun, and will grant to the owner a
" permit to use " at a cost of ten shillings, no matter what number
be introduced.

' Birds or animals strictly protected. — On account of their utility :
Vultures, secretary birds, owls, rhinoceros birds, or beef-eaters.
On accoimt of their rarity and threatened extinction : The giraffe ;
also the mountain zebra, wild ass, and white-tailed gnu, none of
which latter, however, have so far been found in North-Eastern
Rhodesia.

' Game reserves. — An area to the east of Lake Mweru, and an area
on the left bank of the Luangwa river, near the Sasare Mine.

' The protected animals may not be hunted within any part of
North-Eastern Rhodesia under pain of a heavy penalty, nor may
any game be hunted within the reserve. Hippopotami are protected
on one reach of the Luangwa river.

' In special circumstances — of the nature of the collection of
specimens for public museums or for scientific purposes — the Ad-
ministrator will grant a permit to kill a limited number of the
protected birds or animals, or to hmit within a reserve. Such
licence costs £5.

' Game licences. — Game which may ordinarily be hmited under
licence is divided into two schedules in The Game Regulations
of 1902, and subsequent amendments have modified the schedules
until to-day they are as follows : —

'Schedule II. — Game which may be killed under a special
licence issued by any official in charge of a district and
costing £25 : Elephant (four only), rhinoceros (five only),
gnu (blue wildebeeste) (unrestricted), zebra (Burcheli's)
(six only), eland, and all game which is classed under
Schedule III.
' Schedule III. — Game which may be killed under an ordinary
licence issued by any official in charge of a station and
costing £2 : Buffalo, sable and roan antelope, koodoo,
hippopotamus (four only), wart-hog, bush-pig, puku,
p

226 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

lechwe, iiiyala, tlie clle^Totains, and all other gazelles and
antelopes except eland and gnu.

' Guinea-fowl and the various kinds of bustard and francolin are
not included under the head of " Game."

' Fish, which are plentiful in some rivers, are protected in so far
that dynamite may not be employed in effecting their capture
except by special leave of the Administrator.

' If a sportsman on entering the territory takes out a £25 licence, it
will not then be necessary for him to take out a licence to carry a
gun as well ; but if he has first taken out the gun licence, no refund
will be made.

' General. — It is permitted to any licence holder to employ natives
as gun-bearers and to assist in spooring and following game ; but no
employee may himself hunt game miless he is himself also provided
with the necessary licence.

' The Administrator has power to alter the schedules either generally
or in respect to any particular districts. It is therefore advisable,
before taking out a licence, to state where it is intended to hunt,
and to inquire as to any alterations in the schedules.

' The him ting is forbidden of (1) young and immature elephant
(immature meaning one whose tusks do not weigh 11 lb. each) ;
(2) the female of any animal when accompanying its young.

' Himting game by means of snares, traps, or pitfalls is generally
forbidden.

' A licence to hunt does not in any way grant the right to hunt on
private property without permission. Only a very small portion
of North-Eastern Khodesia has, however, been taken up by settlers,
so this restriction does not mean much interference with the sports-
man.

' A licence to hunt game is current for twelve months — 1st January
to 31st December ; it is not transferable, and it must be produced
to an official of the Administration on demand. Gmi permits expire
on the 31st March in each year.

' While the officials of the Administration will grant every facility
to sportsmen in the way of supplying information at their disposal
as to the best shooting-grounds in their districts and other matters,
they cannot midertake to provide carriers or, as a matter of duty,
guides.

' Sportsmen must remember that the presence of tsetse fly
{Glossina morsitans) in numerous belts renders the employment of
horses or oxen impossible, and that, as the only alternative to
walking, macMlas or bicycles are used.

' Taken all round it is probable that North-Eastern Rhodesia offers

GAME AND THE CHASE 227

the cheapest shooting-ground now available to the big-game hunter ;
£50 'per mensem from the date of leaving Blantyre or Broken Hill
until his return would probably cover all the expenses (exclusive
of the licences) of a comfortable trip.

'A fishing-rod should be included among the impedimenta. In
some of the streams tiger-fish offer excellent sport, and spoons,
momited on piano-wire traces, should be at hand for their capture.
Other kinds of fish — many excellent for the table — may be lured
with meat and various natural baits, using large perch hooks and
strong tackle. Fly-fishing has not generally been found successful.

' On completion of a shooting trip, and before a sportsman leaves
the territory, he should make, concerning the trophies he desires to
take out of the comitry, a " Declaration of Origin " before a govern-
ment official in charge of a district. He will then, on application,
be granted an " Export Certificate," which will enable him to take
his trophies through North-Western Rhodesia, Nyasaland, Portu-
guese East Africa without obstruction or the payment of further
dues. A small stamp duty is charged on the export certificate,
but no export duties are levied on game trophies going out of North-
Eastern Rhodesia except in the case of ivory, on which a duty is
leviable — 2s. 6d. per lb. on elephant ivory, 2d. per lb. on rhinoceros
horn or hippopotamus teeth. (The duty on otters is Is. 6d. per skin.)

' At the present time, owing to the precautions taken against the
spread of sleeping sickness, all game licences will be endorsed with
a condition to the effect that they do not cover those parts of the
coimtry known as the " Sleeping Sickness " and " Guard Areas.'*
The portion thus shut off may be roughly described as the
coimtry north-west of a line drawn from Abercorn to Mporokoso,
thus shutting off the southern shore of Lake Tanganyika, and west
of a line drawn from Mporokoso to Mwana Mwapi on the south-
eastern corner of the Bangweolo Swamps, thus shutting off Lakes
Mweru and Bangweolo.^ There is not the slightest danger of
contracting sleeping sickness in other portions of North-Eastern
Rhodesia, which is — especially in the dry season — a very healthy
comitry.

' A recent map of the territory to a scale of 15-78 miles to the
inch may be obtained from the London Office of the British South
Africa Company, or from the Secretary to the Administration of
North-Eastern Rhodesia, on payment of 10s.'

1 An additional "Sleeping Sickness " area now exists upon the Luangwa
river to the south-west.

228 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Wemha Names of Game and of Some Other Animals

Elephant

. Nsofu.

,, (single tusk)

. Chipembe.

,, (tusldess).

. Tondo.

„ (male tusker) .

. Nkungulu.

„ (female) .

. Ninansofu.

Rhinoceros .

. Chipembere.

Hippopotamus

. Mfubu.

Bufialo

. Mboo.

Sable ....

. Nkanshilie.

Roan ....

. Mperembe.

Waterbuck .

. Chuswe.

Puku ....

. Nseula, mpolokoso.

Mpala ....

. Mpala.

Reedbuck . . . .

. Imfwi.

Zebra ....

. Nkoloto, cholwa, chingalika

Hartebeeste .

. Nkonshi.

Wildebeeste .

Nyumbu.

Koodoo

. Ntandala.

Oribi ....

. Nsele or kasele.

Duiker

. Mpombo.

Klipspringer

. Chibushimabwe.

Sitatunga

. Nzobe.

Tsessebe

. Ntengu.

Crocodile

. Ng'andu.

Lion ....

. Nkalamo.

Leopard

. MbwiU.

Hyena.

. Chimb wi.

„ (spotted) .

. Chinseketa.

Jackal.

. Munibwe.

Hunting dog

. Mbulu.

Eland ....

. Nsefu.

Wart-hog

. Njiri.

Bush-pig

. Kapole.

Porcupine .

. Innungi.

Serval cat .

. Mbale.

PeUs ocrcata Mellandi .

. Pati.

Lemur (galago garnetti)

Changa.

,, (small)

. Kawtmdi.

Felis caracal

. Lubwabwa.

Civet ....

. Mfungo.

Bushbuck .

. Chisongo.

GAIi

IE AND THE CHASE

Mongoose ..... Lipule.

Honey-badger

Chiuli.

Ant-bear

. Innengo.

Hare .

. Kalulu.

Lechwe

Inja.

Sharpe's steinbok

Katiri.

Monkey (small)

Kolwe-ka-mpenga

„ (black) .
Baboon

Sange.
Kolwe-wa-mpiri.

229

230 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

CHAPTER XV

THE MISSIONAEY AND HIS WORK

Religion and politics are, admittedly, dangerous subjects
with which to meddle ; and, were it not that some con-
sideration of the missionary question is absolutely essential
to the proper understanding of the conditions which govern
life upon the Tanganyika Plateau, one would be sorely
tempted to avoid the subject altogether. But to do that
would be, indeed, to play Hamlet without the Prince of
Denmark. All that we can do is to state at the outset that
we wish to approach the matter in no carping spirit. Our
task is in no way to criticise the truth of the beliefs which
are disseminated by the various missionary bodies with
whom we deal, but to discuss as fairly and impartially as
possible, the effect which must of necessity accompany the
introduction of any alien religion into a pagan country,
and the more obvious results of the various systems upon
which those beliefs are disseminated.

In his Kafi,r Socialism Mr. Dudley Kidd writes as
follows : ' If the missionary were to raise the question
of method, and if he were to admit that there is room for
improvement in this direction, he would take a step which
would prove the most progressive he has ever taken. At
present he is apt to put down (colonial) hostility to mere
prejudice, and thereby loses all the stimulus he might
receive from level-headed criticism. By admitting some
failure the missionary would short-circuit much current
opposition. . . . '

The above is perhaps true of the south.
In this country, however, compared with other African
states or dependencies, relations between the missions and
the Government are so surprisingly cordial that criticism

THE MISSIONARY AND HIS WORK 231

on either side is daily accepted in good part. Just as
there are many points upon which the knowledge and
experience of the missionary is of inestimable value to the
boma, so are there many points upon which the homa
might conceivably offer suggestions to the mission. The
two should work hand in hand, and, upon the Tanganyika
Plateau, they undoubtedly do.

For many reasons North-Eastern Rhodesia offers ex-
ceptional facihties for a fair and unbiased study of the
missionary question. Here the missionary is given every
chance of carrying out his work to the best advantage. The
European population is small and, as a general rule, the
laymen are not of pronounced reUgious views. If he does
not receive active sympathy and encouragement from
private individuals, the missionary is not, at least, handi-
capped by bigotry and prejudice as is often the case where
the white population is larger and of more varied opinions.
Again, the missions in this country have the advantage of
the Administration in point of length of residence. And,
moreover, the natives themselves have been subject to
European influence for so short a time that it is still possible
to compare the present state of affairs with that of the
earlier days.

The stock complaints against missionary work in Central
Africa are so hackneyed as hardly to bear repetition.
Briefly, they may be summarised as follows : —

1. That the missionary, anxious for tangible results,
devotes too much time to the intellectual training of his
people, and pays but scant regard to the moulding of their
character.

2. That insufficient time is devoted to instruction in
manual labour.

3. That the net result would seem to be a personage who
considers himself the equal of the white man, but who is,
in truth, little better than a precocious child.

4. That mission teaching tends to create dissension and
rupture of family ties among the natives themselves, the
average mission-boy being an outcast among his fellows.

5. That the native, always thirsting for instruction, is

232 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

apt to regard the mission as a place where secular learning
is imparted either free or for a merely nominal sum, and,
in consequence, professes a faith which he does not really
hold, with the result that the majority of professed con-
versions are of no real stability.

6. Finally that the native, in assimilating the learning
of the white man, develops concurrently failings which
were not so apparent in his natural condition, in conse-
quence of which the average European employer has, as he
expresses it, ' no use for the mission-boy.'

Let us see whither a fair consideration of this objection
will lead us.

L Intellectual training. — Whatever one's own religious
views may be it must be conceded that the mere presence
of the missionary in a pagan country teaches the native
the critical attitude. And, furthermore, since no country
can become civilised without the aid of education, the
choice must for a time lie between an utterly barbarous
people retaining their pristine virtues and vices, and a
semi-civilised community which has lost its own faith and
has not, as yet, acquired the faith of its conquerors. This,
says the missionary, with truth, is merely a transition stage.

Were it possible to eliminate the intellectual progress
induced by mission teaching during the last tv/enty years,
the country would be denuded of the educated native, and
the general standard of intelligence would be considerably
lower than it is.

2. Industrial training. — Most missions nowadays realise
that faith must go hand in hand with works. In North-
Eastern Rhodesia special attention is paid to indus-
trial training, and the work now turned out, be it in the
direction of brick - laying, carpentering, joinery, black-
smithy, or the like, would probably surprise many who
believe that the mission-bred native can do no more than
croon the alphabet and put on a collar inside out. More-
over it must be remembered that, owing to the extremely
small European population, the market for skilled work is
very limited, and industrial work is an expensive luxury
where its proceeds cannot be turned into cash.

THE MISSIONARY AND HIS WORK 233

3. The curse of the swollen head. — B.erG, in common
fairness, it must be said that no one realises the danger
more acutely than does the missionary himself, and the
fault lies rather in the natural vanity of the native than
in the teachings of his preceptor. Precisely the same
symptoms become apparent in the young homa messenger
who is suddenly promoted to the task of ' writing on '
men, or checking census papers. There are but few Uriah
Keeps among the African races, nor is the sign altogether
an unhealthy one, though vastly irritating at times. The
following quotation from the advice of the Moravian Mission
Council goes to show that the missionaries themselves are
ahve to the weakness in question : ' When converts from
among the heathen are established in grace, we would advise
not immediately to use them as assistants in teaching,
but to act herein with caution and reference to the general
weakness of their minds, and consequent aptness to grow
conceited.'

It must be remembered, too— and this is a point which
missionaries would do well to emphasise unceasingly, since
it is not fully grasped by the ' man in the street ' — that
many young natives, moved by a zeal for learning, attend
school and assume the outward appearance of mission-
boys, though they are not regarded as such by the mission-
aries themselves. Far from being ' converts ' they are
often not even ' hearers,' but 'scholars ' pure and simple.
Secular instruction can, in most missions, be obtained
without any profession of faith whatever. It is often
these ' scholars ' who give a mission a name for producing
bumptious youngsters.

4. Family dissensioyis. — If this objection can be sub-
stantiated it should be considered more as a serious diffi-
culty against which the missionaries themselves have to
fight than as a weapon to be used against them. But con-
ditions here are not the same as in India or China, where
the danger is recognised as a very real one. In Central
Africa the pagan father is rather pleased than otherwise
that his son should come into close contact with the white
man ; it means, in all probabiHty, that he will eventually

234 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

attain to a responsible position carrying high wages in
which the family Avill participate. But with daughters
the case is very different, since education ultimately
leads to emancipation, and the advocate of Women's
Rights is not a persona grata in a native village. The
following opinion upon this point is valuable as having
been furnished by a missionary. Dr. J. Chisholm, of Mwenzo
Station, Livingstonia Mission : —

' The " man in the street " among the villagers is ready, usually,
to declare that the schools are a good thing, in so far as they enable
the boys to get good pay as capitaos, store-boys, clerks, etc., but at
heart he does not love the change. He sees his sons learning what
he does not know, getting proud and " swelled head " and giving up
the sacred customs of their fathers. What afiects him more, he
sees his daughters freely mingling with others in school in a way
that arouses his suspicions, he fuids them expressing notions and
opinions as to their rights to choose their own husbands, and to refuse
the polygamous connections which he has long ago arranged for
them, and he can see that very soon he will be landed in no end of
trouble in pacifying the men to whom he has promised his daughters,
and already " eaten " the price paid for them. It is never difficult
to find such individuals who can see no good in the work of the
missions in their midst.'

5. Interested conversions. — It is a sad, but unimpeach-
able, fact that the average mission-boy looks upon the mission
as a place where secular learning can be had for the asking,
and upon residence there as a stepping-stone to higher
things — not to the higher things of the spiritual, but of the
temporal, world — not as leading to spiritual advancement,
but to worldly profit. How many mission- teachers of even
long standing would be proof against an offer of a Govern-
ment billet at similar or even less wages ? As C. J. Bennett
in the Southern Workman says : ' With the negroes, as
with the whites, I conceived that too much attention has
been paid to the sharpening of the intellect and the fitting
for money-making.' There is, indeed, no real ' culture '
in the true sense of harmonious development — and, since in
Central Africa there is no economic pressure, the rigid
educational standards of the English Board School seem
somewhat out of place.

THE MISSIONARY AND HIS WORK 235

6. The development of new failings. — It may be doubted
whether this argument against mission-work is of any
real value. The teachings of the missionaries make, at least,
for common decency, which, in the end, must improve
both the physical and the mental standard of the native.

Indeed, upon reflection, it wiU be seen that the quarrel
of the European settler or official is not with the missionary
himself nor with the majority of the Christian community,
so much as with the bumptious, self-assertive, native teacher.
With the best will in the world it is difficult to believe that
these are, as a rule, sincere. They know that their abihty
surpasses that of their fellows ; they regard their work
as that of a capitao, carrying better wages than faU to
the rank and file ; as a class they require distinctive hand-
ling from the administrative point of view ; they fre-
quently become embroiled with the wives of other men ;
their rehgion is, at the best, but skin-deep. They get a
veneer of moral training, but the substratum is mainly
educational. In some cases out-stations in charge of
native teachers are situated two or three days from the
mission. The inspector criticises the efficiency of their
schools, it is true, but they have more serious temptations
to combat with than have their fellows, and but little
help in doing so, while their very position and the influence
which it carries with it is a menace in itself. In all the
main essentials there is no real difference between the
mission-teacher, the boma capitao, and the store-boy.
Together these three represent the native aristocracy,
holding aloof from the wa-shenzi, they are merely inter-
changeable units of the same class. But whereas the boma
capitao and the store-boy are usually under strict super-
vision, the mission teacher, from the very nature of his
work, is left for a great proportion of the year to his own
devices.

The gospel of such a teacher is to get on in the world —
and he wiU make but few sacrifices for his faith. It is
when considering this class of teachers that one is most
inclined to agree with Ruskin when he says that, ' Modern
education, for the most part, signifies giving people the

236 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

faculty of thinking wrong on every conceivable subject
of importance to them,'

On the other hand, it must be remembered that there are
good, earnest teachers as well as bad, and that the white
man, in employing natives without strict inquiry into
their antecedents, as often as not has only himself to blame
should the speculation turn out badly. Many natives —
not necessarily teachers, though a good proportion of them
are such — are dismissed from missions for misconduct and
refusal to submit to discipline. No guarantee is given
as to their characters, which are, in such cases, imperfectly
formed. They wander about the country seeking situa-
tions, and often obtaining them through superficial smart-
ness and abihty to read and write. In almost every case
they eagerly quote their mission training as a recommenda-
tion. Sooner or later they inevitably succumb to tempta-
tion, and the white employer promptly blames the mission
which produced them.

What the native himseK thinks of the missionary is a
most difficult matter to decide. Probably he does not
give him credit for purely disinterested action ; but he is
an adept at the concealment of his thoughts, and when
questioned will suit his answers to his company. He
reahses that there is some subtle difference between the
mission and the homa, though he may not be prepared
to define it. None the less he is shrewd enough to observe
that the latter usually has the last word, which naturally
tends to handicap the missionary. On the other hand, he
knows that the missionary is better able to penetrate
into his home life, and that he deals with individuals
where the boma deals with masses, advises and assists where
the boma, with the best will in the world, is compelled
to administer.

Again, the missionary has the boma at hand to protect his
interest, and all questions of punisliment can be relegated
to it, so that he is left at liberty to become popular with
his people.

Most probably, however, the native does not worry his
head about the why and the wherefore of it all. He sees

Type of Mission Boy.

!■. .1. L'slu-r,_f'hot.

What iiie natiye can PROnrcE with whiie stperxision.

THE MISSIONARY AND HIS WORK 237

that the missionary— with the exception, perhaps, of the
White Father — Uves quite as comfortably as the official,
and with certainly more style than the average trader ;
it is only reasonable to suppose that he should assume
that it is the missionary's particular way of obtaining a
livehhood.

Again, the very nature of the missionary's calhng pro-
hibits him from resorting to rough-and-ready methods of
redress on offending natives, and it is possible that he
loses some measure of prestige in consequence. Muscular
Christianity is quite as necessary here as in England ; and
though, as a matter of fact, the mission doctor who will
travel one hundred miles to visit a serious case is just as
much of a sportsman as the heavy-handed settler who bags
his lions and his elephants, it is the latter rather than the
former who appeals to the native mind.

Self-sacrifice, again, though excellent in its way, is not
a virtue which appeals strongly to savage peoples ; and
thus the missionary, while foregoing his pleasures, is denied
the just reward of approbation by his flock. In fact, from
this point of view the missionary is strangely unfortunate,
since those Christian virtues which he possesses are mere
drugs in the market of native public opinion.

Again, it is the especial prerogative of the chief — and
so of the boma — to decide mulandu. The missionary —
to his credit be it said — is most scrupulous to avoid em-
broihng himself in any case whatever, referring all such
matters to the proper quarter. This conceivably tends
to diminish his authority in the eyes of the native.

Indeed, taken on the v/hole, the missionary has a hard
task. Pubhc opinion at home is a,pt, no doubt, to ex-
aggerate the dangers, difficulties, and discomforts which he
is called upon to undergo in the exercise of his calling.
Many people would, no doubt, be surprised at the degree
of comfort which he manages to extract from his sur-
roundings ; but, even when this fact is discounted, there
remains the knowledge that he is compelled, from force
of circumstances, and with no blame to any one, to carry
on disheartening work in a difficult position.

238 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Having thus briefly discussed the missionary question in
the abstract, it may be of interest to examine the history
of the three societies with whom we have to deal.

I. The London Missionary Society. — The first in
the field were the London IVIissionary Society, and for the
following notes upon the history and scope of this mission
in this sphere the authors are indebted to the kindness
of the Rev. Dr. Wareham of Kawimbe Station.

The Society began work in this country in the year 1887,
by the opening of a station at Fwambo's village, near the
site of the present Kawimbe. This became a centre for
the Amambwe people, and here evangelistic, educational,
medical, and industrial work have since been carried on.

In 1889 Niamkolo was established as a centre for work
among the people on the shore of Lake Tanganyika, and,
by means of canoes, boats, and the steamer, The Good News,
these people were regularly visited.

In 1904 Kambole Station was opened, and from it were
worked the populous districts of the Isapa and the lendwe
Valley. These three stations practically reach all the
Amambwe and Alungu in British territory.

From time to time the question of commencing work
among the Awemba was considered. Mporokoso's village
was visited more than once, and finally — in 1900 — a
station was opened at Mbereshi, on Lake Morfwe, of which
Mporokoso's was constituted a substation under a native
teacher. After ten years' existence as an out-station,
Mporokoso was occupied in 1908 as a European station, and
thus the chain from Tanganyika to Mwerii was completed.

While the aim of this mission has been, and is, to preach
the gospel, its work has been by no means hmited to
preaching. Various other branches have been undertaken,
of which the most important has been educational. The
method employed has been one of gradual expansion, new
villages only being occupied when they could be efficiently
supplied with teachers for a definite number of weeks in
the year. Year by year teachers are being better trained,
and the results therefore show steady improvement.

As regards the evangeHstic side, it cannot be said that

THE MISSIONARY AND HIS WORK 239

the people are rushed into Church-membership. All
inquirers are enrolled in the ' Hearers' ' class, which they
must attend for one or two years. They then apply for
admission into the Catechumens' class, in which they
must receive at least two years' instruction before their
application for Church-membership is considered.

Turning to the medical side we find excellent work
being done. There is a dispensary at every station, and
at Kawimbe, in addition, a brick hospital, well fitted and
furnished, and in charge of a doctor, while there is also
a doctor at Mporokoso, where a hospital has just been
built. At the dispensaries thousands of attendances are
made each year, and the number of patients who enter
the hospitals for medical and surgical treatment is steadily
increasing.

Industrial work is by no means neglected. While
every station possesses a workshop where all that is
necessary for housebuilding and plain furniture can be
made, there is an industrial centre at Kambole, under
skilled supervision. Here boys are apprenticed and
trained as carpenters, builders, blacksmiths, plasterers, etc.,
and the furniture made compares favourably with that
turned out from the larger workshops of Nyasaland and
Southern Rhodesia. At present, however, the market for
furniture is but small.

The outlook for the London IVIissionary Society's
stations would appear to be hopeful enough. The years
of foundation-building are over, and with them, it may be
hoped, the retirements and deaths which have in the past
so hindered the work of the mission. There exists, at
least, a native church increasing steadily in numbers, a
school system by which children are being taught the
Bible and the three R's, and a body of trained workmen
ready to meet the small needs of the present and the
.greater needs of the future. It is hoped, too, to estabhsh
shortly a central training-school for teachers, which will
take the place of the several teachers' schools carried on
at the various stations.^

1 Now an accomplished fact (November 1910).

240 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

A weak point in the system, and one admitted by
members of the Society, is the dearth of lady missionaries
to especially look after the welfare of the women and girls.

II. The White Fathers. — The following sketch of the
history of this mission was most kindly furnished to the
authors by the Very Reverend Monseigneur Dupont,
Vicar Apostolic of the Vicariate of Nyasa (translation of
Extracts) : —

The first White Fathers arrived at Mambwe in 1891 ;
after some tentative missionary endeavours they found
that this site was not favourable to their work, and began
to dream of penetrating into the Luwemba country, then
rigidly closed against Europeans. In June 1895 they
reached Panda, and founded the mission of Kayambi,
near Mipeni, the capital of King Makasa. Difficulties
and even threats of death were not v/anting. Chitimukulu
himself rose and advanced with an army to attack the
missionaries, but, restrained by some inexplicable reason,
halted en route and put the inhabitants of Musamba's
village to death.

In spite of these difficulties the mission of Kayambi
prospered rapidly, and, a year after its foundation,
possessed a school which already comprised five hundred
boarders. In 1897, being desirous of penetrating into
the very heart of the country, the missionaries made a
bold journey to the village of the redoubtable Mwamba.
Here they were, at first, well received ; but after a few
days, probably owing to Arab influence, a rising took
place, and they were obliged to withdraw. On returning
to Kayambi, they found Mgr. Lechaptois with the necessary
documents appointing Father Dupont Vicar Apostolic
of Nyasa. Mgr. Lechaptois appointed his colleague at
Kayambi on the 15th of August 1897.

The missionaries were in the act of projecting a new
expedition when three of them died of blackwater in a few
weeks, and the school at Kayambi had to be closed for
want of a director.

During the early part of 1898 two missionaries travelled
in the Mwalule, Muchinga, Wabisa, and Wawemba

THE MISSIONARY AND HIS WORK 241

countries, and Chitimukulu insisted on their establishing
themselves near him. They returned to Kayambi, having
promised to revisit him.

In September of the same year they again revisited
Chitimukulu, and found themselves once more confronted
with difficulties. Just at this moment Mwamba's envoys
arrived, and implored the missionaries to accompany them
to that chief. On the very eve of their departure one
missionary died of exhaustion on the Chambezi river,
and only two started for Mwamba's capital.

They arrived at the chief's village on the lltli of October.
Mwamba was at the time seriously ill, and greeted them
with this remarkable proposition : ' You have excellent
remedies and can, no doubt, cure me ; if you do, I will
give you half my country. On the other hand, if I die,
I will give you the whole — and you will look after all my
wives, children, and people, so that they may not be
killed ! '

The missionaries wishing to establish themselves about
twenty miles from the capital, Mwamba objected, saying
that it was too far, and that his people would be killed
passing to and fro. He went so far as to supply men
to build a house for the missionaries two or three miles
from the capital,

Mwamba's condition gave no hope of a cure ; he died
on the night of the 23rd-24th October. Then arose indescrib-
able panic and disorder, and the whole population gathered
round the house of the missionaries. When a chief dies
all his people are held responsible for his death ; all the
neighbouring chiefs, relatives, and friends must avenge
him, by killing large numbers of his people, after which
the remainder are distributed. On the day after the
death of the chief, bands of pillagers were reported from
all directions. The missionaries were lucky enough to
stop them all, merely by threats, and not a drop of blood
was spilled. The grateful population christened the site
of the mission ' Chilubula,' that is, the place where they
had escaped death.

The missionaries then hastened to write to the Admini-

242 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

stration at Zomba inviting them to occupy the country.
Some days later Messrs. M'Kinnon and Young arrived. The
missionaries were delighted to welcome them, and to see
them occupy the country in the name of the British Govern-
ment. Little by little things quietened down, and the
peaceful occupation of the country was completed.

In April 1899 the mission at Chilubula was transferred to
the Luombe, where it still stands. Brick houses were built
in this year. The brick house at Kayambi had been built
the previous year ; these were the two first European
buildings in the Luwemba country.

In the same year three missionaries were sent to found the
mission of Kilonga, near Mpika.

In 1900 three missionaries made an attempt to enter
the Lunda country under Kazembe. Harassed by various
difficulties they returned to the Kalungwisi river, and
finally, in 1903, quitted this locaHty and installed them-
selves upon Chirui Island, where they have an important
station for the islands, the Lunga country, and the east
coast of Lake Bangweolo.

In 1905 they founded the mission of Ng'umbo on the west
of Lake Bangweolo in the Fort Rosebery district. The
same year they founded Kapatu in the Mporokoso division,
and, at the present moment (July 1910) three missionaries
are on their way to found a station at Mushyota's in the
Kalungwisi district.

Looked at as a whole, it is impossible to have aught but
the greatest respect for these White Fathers. Hardy,
simple men, pursuing under the most trying tropical con-
ditions their austere rule, bound by the vows of humility,
chastity, and obedience — cheerfully acquiescing, nay,
delighting in the prospect of an exile which is in most
cases lifelong ^ — one must, indeed, be a carping critic to
dissect, be it ever so kindly, the sum total of the good they
do. And, indeed, this good is widespread, and of a very
vital character. It is true that their scholars do not rise
to the intellectual heights attained by those of other

^ Since this was written arrangements have been made for furlough after
ten years in necessary cases.

mil —— ^

A Dwelling House, L.M.S.

Bernard Turney.pkot.

Kayambi Church (White Fathers Mission).

F. H. Mdiand.pkot.

THE MISSIONARY AND HIS WORK 243

missions ; but it must be remembered that they profess to
mould character rather than intellect, that they are teaching
a foreign language (English), and that they are but poorly
equipped with funds for the purchase of school requisites.
Their pupils, indeed, are of a simpler type — even as are the
missionaries themselves, when compared with the married
missionaries of other societies.

There must, according to the rule, be at least three men
on each of the mission stations. This is partly because
itinerating plays a very important part in their educational
system, sections of their spheres being visited month by
month — and also, no doubt, because, notwithstanding their
indomitable pluck, the severity of their lives often has
regrettable effects upon their constitutions. At the Maison
Carree — the training-school in Algiers — they receive a
special training for five years, during which time they are
taught to deal with Arabs, and are tested as being men of
perfect character.

Contrary to the general idea, they belong, not to a regular
order, but to the class of secular parish priests. For this
reason the vow of poverty is excluded, and each member
has his own little income — small enough, but sufficient for
his simple tastes. Many of them are keen hunters, and no
doubt expend some portion of such private means upon the
purchase of rifles and ammunition. The bishop himself,
Monseigneur Dupont, is known as a genial and plucky
sportsman, and many a story could be told of his adventures
in the early days.

Each mission is run upon lines of the strictest economy,
and, with the exception of some few staple articles, such as
tea, coffee, and sugar, which they procure from Europe, each
station produces all its own food-stuffs. On all the older
established stations are glorious fruit and vegetable gardens,
and there is always an J^conome — a kind of overseer or
agent — who sees to the domestic side.

As has been said above, there is neither luxury nor
extravagance upon these mission stations ; but, for all that,
the missionaries do not by any means abase themselves to
the level of the natives. Indeed, their sense of discipHne

244 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

is very keen, and their pupils and teachers are usually civil,
respectful, and willing. The Fathers themselves, whether of
high or low birth — and there are men of both classes, from
the aristocrat of La Vendee to the simple Breton peasant —
are intellectual and well-read, and seem to keep well in
touch with European poUtics and events. At the same
time they are simple, open-hearted, and intensely hospitable,
and evince a boyish interest in their work which makes
them very pleasant companions.

Though perhaps rather apt to neglect their own health,
their medical skill is considerable. They have made a
complete and thorough study of native ailments and
diseases, are acquainted with the properties of most native
drugs, and understand the ordinary apphances of the
medical profession, having, in most cases, undergone a
special course of medicine at the Maison Carree.

At two of the stations — Kayambi and Chilubula — there
are houses of White Sisters — and the influence of these is
most important as replacing the wives of married mission-
aries. Nevertheless, it may be doubted whether the
natives themselves quite understand the position — and, in
any case, the ceUbacy of the White Fathers is — to quote the
w^ords of Bishop Dupont himself — the ' heel of Achilles ' of
their system from the native standpoint.

Undoubtedly the influence of ritual upon the native
mind is very great ; it supplies to the native just that
element of the mysterious which he feels to be wanting
in the more prosaic observances of other missions. And,
too, the influence of the confessional is not the least
among the weapons with which the White Fathers are
armed.

At all the stations the Algerian style of building is
adopted ; all the work is picturesque and massive, and the
red tiles, made, like everything else, upon the station, lend
an air of finished work which is extremely pleasing. The
churches, too, are tended with the greatest care, and most
carefully painted and decorated — so much so that the
whole life of the station is made to revolve around the
church, which, at least in the case of the two older estab-

THE MISSIONARY AND HIS WORK 245

lished stations, Kayambi and Chilubula, is used solely for
purposes of worship, and not also as a school.

III. The Livingstonia Mission. — The following sketch
of the Livingstonia Mission — of which Mwenzo Station,
near Fife, is the only example in this sphere — has been
compiled from notes kindly furnished by Dr. J. A. Chisholm
of that station : —

The Livingstonia Mission, commenced in 1875 as the
memorial to David Livingstone, raised by the Scottish
churches unitedly, confined its work both at the beginning
and for many years afterwards to Nyasaland, labouring
chiefly among the Angoni and Atonga tribes. Soon, how-
ever, it looked across the artificial boundary to Rhodesia,
and in the gradual expansion of schools from the estabhshed
stations, the mission year by year spread farther and
farther into Rhodesia, the Central Livingstonia Institution
recruiting its apprentices to carpentry, building, agriculture,
printing, quarrying, etc., from Rhodesia in no small
proportion.

At the end of 1895 it was decided to transfer the station
which had been carried on at Mweni Wanda (Fort Hill)
to Rhodesia, and a beginning of a new station was made
at Mwenzo, near Fife. During the first four or five years
little apparent progress was made, partly owing to several
changes in the staff, due to resignations and furloughs, and
also to the fact that at times no European could be placed
at Mwenzo.

When the Administration of North-E astern Rhodesia,
in a praiseworthy desire to help the different missions,
drew out suggestions for boundaries, the Livingstonia
Mission found allotted to it the whole of the Fife, Chinsali,
and Mirongo Divisions, and large parts of Mpika, Lundazi,
and Serenje, The Livingstonia Mission has, ever since,
attempted to work these districts in accordance with its
own policy and methods of mission work.

The Nyasaland stations opened up schools, itinerated
by European ministers and doctors, and sent selected
pupils to the Central Institution for training as pastors,
evangeHsts, and teachers, or in the different trades.

246 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Mwenzo extended to the south and west in the same
way.

The schools are very primitive, are staffed by badly
trained teachers in many cases, are often too far away
from European supervision, and are poorly furnished with
educational necessities. But it is the aim of this mission
to teach the people to read as quickly as possible, to be
able to wTite, and do a little arithmetic — excepting for
those who are to be teachers nothing more serious seems
to be attempted in the way of Higher Education. The
teachers, etc., are trained at the best stations and at the
Central Institution in Nyasaland — and at the out-schools
also one sees some attempts at singing, drill, etc.

The mission^ has at present (1910) over 250 of such
schools in North - Eastern Rhodesia, which means over
15,000 native children under some kind of education.
The schoolhouse, road, playground, and cleanly dressed
teachers, no doubt, act on the whole as an object-lesson
to the natives on the advantages of cleanhness and order,
and the intelligence of the rising generation cannot fail
to be raised in some measure by what they see, hear, and
attempt to learn at these numerous schools.

The personal knowledge of the writers is Hmited to the
work done at the M^venzo Station. Here a medical
missionary is in charge. There are, at present, over
160 schools worked from this station. The whole district
is divided into seven divisions, each of which is under a
certificated schoolmaster, who is continually on the round
of the schools in his division. At the end of each month
he returns to the station, and goes through liis diary
with the missionary, who through him directs the work.
The missionary himself also spends several months of
the year itinerating in the villages. But even with this
organisation of missionary, native schoolmaster, teachers-
in-charge, and monitors it would seem that one trained
European schoolmaster, at least, should be in charge of
these 160 schools, and the training of the native teachers
who are to staff them.

^ These figures include the Serenje Station.

THE MISSIONARY AND HIS WORK 247

At Mwenzo there are some 300 baptized members
and some 500 in the preparatory classes. No natives
are baptized without at least two years' preparation,
and teaching in special classes is compulsory after baptism
also.

In medical work the Livingstonia Mission has a fully
qualified doctor on each of its stations, and many of them
have specially qualified themselves for tropical work by
taking the ' Diploma of Tropical Medicine.' At Mwenzo
there is a good hospital, and many serious cases are being
treated, while several operations are performed each year.
There is a trained nurse who also has charge of a small band
of girl-boarders, and works among the women and girls
of the villages.

A weak point on this station is that little is done in training
the native in manual work — but the different buildings on
the station have been put up by natives trained at the
Institution, and, indeed, the large majority of natives in
the whole district who are capable of building, making
furniture, and the like, have been trained in the Living-
stonia Mission.

With regard to the treatment of polygamy — perhaps
the most important question with which the missionary
has to deal — the following may be said to summarise the
views of this mission : —

When a monogamist heathen is baptized his previous
marriage is recognised. The mission objects to the marriage
of a Christian with a heathen — but if, after warning, the
Christian remains obdurate, he or she is married on the
understanding that the heathen party binds him — or herself
— to monogamy. At present polygamists are not admitted
as Catechumens. No polygamous man is baptized until
he has put away all wives save one, and the wife so retained
must be the one first married by him.

This, then, is briefly the position as regards the mission
question in North-Eastern Rhodesia at the present day.
To the London Missionary Society belongs the honour of
being first in the field — in this sphere at least. Ever since
1887, when the station at Fwambo's was opened, there have

248 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

been missionaries upon the Plateau, and though results may,
perhaps, appear disappointing, those who Hve on the spot
and are in touch with the actual conditions of the country-
can have nothing but admiration for the steadfast manner
in which these devoted workers have clung to the task
before them — a task Herculean in its magnitude. Friendly
criticism of the ultimate ends need not necessarily spell
behttlement of the energy and determination exhibited in
their attainment.

None the less one may, perhaps, be forgiven for sur-
mising that the most searching test of all is yet to come.
Hitherto the converts of the missions have been put to no
great strain ; since the rehgion which they have embraced
is, theoretically, the rehgion of all the Europeans with
whom they have hitherto come in contact. When the
native finds himself face to face with the doctrines of Islam,
when he learns — and the time is surely not far distant when
learn it he must — that Christianity is not the only rehgion
in the world outside of his own creed — then, indeed, it
will be time enough to say whether this house of Christian
belief which so many earnest men have given their Uves to
erect is builded upon firm rock or shifting sand.

Mohammedanism must come to us as it has already
come to the Western states, to German East Africa, and
the regions of the North. Once the German railway is
an accompHshed fact followers of Islam will pour into
this country in their thousands ; slowly, no doubt, at
first, but later as a great swollen stream gathering impetus
as it moves.

That missionaries themselves are not blind to the
danger is evidenced by the recent World's Missionary
Conference at Edinburgh. On Wednesday, the 15th June,
the subject of the Advance of Islam was the dominant
topic of the afternoon session. The Irish Times of
Thursday, 16th June, in reporting the Conference, states : —

' A still more pressing aspect of the situation was urged . . .
the advance of Islam, and the urgency of making at once a vigorous
efiort to stem the advance where it was declaring itself, and to
anticipate it where it is at present only threatening. It told of the

THE MISSIONARY AND HIS WORK 249

renewed activity of the Mohammedan propaganda over a large area.
. . . But the great field is Africa. Two forces are contending for
Africa — Christianity and Mohammedanism. If things continue as
they are now tending, Africa may become a Mohammedan con-
tinent. Mohammedanism comes to the African people as a higher
religion than their own, with the dignity of an apparently higher
civilisation and of world power. It is rapidly received by these
eager listeners. Once received it is Christianity's most formidable
enemy. The absorption of native races into Islam is proceeding
rapidly and continuously in practically all parts of the Continent.
Mohammedan traders are finding their way into the remotest parts
of the Continent, and it is well known that every Mohammedan
trader is more or less a Mohammedan missionary. The result of
this penetration of the field by these representatives of Islam will
be that the Christian missionary enterprise ^\^ll, year by year,
become more difficult. Paganism is doomed. Either Christianity
or Islam will prevail throughout Africa.'

Expert views upon Mohammedanism as a religion for
Africa are of undoubted interest. Dr. Blyden, the great
authority upon West Africa, lauds it to the skies. As the
Koran itself says, religions must be suited to the peoples,
and to the African races Mohammedanism is as fitted as
is the camel to the desert. Hudson, the Attorney-General
of Sierra Leone, says, in the Journal of the African
Society : —

' Missionaries should copy the Mohammedan system of grafting
and pruning, and, taking the native worship as a fact, gradually
eliminate inhuman, immoral, and unchristianhke factors — not
knock away the props of the people.'

While, in the same periodical, Mr. Allen Upward, speak-
ing of Northern Nigeria, says : —

' It is unanimously agreed by non-missionary observers that Islam
is the religion wliich yields the best practical results in this part
of the world.'

On the other hand, Stewart, in his Dawn in the Dark
Continent, p. 71, says : —

' The religion that is purest in itself, and most elevating in its
influence, and best fitted to the moral and spiritual necessities of
mankind, and which will most fully and readily adapt itself to the

250 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

advancing civilisation of to-day — which Mohammedanism does not
— is the one that will outUve the other and finally hold the field.
Of the two, Christianity is the one that most completely fulfils
these conditions, and the prospect that Africa will one day become a
Christian continent rests rather on a sober calculation of causes and
effects than on pious desire or missionary prophecy.'

Whatever the eventual result may be, there can be no
doubt that a struggle is inevitable. In such a struggle
cohesion and combination must have their value, and it
is therefore reassuring to learn that a Code has recently
been agreed upon between the various Central African
Missionary Societies — exclusive of the Church of England
and Roman Catholic bodies — which will ensure that
uniformity of work and policy of which the lack has,
hitherto, been so acutely felt.

No chapter upon missionary endeavour in Central
Africa would be complete without some reference to the
African Lakes Corporation, and the authors feel that
they cannot conclude better than by again quoting Dr.
Stewart, who says {Dawn in the Dark Continent, p. 219) : —

' Its (the African Lakes Corporation) chief object was not prim-
arily to provide openings for the investment of capital or to secure
new markets, but to assist the missions, to act against the slave
trade by supplying the natives with goods they needed, to keep
communication with the sea open, and to do a great deal of work
which a trading company might do, but which a mission could not
and ought not to do. It was an association genuinely existing for the
objects set forth in its articles or memorandum ; and it is to its
credit morally if not financially that it held on for fifteen years,
although during that time it paid a dividend only once. Since then,
however, it has paid dividends ranging from 7| to 10 per cent.,
besides placing considerable amounts to reserve.'

VILLAGE SOCIAL LIFE 251

CHAPTER XVI

VILLAGE SOCIAL LIFE

Among the Plateau natives the love of ceremonial is
linked to an equally strong sense of courtesy and innate
respect for the punctilious duties of social life. A Wemba
young man is nothing if not a polished gentleman, and well
versed in matters of tribal etiquette. He must maintain
good form in dress and appearance, which includes not
only clothes but personal ornaments, and the refinements
of tattooing, teeth-filing, and hair-dressing. The duties
of hospitality must be strictly observed, dances and beer
parties being given in due rotation by each village. For
in beer and dances lie the natives only idea of an evening's
entertainment, since the Plateau tribes have no such
theatrical performances with masked players as are in
vogue among certain Congolese races.

To deal first with the important subject of dress. Before
the introduction of calico the Wemba, both men and
women, usually dressed in bark-cloth. The Senga and
other tribes near the Luangwa river wore a coarse cloth
woven by themselves, while others, such as the Bisa, used
antelope skins for covering. Nowadays Wemba men
wear a loin-cloth of calico, held in position by a rough,
often native-made, leather belt. The Bisa men of the
lake wear a loin wrapper made of the skin of some small
antelope, and this fashion is followed by many tribes
east of the Chambeshi. For instance, the Winamwanga
and Wiwa tie a string round their waists and suspend from
it two duiker skins so as to form an apron in front and
behind called the nsuli. The Yombe and Wafungwe
content themselves with one antelope skin, which is passed
between the legs after the fashion of bathing drawers.

252 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Some Yombe men have simply a short skirt composed of
tousled fringes of bark-cloth.

One has only to listen to native songs warning women
against extravagance in their dress to infer that the
feminine passion for clothes sways Central Africa as much
as Bond Street. Though the men may sing, ' One
bracelet should be sufficient adornment for a contented
woman,' or ' O woman, you are Uke a greedy wagtail,
pecking up all you can get,' yet the fashions of the native
women change capriciously, and are the despair of the
struggling trader who, in his desire to meet them, is
frequently left with a large stock of unsaleable goods.
Around most Boma stations the women wear the trade
nkanga (native woman's cloth) swathed round below the
armpits. But the poorer rustic woman must make shift
with bark-cloth, which, indeed, is warmer and — when
quaintly worked with fibre thread and reddened with
camwood — more artistic than flashy trade ' prints.'
Underneath this wrapper of bark-cloth is worn a small
apron, called the buchushi, which hangs from a thick belt
embroidered with white or blue seed beads. The belt or
musMngo is as important, ceremonially, as the Homeric
zone, and the phrase ' she took up her sister's belt '
signifies that a woman has married the widower of her
deceased sister. The Winamwanga women affect an
apron of dressed antelope leather, worn behind and called
the inguwo, while they wear in front a smaller apron of
dark cloth, which, in the case of the younger and more
fashionable girls, is fringed with seed beads. The Bisa
married women wear the beautiful skins of the black or
red lechwe, as baby-shngs, while the women of other
tribes have to be satisfied with the common duiker or
sheep-skin. A skin shng is rightly valued as a great
protection for the children, especially when on the march.
Owing to the prohibition in force for a short time against
the killing of even small game, a great outcry was raised
by the women, who asserted that their children, being
reduced to cahco slings, would certainly perish.

In war the young fighting men were adorned by their

VILLAGE SOCIAL LIFE 253

chiefs with gaudy raiment, called miala, and wound coloured
turbans round their heads, some even flaunting a spiked
iron headpiece {ngala shy a Waluha), or a turban sur-
mounted by the gaunt beak of some large hornbill. The
chiefs, however, were plainly dressed to avoid detection
in battle.

Turbans, twisted SwahiH fashion, are often worn, yet
occasionally, on the lakes and in the hot valleys, natives
will wear broad-brimmed hats rudely plaited from native
straw.

Sandals are only worn on the march, and, as a rule, only
just before the rains, when the soil becomes parched and
burns the feet. Ideas of decency vary so much, not only
among tribes but in individuals, that any sweeping state-
ment would be unwise. With the Winamwanga women,
as with the Wankonde, the removal of the back cloth by
an enraged husband is considered a greater indignity than
taking off the front apron. Again, some women, clad in
a string and a most exiguous front apron, will parade
without any sense of shame, while others of the same tribe
caught bathing at a stream will run up to their necks in
water — even though the river be infested with crocodiles —
rather than be exposed.

Personal ornaments are very varied. Modes of hair-
dressing are legion. The most common styles among the
Wemba are, misoso, where two parallel strips of wool are
shaved off from the nape of the neck round the crown to
the forehead, and chiteta, where the hair is cut right back
from the top of the forehead, leaving a semicircular fringe
high up on the skull. Some Bisa and Wemba will shave
the head all over save for a small circular tuft at the back.
Winamwanga and Wemba women frequently use the seeds
of an aromatic plant to scent their hair. Even wigs of coarse
matted fibre are occasionally worn, especially by the older
men on Lake Bangweolo. The Bisa are fond of teazing
out the curls of the hair and training them into wisps, which
are gradually stretched out and added to by weaving in
dark fibre or bristles till they hang down in matted, string-
like bunches. The Bisa women weave red and white beads

254 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

into their wool, so that the hair on the crown of the head
and down to the nape of the neck is quite concealed.
Some Shinga chiefs, like Chitunkubwe, wear their hair in
fillets and rolls not unlike the types of hair-dressing seen
in bas-reliefs in the Egyptian Gallery at the British Museum.

Both men and women wear rings, which are exchanged
as a sign of friendship. When leaving on a long journey
natives are given small bracelets or rings as keepsakes,
which they sling from their belts, and must retain to show
to the owners on return. Long ago only fundis and persons
of royal blood were allowed to wear necklets and bracelets
of elephant hair, but now they are frequently worn by com-
moners. Some women, especially among the Wabisa and
the Washinga, love to wear huge coils of thick brass wire
wound snake-wise round the wrist up to the elbows, and
weighty anklets of the same wire up to the calf of the leg.
But the smaller bracelets of thin, drawn-out copper or
brass wire are more in request, and richly dowered girls
wear hundreds of these as armlets and anklets. Their
poorer sisters try to keep up the same pretence of fortune
by weaving imitation bracelets from the finest straw-
coloured grass, which, at a distance, resembles the real wire.
The huge, circular, white shells introduced by the Arabs,
which in the old days were bought for a cow, are still
worn by the chiefs, though they are now valueless as cur-
rency. To a native woman her brass and copper bracelets
and ivory armlets and rings are what jewels are to a Gaiety
girl, and her desire for them is insatiable. The husband,
passing through his village with a gang of carriers, will
sing out dolefully to his wife, ' I am a bond-slave to the
bracelet maker ! You cry out to be adorned ! Look you,
here am I load-carrying, earning money for you ! '

Small knives, as a rule, form part of the camp outfit of
the native, and with his bows and arrows, spear, and goat-
skin bag, the ornamental snuflf-box suspended from his
neck, and his axe from his shoulder, he is fully equipped
for the road. Wlien merely walking from village to village
on pleasure bent, the young dandies carry small swagger
axes, and the women little swagger hoes.

VILLAGE SOCIAL LIFE 255

Most natives oil their bodies with castor oil, and polish
them with the inevitable camwood. To avert disease they
smear their faces with Ume and the mufuba dough, and
rub camwood well into their bodies, as the latter is supposed
to be especially efficacious in keeping off evil spirits, which
are often laid for good by the medicine -man's cunning
in enticing them into circles of powdered camwood outside
the village.

Wemba women still whiten their faces with chalk when
the moon appears. In the villages of big chiefs the keepers
of the Lilamfia whiten one haK of their faces with chalk,
the other half being reddened with camwood. In the hutwa
ceremony the bodies of the neophytes are whitened all
over with lime or chalk, and in the chisungu ceremony the
bride has white rings painted round the eyes, while the
bridegroom has a white ring smeared round one arm.
Painting of the body, it will thus be seen, is mainly
reserved for solemn rites and important functions.

Tattooing, in the strict sense, is unknown — the cicatrices
raised being more of the nature of keloid scars, blackened
and rendered prominent by the application of charcoal.
Such tattooing is the province of the women, who some-
times employ small steel forceps to lift up the skin, which
they cut with a lancet-shaped knife. Children are, as a
rule, first tattooed at the age of about six years. It would
be tedious to give details of the various tattoo marks em-
ployed by each tribe. The distinctive mark of the para-
mount race, the Wemba, is the vertical line in the middle
of the forehead, ending between the eyebrows, and the
crossed tattoo bars on either side of the face. The marks
on the back vary amongst the Wemba, but the 7ntoso
vertical marking, from the nape of the neck partly down
the spine, is the commonest. The arms are usually reserved
for marking to denote the number of big game killed by
each man. The back of the legs are occasionally marked,
but there seems to be no special significance in this, and
natives say it is merely a matter of fashion. Though
frequent questions have been asked, one cannot discover
if any special and private body marks are tattooed as

256 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

distinctive of the totem clans. The elaborate tattooing
on the abdomen is, in the Wemba tribe, found only among
the women.

There are many methods of teeth deformation. Many
Bisa and Wemba file their teeth down to a sharp point,
giving a cruel, shark-like appearance to the mouth, and
this fashion is said by them to be derived from the cannibal
tribes of the Congo. Other tribes file their teeth in serrate
fashion, but no special deformation can be said to be the
pecuhar hall-mark of one tribe, as it seems to be more
a matter for the taste of each individual. Mambwe
and Winamwanga men usually knock out two, or even
four, of their lower teeth. In each village there is a dentist
who performs these operations, knocking off the teeth
level with the gums with the sharp blow of an axe-head
driven home with a wooden mallet.

The hideous "pelele or round disk of wood, which, as Sir
Harry Johnston states, causes the upper lip of the Mun-
yanja woman to project like a duck's bill, is only found
among the Senga tribes, and even then in a somewhat
modified form.

Senga women likewise pierce the nostril on one side,
and insert a tiny rounded disk of wood or tin (called the
chipini) Uke the Swahili, who derived it from India.

Some Bisa women pierce the middle cartilage of the
nose and hang therefrom a small string of minute beads.

Certain Yombe women wear as a hp ornament a plug
of wood inserted in the Hp like the pelele, but tapering to
a sharp point. The only reason vouchsafed for this
peculiar custom is that it is the fashion, and that Yombe
women ' who love their husbands very much ' drop this
plug into his beer ! But whether this ornament was
supposed to sweeten the beer, or was placed in it as a
proof of a woman's fideUty, cannot be discovered.

To the Wemba the scrupulous niceties of salutation
and discharge of hospitahty due are of the utmost import-
ance. The prescribed Wemba greeting, ' Mioapoleni .? ' ( ' Are
you well ? ' — perhapsmorestrictly rendered,' Are your wounds
healed ? ') is answered, ' E7idi mukwai,^ which may be

VILLAGE SOCIAL LIFE 257

rendered, ' Yes, my dear sir.' On returning from a journey
tlie Wiwa wayfarer is greeted with the words, ' Have you
journeyed in safety ? ' to which the regular answer is,
' Yes, God has spoken for us on the way.' For the
husbandman returning from his garden there is the regular
formula of greeting. The Wiwa hunter is greeted by
the phrase, ' What luck, fundi ? ' to which he will reply,
' There is meat,' or, ' I saw grass only,' as the case may be.
The Wemba ' Samalale muJcwai,^ to the mother after the
birth of a child, has already been noticed, and there are
other formulae connected with these important customs
too numerous to mention.

The following description is given of the reception of a
relative from afar : —

' When his own people know the path by which he is
coming, they send out their children to greet him, where-
upon they embrace him and say, " Ku Kit, are you all
flourishing at your home ? " And he will reply, " Yes,
we are all well." The children then escort him back to
the village, and the head of the family or clan conducts
him to his hut. A beer-pot is brought forth, and a new
gourd is handed to him to drink from. Only when he
is satisfied may the clansmen pass round the beer and
discuss with him the news he brings of other members of
their totem in distant villages.

' On the eve of his departure his host's wife grinds flour
and furnishes other provisions for the way. Before he
sets out the children are gathered together again, and in
case of an elderly relative, the host says, " Will you not
bless our children before you go ? " The uncle will then
gently spit upon the chest of each child in turn, and say,
" May you keep well, my child."

' His host and his wife then conduct him outside the
village — usually to the first stream — and then ^vith the
formula, " Kofikeni-'po " (" May you arrive safely "), which is
answered by the phrase, " Syaleni-]^^^ ("May you remain
here in safety "), the guest resumes his homeward
journey.'

Native hospitality to strangers is a well-worn theme,

258 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

but it must be remembered that it is mainly confined to
those of the same tribe. The Winamwanga, when carrying
loads within their own tribal boundaries, usually leave
their imso (calico allowance to buy food) with their wives,
relying upon free rations en route, although when the road
leads into the Wemba country they will load themselves
up with flour.

Many travellers, impressed by the fact that a carrier
will pass around any dehcacy given to him, have used
it as an example of the profuseness of native hospitality.
But, as Mr. Duff justly says in his book, Nyasaland under
the Foreign Office, the truth is that native hospitality
' is more or less a system of give-and-take. Food can
usually be had in abundance, and, after all, if the titbit
makes but a mouthful, it is preferable to divide it rather
than break the custom which forbids eating by oneself.'

But when it comes to the distribution of meat which
\^dll make a meal worthy of serious attention, there is a
stem tussle for the last scrap of gory skin.

The well-kno^vn African system of ' age-classes' is,
upon the Plateau at the present day, in such decay that
accurate information is very difficult to obtain. In the
olden times the children class was kept very distinct, and
they lived in huts together, called itanda or ntuli. It was
only when they had ' danced the heads ' ^ that official notice
was taken of them. Those boys who had ' danced the
heads ' together, formed a kind of society, and fought in a
band together, shared in the spoil, and were supposed to
help each other. But nowadays, though Winamwanga and
Wemba lads live in ntuli by themselves, there seems to be
no survival of such a system. Among the hill tribes in the
Fife division the rehcs of this system are clearer. The elders
of the Wafungwe say that there are four definite ranks :
First, the children who five in the ntuli. Next, the
striplings 'who have been taught by the older men,' and
the young married men. In the third rank are the young
men who have had children, and who are qualified, there-
fore, to sit in the village council. The last class is that of
1 See Paper quoted on p. 29.

^■lilll^ ''••iiliiniii .

Native game " Insolo."

fieiaard Turner, f hot.

"Spinning seeds" game.

K^rnard Turner, f hot.

VILLAGE SOCIAL LIFE 259

the old men — the \viseacres of the village — whose advice is
Ustened to by the headman with great respect, and who
have married sons or daughters. It is very difficult to
elicit exact information as to the social privileges which
mark off each rank. When a young man sees one of his
elders of a higher class smoking, he must never go up
to ask him for tobacco. He may approach and sit near
him, but must give no hint until the older man deigns to
notice him and give him a little tobacco or snuff, upon
which he must iota to the giver. A young man who
has not had a child is, among certain tribes, not supposed
to be able to ' speak his case,' and hence in many of the
cases which come to the hojna the elder brother will
always speak first, although it is not his own case.

Women, until they have borne children, are still con-
sidered in some tribes as children themselves. But their
standing when they attain to the dignity of mother-in-
law is high, and, as Professor Weule points out, the relation
between the son and mother-in-law — the butt of jests in
European comic papers — is, in African Hfe, ' nothing short
of ideal.' Thus, if a young man sees his mother-in-law
coming along the path, he must retreat into the bush and
make way for her, or if she suddenly comes upon him he
must keep his eyes fixed on the ground, a-nd only after a
child is born may they converse together.

The larger clans, such as the Mwenimwansa or the
Mwenamboa, whose ramifications extend from one tribe
to another, formed a loose kind of society which, in the
olden time, was bound to assist even members of a different
tribe ; but the mutual duties of members of such a clan
are gradually weakening, and, the Awemba say, are only
properly respected nowadays by the Wabisa.

In the south and towards the west of our sphere there
are very interesting secret societies, which form a kind of
lodge in each village. The Rev. Dugald Campbell mentions,
in the Aurora, the Society of the Butwa on Chirui Island ,
and states that there are five similar societies, mainly
residing across the Luapula River.

The following description of the Butwa Secret Society

2G0 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

has been kindly furnished by Mr. H. T. Harrington, Assistant-
Magistrate of the Luapula district : —

' The ceremony came here with the migratory tribes of Kazembe's,
the Wahmcla and the Wausi, from the west about 1760. It is
practised now by Kasembe's Walunda, the Wena Kisinga, the
Watabwa of the Mweru district, also probably by the Wena-Ng'umbu
of North Bangweolo. Possibly other tribes practise it, but I have
no evidence. The Wemba deny doing it. The ceremony itself
is called hutwa ; the master of the ceremonies is called nangulu ;
the large temporary grass house built outside the village for the
ceremony is called the mulumbi ; the drink brewed for the ceremony
by the nangulu is called malawa. Each village arranges for its own
hutwa, which may take place yearly, or less frequently. When it
is decided to hold a hutwa (usually at the request of the women),
the nangulu, with some assistants, goes about a mile from the village
into the bush and builds a large grass shelter (mulumhi), usually
large enough to hold the entire village population. This done, he
brews the malawa, a strong beer which when drunk causes the drinker
to become highly excited. The nangulu enters the mulumhi and starts
the drums going as for a dance ; all the villagers flock there and start
dancing, the nangulu giving them frequent drinks of the malawa,
which works them up to frenzy. When night is well on, at a given
signal the men and women, yoimg and old, enter the mulumhi. They
are paired off, male and female ; it seems usual for a young girl
about to arrive at puberty to be paired with a full-grown man, also
for a young lad to be paired with a full-grown woman. This is be-
cause the nangulu are members of a secret society for teaching
and accustoming the young to their relations with the opposite sex,
and to destroy all false modesty on the part of the yomig. This
orgie of licentiousness is kept up sometimes for days ; when it is
declared over, the people, after making a present to the nangulu,
return to the village. The fact of the ceremony having taken place
is never mentioned at all, and all the people behave as if none of
them had been there.'

Mr. Harrington adds that the above details may be taken
as fairly correct, as they transpired in a case which came
before him as Acting Collector of the Mweru district in
1898. A young wife who was enceinte was so abused by
the nangulu at a hutwa ceremony that she died. The
young husband was away at the time. On his return he
was so exasperated that he ran in to the homa, and in spite

VILLAGE SOCIAL LIFE 261

of his dread of the nangulu and the witch-doctors divulged
the details. In the case which followed some of the wit-
nesses came forward and spoke freely.

With reference to the special features of the hutwa, as
practised by the Wabisa of Chirui Island, these further
details are compiled from notes taken by one of the authors
on the spot, and recently checked by an old Bisa initiate.
The strong beer — which they here call miveive — is drunk,
but also a special medicine is pounded on the flat surface
of a hoe which has been used at a hutwa burial. Late
at night, when all are excited with drink, this special potion
is administered by the nangulu to the neophytes, who,
after frenzied dancing, as the drug begins to work, speak
strangely, and finally fall to the ground in a kind of trance.
The nangulu then says that they have ' died hutwa.''
When they revive a Uttle the nangulu gives to each his
special name, by which he is to be known in future to all
the members — Kalepa, Chifita, Mukobe, Chisanshi, etc.
Assisted by those who have been previously initiate, the
nangulu leads the new members into the mulumhi house.
Among the Wabisa this house is divided into partitions ; on
one side recline the initiate hutiva, while on the other side
the neophyte boys and girls are paired off together.

Among the Bisa the period of this ' instruction ' varies
from several weeks to three months. The relatives of the
neophytes bring flour for their sustenance and the other
presents which are left outside the mulumhi house. If a
woman becomes pregnant at these rites she cannot return
to the village until the nangulu, by the use of certain
medicines, has caused abortion. When the master of
the ceremonies wishes to conclude the initiation, he mar-
shals the band of the newly initiated and issues to them
the fancy cloths, oil, and camwood sent by the relatives,
to adorn themselves. Shortly afterwards a gaudily
dressed procession of initiated boys and girls returns to the
village, but they may not show the shghtest sign that they
recognise even their nearest relatives until the nangulu
has introduced each of them to the members of his
household.

262 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

In the olden times the members of the Butwa Society
held very closely together. They had to tend each other
when sick, raise a collection if one of their number had
to pay damages in a mulandu, and in case of the death of
a mutwa, it was their bounden duty to seek out the wizard.
As a secret society they were greatly feared, and some of
them formed a kind of guild of high\Aaymen, attacking
carriers on the path and robbing them. There are probably
special signs by which a member of the hutwa may make
himself known. At Matipa village any mutwa visitor
who comes in will play upon a special instrument called
the chansa (hke a rude guitar) the pecuhar hutwa song,
whereupon the other members of the village lodge must
receive and entertain him. \^lien a mutwa initiate dies
they may not bury him at once, nor is any immediate
waihng allowed. His relatives bring beads to adorn the
corpse, dress it up in fine clothes, and anoint the body
with oil. Around the eyes white circles of chalk are
painted. After two weeks or so all the members of the
butwa have gathered together from the surrounding
villages, bringing offerings of camwood and beads in
honour of the departed. They beat drums and sing the
butiva chants for another week or so, after which the
body may be taken out for burial. When carrying the
corpse to the grave they intone the follomng chant : ' Our
friend has bitten the white shell ' (referring to the mpande
shell which is placed between the hps of the dead man).
' While you are holding him, bear him gently to his grave.'
The body is not slung from a pole in the usual fashion,
but borne to its resting-place upon the arms of brother
initiates.

Such is the ritual of the Butwa Society among the Bang-
weolo people. There was a big lodge in 1903 in Matipa
village, but as the Administration's influence has gradually
increased, and the White Fathers have estabhshed mission
schools on the islands, the power of this secret society has
greatly declined, and their immoral practices have abated.
Of all village festivities, beer-drinking holds pride of
place. It is the customary finale of the four great native

VILLAGE SOCIAL LIFE 263

rites of birth and burial, marriage and initiation. For
completing the garden work, too, beer is an important
factor, whenever a tree-cutting ' bee ' is organised. The
acrid smell of the beer-pots pervades all village social life —
is, indeed, the true essence of native joviality. Of its evil
influence a missionary in the Aurora writes as follows : —

' We have pointed out that where beer is there is a dreadful waste
of land and of food-stuffs, that it is the greatest enemy of industry,
that men care for nothing else when beer is ready, and sit stupid all
day or rove far and wide to seek villages where there may be a supply.
And we assert that nine-tenths of the village quarrels, adulteries,
broken heads, and murders arise out of beer-drinking.'

In the Wemba country these evils are, perhaps, not so
manifest as in the part of Nyasaland referred to, but it is
a good description of the state of many tribes in the
Tanganyika district. One may admit that — since from its
gruelly nature the beer is a kind of food as well — the actual
physical evil of intoxication is shght, but its effect morally
is decidedly pernicious, as it awakens the sensual side of
the natives' nature to a deplorable extent.

Bhang-smoking is another resource for whihng away the
evenings. In the dehrium produced by this drug — much
like that of the hashish infusion — the savage and cruel
side of the native character is inflamed, and a goodly
number of murders have been committed by men under
the influence of hhangi.

Next to beer-drinking, dancing and singing, perhaps,
take rank as stock amusements. It is at the midnight
chila or dance that the impetuous soul of the Central
African reveals itself, flaring forth in the fitful gleams of
an outlandish art. One may have been charmed with
the subtle spell of Cairene dances, have mingled Avith the
crowd fascinated by the Swahili ng'oma at Dar-es-salam,
or in the far interior have watched the Bisa women dance
the kanyungu by the gloomy shores of Lake Bangweolo.
Wlierever one may be, the throbbing witchery of the tom-
toms and the wild cadences of the singers assail the senses
with the same elemental, irresistible appeal.

A few of the Winamwanga dances may be described as

264 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

fairly typical of those in vogue among the other Plateau
tribes. In the kanjenje — which is a dance for women only
— a ring is formed, and the dancers, singing in unison, clap
their hands in strict time with the beats of the drum. A
young girl, who has previously been given a special potion,
is set in the middle. Her waist oscillates at first with
slow and gentle tremors, soon giving place to rapid twitch-
ings, which ripple all over the body, and are then succeeded
by convulsive quiverings so powerful that the girl has to
be steadied by the outstretched arms of the women en-
circling her. Faster and faster beat the drums, and more
rapid and violent grow the muscular quiverings, until
they appear to rend her frame, when of a sudden the
girl will fall upon the ground in a senseless heap. In
Musengakaya's village, where such a dance was witnessed,
the natives said that medicine had been placed in the girl's
feet.

The dance peculiar to the men is called the chilongwe.
This is usually performed at a beer drink, when the topers
in turn execute an eccentric crab-like dance, singing and
praising their god, Kachinga, the giver of the good things
of life.

The chikiveta dance, in which men and women take
part, is by far the most popular. A young man will dance
out to the ranks of the women opposite until he faces
the girl of his choice, upon which he retreats to the centre
of the ring. The girl then dances up to him — with the
sinuous abdominal movements which constitute for them
the fine art of dancing — and, after footing it together with
jigging steps, they both retreat to give place to another
pair. When the chikweta is kept up until the small
hours of the morning, dancing of an obscene character is
often indulged in.

In the step called the mung'wanye the men and women
stand in rows facing each other ; the women then ' go
to be married,' as they phrase it, each approaching the
man of her choice. As she slowly retreats he comes
forward, and she plucks at his belt or pulls out his knife,
returns it, and dances back again.

Wemba drummers and dancers.

/:. .-;. A veyy- Jones, phot.

L. ... Avt-ry-Jones.phot.

Wemba professional dancers.

^tLi*^'

VILLAGE SOCIAL LIFE 265

An ancient form of cliila was called the mukondo, being
a representation of war and of bride capture. The men
went, with bows in their hands, dancing out to marry the
women. Each young man, when dancing in turn with
the girl he favoured, handed her his bow and arrows, while
the other men circled round about the pair.

Among the Winamwanga, at the end of the dances, a
collection Avas made for the drummers.

Among the Wemba there are skilled performers on the
various kinds of drum, and these artistes are in great
request, travelling from village to village on a professional
tour. Those drummers who favour the ' mother drum,'
the large mpilingi — having a drum-head at both ends — are
accompanied by two assistants, one of whom beats the
mpikwe drum as a second, while the other beats the
' stripling drum ' or the kalume, singing at the same time
to keep the chorus together. Some are skilled executants
upon the kamutihi, which has only one drum-head. In
the kamutihi a louder tone is obtained by inserting at
the side a kind of circular stop, over which is stretched
the stout papery-like film spun by a kind of spider called
lembwe-lembwe ; this stop also produces the pecuHar
rattle made by the gut strings or ' snares ' affixed to
military side-drums. Another expert is more of a dancing-
master than a drummer, and is known as the ' dancing-
man ' all over Central Africa, being called simuseba by
the Wemba. His special instrument is the chilimba, a
kind of guitar with a gourd as a sounding-board. He
sustains the solo parts, singing to his guitar, while his as-
sistant beats a small kind of drum and joins in the chorus,
which, with its appropriate dance, is soon learnt by the
village folk, A simuseba must be an adept at the art of
improvisation, and will soon weave character sketches of
the village people into his recitative, not forgetting to
praise ' the beautiful red bodies of the women ' (to quote
from a typical song) at the villages he visits, or the skill in
hunting of the men.

In some districts there is a class of professional dancers,
jesters, and contortionists, whose performances are always

266 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

a popular feature. A few years ago a pair of dancers — who
were soon named the Luapula Twins — toured North-Eastem
Rhodesia, and reaped a rich harvest at each station.
Their dancing costume consisted of a kind of ballet skirt
(made of fringes of threaded reeds like an arras curtain),
which swished at each step ; their arms and legs were
covered with bracelets and anklets of tiny bells or of
rattling seeds. The ' twins ' sang and danced at the
same time, causing their anklets and bracelets to clash
like castanets and jingle to the shake of rattles.

Another virtuoso was a native of Simumbi village, who
called himself the mung'omba, a kind of giant hornbill.
As a headpiece he wore the huge beak of the bird, while
its pinions were spread over his arms. In season and out
of season he raised his discordant song, crouching and
flapping his wings in clumsy imitation of the ungainly
dance of this great bird, chanting as his refrain its strident
cry of ' guh-guh-guh, eh-ele-ele.^

The ministrels of the chief were called the siwaomha or
ng'omba. The chief would give a favoured singer three
drummer assistants to support him, and assign to him a
chorus of young men {hanku) to be trained. As we have
noted in a previous chapter, these court bards were
frequently blinded so that they should not run av/ay.
Many an ng^omba v/as the evil genius of the reigning king,
inciting him in peace to oppress his own people, and in
war urging him to slay and spare not.

To attempt any appreciation of native music would be
impossible within the limits of the present chapter. There
is a tendency to regard barbaric music with contempt,
mainly because the African modes are unfamiliar to us,
but it is a subject which would well repay attention and
careful study, as tlie material is veiy considerable on the
Plateau alone. The actual words of the songs are the
least important point ; they are often clipped to suit the
exigencies of the metre so as to be almost unrecognisable,
e.g. the word maka is not ' strength,' as one would imagine
in a certain song, but short for makanga, a guinea-fowl. It is
rather the plaintive lilt of the music, with its quaint half-

VILLAGE SOCIAL LIFE 267

tones and the perfect rhythm kept by a native chorus,
which is so fascinating. Wemba youths are, as a rule,
very musical and have a good ear. They are too fond of
singing fa.lsetto ; but many who have been tested possess
good tenor voices, several being able to sing up to Bb
with ease. Bass voices are uncommon, although baritones
and tenors abound. It is interesting to note that singing
in harmony has advanced to the stage when three and
sometimes four parts (as in the case of Muvanga's band)
are sustained by skilled singers. When one recollects the
late development of harmony in civilised Europe, this fact
is somewhat remarkable in a Central African tribe.

The Plateau musical instruments are numerous, but in
the main conform to well-known Central African types.
For instance, we have first the primitive Lumonge, a
strip of rafia palm bent as a bow upon which the playing
string is stretched. Women play this much after the
fashion of a jews' harp, holding one end of the bow in
the mouth and twanging the other with their fingers.

The Luntonga is apparently a development of the
Lumonge, having a bridge in the centre, and a gourd
sounding-board below ; it is played with a rough kind
of bow.

Several other instruments known generically as Malimha
are in vogue. The kalimpango and the yn-pango are species
of these made much after the principle of the guitar,
and are twanged wdth the fingers. The kasese, with its
gourd resonator and its fiddle-like neck with three stops,
is the nearest approach to a violin, but it is usually played
with the fingers.

The sansi, or so-called native piano, with its iron keys
fixed upon a wooden sounding-board, is too well known
to merit detailed description.

As a trumpet the Wemba used the horns of a koodoo,
but among the Walungu a tusk of ivory was sometimes
used for this purpose (see Sir Harry Johnston's British
Central Africa, p. 465). The small reed flute or chimpeta
is similar to the chitoliro played in Nyasaland.

The above instruments are usually played alone ; those

268 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

of the malimha class, however, being frequently used to
accompany the voice.

Of choruses and chanties there is an unending variety,
since when doing any concerted work, such as machila-
carrying or hauling timber, each gang will sing to keep in
time and to reheve the tedium of the work. Many are
old traditional songs sung by slave gangs in the past, but
new melodies are composed every year, spreading over
the country hke popular comic songs. Before entering
each village it is only common politeness for the machila
men to sing to warn the inhabitants of the approach of a
caravan.

' You who are in the path move out of the way, the Dreadful
thing (the wliite man) is coining, or else — The thing from the East
is coming along, the sldlled player upon instruments of music'

for every white man who possesses a gramophone is a true
virtuoso to the natives.

And as the Msungu emerges from his hammock, the
finale 'koloke woo' is smartly rapped out. Later on, the
long line of carriers will file in, some perhaps singing
dolefully :

' The capitao has cheated us of our poso.
Don't cry, mother ; we shall get back all right.'

Or on the march each carrier when mountain-climbing will
sing his own peculiar chant, half patter, half song, to
strengthen his heart in the rough places, while others may
encourage their fellows with such songs as these —

' Friend Mulenga, don't be slack in singing ;
Go to Blantyre and learn cleverness.

The lamia (telegraph wire) goes all the way to show you the road ;
If you find the work hard, you needn't go again.'

Or as the day Avanes the woods will echo with the songs
heralding the approach of the successful hunter to camp,
as, for instance —

' The buck womided by the hwana ;
They quench the flames^ they quench the flames.
With their fatness, with their fatness.'

VILLAGE SOCIAL LIFE 269

In case of an obviously new hand, whose knowledge of the
language is somewhat sketchy, his machila men will soon
improvise songs touching upon his little failings and
peculiarities with rude satire.

For the native has a sharp eye for the character of what
he calls in his slang the ' chalk-faced people,' and a nig-
gardly man comes off badly in their machila songs.

' You in the village, what are you afraid of ?
We are only carrying a large stone (and consequently you won't
get much out of him).'

The songs of the Wemba women when pounding maize or
grinding corn are usually of a plaintive type, ending in a
kind of meaningless chantie. For instance —

' Let us dance the Jcapamba,
The dance the smart girls dance
On the banks of the Manyowe,
Bivadya e wayaya yawe yo.'

Even the dandy does not escape sarcasm, as witness the
following —

' Oh, Queen of England, yours is a brave brood.

Have you not brought forth the great

Who is always shooting his shirt cuffs ? '

There is a vast wealth of folklore tales awaiting collection
among the Plateau tribes. Some Wemba folklore stories
are translated in the Journal of the African Society by
one of the WTiite Fathers, in which are described the
adventures of the hare, the counterpart of the fox in
English folklore.^

The Lake Bisa folklore stories are interesting as not
being of the usual animal type, and out of a collection,
made by one of the authors, the following specimen is
given below : —

The Two Brothers and God

' Long ago these men they were two — the elder and his yomiger
brother. Now the yomiger was a man of much wealth, while his

^ Many of the Winamwanga folklore songs have been written down as
far as possible in the English notation by Mrs. Dewar of the Livingstonia
Mission, and are published in a little book called ChinamicangaZFolMore
Tales.

270 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

elder brother was a beggar and of wealth he had none. On a tall
ant-hill was the hut of the yoiuiger, though his brother was left
alone and forsaken in Mitanda (a wretched hamlet). One day
Great God brought out a piece of iron, and said : " Take it to that
man whose hut is upon the ant-hill ; let him forge from it a supple
sling for carrpng my youngest born child, and see that he tattoes
it with the proper pattern inside." So they took the iron to the
younger brother and said : " Son of man, forge this into a baby
sling, and do not forget the tattooing." But the man was dumb-
founded, and said to his fellows : " How may T compass this,
since no man may forge baby-slings from iron ? " His fellows replied :
" No, indeed, but first ask the advice of your elder brother." The
younger man went to his brother and said : " How can I forge a
baby-sUng ? " And the elder answered : " I know not ; have you
not always despised me ? " But the younger entreated him, sapng :
"I beseech you, child of our blood," and he besought him and straight-
way gave him a woman for his wife. Then said the elder : " Fetch
three water-pots and take them before God, and say to him, ' Give
these water-pots to your royal wives, and ask them to fill them to
the brim with tears, for with tears alone may the iron be tempered.' "
So God assembled his wives : to each jar he set ten women to weep.
And they wept and wept ; three whole days they wept, yet the jars
were not filled. Then said God : " Dry your tears, I shall take
back my piece of iron." And forthwith the sky was darkened with
clouds, and the thmider fell upon the hut wherein the younger man
had hidden the iron, and it was borne away with a flash of lightning.
WHien the rain abated, the younger man sought for the iron, but
could not find it. Then God spoke and said : " Cease from your
search ; I shall find you another piece."

' But in truth the man's troubles were over. For God said to
himself : " He will get no more iron from me, because I can never
find tears enough to fill his jars, or to forge my sling." So the story
goes.'

Of proverbs and riddles there is an endless variety.
The Wemba are very rich in proverbs, perhaps because of
their Congolese origin, while the Winamwanga and Wiwa
delight in riddles. A few examples of Wemba proverbs
are given here : —

' " If you are killing a snake destroy its mouth also."
' " The owner of the porridge has not dirty hands."
* " Your fellow- wife will never wash your back" (referring to the
constant jealousy of the wives of a polygamist).

Women's Dance.

HubcU Slicanc.ph

Men's Dance.

H-.ibcrtSlteane.fhol.

VILLAGE SOCIAL LIFE 271

'" The master of the dogs need not call them" (used sometimes
when family property such as women or children are in question,
who will follow the man who has been kind to them).

' " The hungry man burns his mouth " (more haste less speed).

' " I shall come to-morrow," says he, when 'tis his neighbour's wife
that is dead.'

Asking riddles is a favourite method of passing the time.
The Wemba start by saying : ' Clio ? What is it ? ' and he
who accepts the challenge says : ' Chilika, Cut it short,'
upon which the riddle is given as follows : —

' Q. What is long ?

' A. Your mother's snout as long as a field rat's.
'Q. A band of mutilated men across the stream ?
' A. The lopped trees of a native garden.
' Q. A basket woven by cmming craftsmen ?
' A. A honeycomb.

' Q. The fool we beat aromid the village ?

' A. A wooden grain mortar (which is common property and
pounded by every woman in turn).'

Where games and amusements are concerned, the African
boy is far more resourceful than European children of
the same age. The multitude and variety of native games
is astonishing, and there are few European games which
have not their African equivalents. Diabolo, for instance,
was known long ago among the Plateau tribes and was
called nsengwa-nsengwa, and Winamwanga boys are very
expert at throwing and catching their rude spools.

To indicate the general character of Plateau sports a
few specimens of Winamwanga games may be given.

The game called Chityatya gives good practice in spear-
throwing, A sohd disc is cut out from the soft putty-
like wood of the chiombo tree, and the players stand facing
each other. One at the head of the rank throws the
chiombo wheel so that it rolls swiftly down the ranks of
the players, and as it passes each player, he swiftly casts
his spear. When all players on one side have made hits,
they dash for their opponents, and put them to flight.

In the game known as Mulambihva, the boys again are
divided into two sides, and kneel in two rows facing each

272 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

other. Each player then places in front of him a tiny
kind of ninepin, about the size of a sparklet bulb, usually
employing the hard conical berries of some tree. At a
signal all throw other berries at the ninepins of their
opponents. As soon as all the men are down on one side,
the vanquished players spring up and take to their heels
to escape a drubbing from their conquerors.

A swinging rope is soon woven from the fibre of maize
stalks and slung between two trees. As the boys swing
they sing quaint songs, such as —

' We are wee bats flitting up and down in the twilight.
Mother Muleya is far away, in our hearts is gameful joy.
In our hearts is gameful joy.'

Another popular game is a kind of mimic warfare, in
which captains are chosen for each side, and bullets of
wood, toy spears, etc., are used as missiles.

The boys and girls play at setting up house together.
Outside the village they build small grass huts, to which
the girls bring grindstones for preparing the meal, which
they cook and serve like grown-up women. At midday
they pretend to retire for the night, barring the doors
like their elders, and sleep until one of them imitates the
morning cockcrow, when they wake again.

Little girls have their own special sports, which they
play by themselves, usually a variety of round games.
One popular form is called the Cattle Kraal. A circle of
girls is formed, who lock their hands together. One, stand-
ing in the centre of the ring, makes a desperate rush, holding
up her hands, trying to break through the fence with the
weight of her body. Wherever the fence is broken the
offender has to take her place in the middle.

In some tribes the little girls play with rude dolls carved
with a truly Egyptian angularity of outline. Among
the Wiwa, when a young girl dies prematurely her doll
is buried with her. After the initiation ceremony all
such dolls are abandoned, though very occasionally one
will find a grown-up woman keeping her doll. For instance,
the wife of a capitao at Fife — a Namwanga woman — carries,

VILLAGE SOCIAL LIFE 273

wherever she goes, a doll which she calls her daughter,
though she has grown daughters of her own.

Hoop-trundling and top-spinning are common pastimes.
There is a form of peg-top wound round with string, but
thrown differently from a schoolboy's peg-top. Four or
five peg-tops are kept going at once by the players, the
object being to throw each top so that it upsets that of
its opponent, the player who clears the ground first being
called the conqueror. Another is a very light form of
teetotum, and is twirled between the fingers and thumb.
As in the Malay Islands, the top spinning the longest wins,
and great skill is shown in spinning them.

Of string tricks and puzzles there is a great variety ;
but unfortunately they are quite indescribable, since
some, which are supposed to be working models, as it were,
of animals or of common objects, like our cat's-cradle, are
extremely intricate. The ball games are those common
to Nyasaland, played by boys and young men, and need no
special description.

Additional Note re Butwa, on page 261.

The late Father Foulon (who worked on Chirui Island for many years)
informed the writer that the instruction given was not wholly immoral, but
designed to impart to the initiate extraordinary powers, such as that of
invisibility at will.

274 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

CHAPTER XVII

VILLAGE CEREMONIES, ARTS, AND INDUSTRIES

Before the advent of the AdminivStration, villages were
larger and the sense of village life and its obligations far
stronger than at the present day. Even now the village
is still, to the native mind, far more of a Uving entity,
corporate and spiritual, than can be realised by any
European. Its site was on sacred ground, hallowed by
the foundation ceremonies, and placed under the protection
of the ancestral and local spirits. Its sanctity must at
all costs be preserved intact. Any extraordinary occur-
rence, such as death, the birth of twins, or of an ill-omened
child, would defile not only the inhabitants, but also the
place itself, and hence we find this purification extended
to inanimate as well as to animate objects. These
ceremonies peculiar to village life are of its essence, and
have a prior claim to our attention before the more mun-
dane description of village arts and industries.

To consider first the foundation rites for a new settle-
ment. Some of these customs for founding a village are
still observed among the hill tribes on the Nyasaland border,
and Headman Namusamba gives the following description
of the Fungwe rite ; —

' The headman tells his head wife to grind fioiir, which is distri-
buted to the village priests (the Simapepo). One of these priests
proceeds to the selected site, and casting the flour on the gromid,
utters the following prayer : " You spirits of this country, this
flour I set down here. If I myself, and the headman may settle
and walk in safety upon this site, then let me find this flour im-
disturhed and mipolluted ; but if it be otherwise, then I shall know
that I may not dwell here in health." Early the next day the
priest will revisit the spot, and, on finding the flour undisturbed, will

VILLAGE CEREMONIES, ARTS, INDUSTRIES 275

rejoice and gather the headman and the people to begin the fence.
The Sima'pepo himself cuts the first stake, and all the others pile
their fence poles upon the spot where the flour was laid. When the
circular trench is completed, the Shin^ganga takes medicine from his
magic horn and moistens the first stake of the fence with it. This
stake is held by the headman and his wife until firmly rammed in,
and all assist to drive in the other fence poles. When the fence
is completed, the priest, the headman, and his wife, standing by
the fence pole last staked, make intercession as follows : " 0 ye
spirits, hold steadfast our fence and our village, and may ye abide
propitious to us all ! " '

Throughout all the Plateau tribes it is necessary to
have the ' foundation horn ' fixed before the village is
inhabited. Among the Lake Wabisa the medicine-man
procures a roan horn and inserts it tip foremost in the
ground, and drives in stakes of the mulunguti and mutaba
trees on either side. The headman thereupon calls the
people together, and says : ' All ye people listen ! if any
man is ill and about to die he must be taken outside ; he
must not die in my village.' It these precautions were
observed, the villagers firmly believed that their headman
would not be killed by his enemies even if his fence was
stormed.

The ceremonies already described, enacted at the birth of
a chinkula child (one whose lower teeth were cut first),
and the rites which take place upon the birth of twins, are
said by the natives themselves to be absolutely necessary
for purifying the village from defilement, and for averting
the Nemesis which would inevitably follow if such portents
were unexpiated.

The Awemba ceremony at the birth of twins has already
been described in the Journal of the African Society (1906),
p. 43, and therefore a description of the Fungwe ceremony
is given as showing some divergence in matters of detail.

Among the Fungwe, as soon as the children are born,
the midwife calls out ' Wuivi, ivuwi,' to proclaim to all
that twins have been delivered. The midwife anoints
herself with oil and commences to dance and sing wdth the
other village women. The father of the twins goes

276 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

straightway to the village doctor and receives from him
medicine which is steeped in water-pots in which all the
village people wash themselves. The medicine-man also
mixes other lustral medicine, called mulombo, in a bowl
of porridge, and gives a portion to each of the villagers
to drink. After a day or two, when the umbihcal cords
have dropped off, the rite (referred to in general terms
in the above-quoted Journal), is performed by the husband
and wife in the presence of the midwife and the elder
village women. Later on in the same morning a pro-
cession, headed by the medicine-man carrying the twins
in a basket, wends its way to the cross-roads outside the
village. The basket containing the twins is placed resting
upon a bed of small stakes, but although spectators may
view afar off, only the fathers of twins and women who
have borne children are allowed to dance around it. There
is much rejoicing, and the women wave about bunches
of green leaves, but insult the father of the twins by vile
curses, and sing obscene songs about the parents. The
twins are then removed from the basket, which is left in
the cross-roads. On return to the village the father of
the twins kills a goat, and mixes the blood with a decoction
made by the village doctor ; with this he sprinkles the feet
of the midwife. In the evening he makes a tour of the
village, sprinkling the blood in front of each door, over
the grain-bins, the pigeon-cots, and the goat-pen, and, lastly,
over the cattle kraal. Unless these rites are performed
the natives say that a bhght would fall on the village.
Those villagers whose huts were not sprinkled would fall
seriously ill and swell up all over, the grain would rot,
and the Uve stock would die. The father of twins himself,
unless he received medicine from the doctor, would as-
suredly die, and, if he refused to complete the ceremonies,
he and his wife would be driven from the village. In
course of time, when the mother gives birth to a single
child, the village doctor brings another medicine and tells
the midwife and husband that they must wash in it, saying
to the husband, ' Now your twinhood is finished, you are
no longer a shimjmndu.^

VILLAGE CEREMONIES, ARTS, INDUSTRIES 277

To turn to some description of an average Plateau
village. In general appearance there is very little to dis-
tinguish one Plateau village from another. The same
circular, grass-roofed huts, the cyhndrical grain-stores,
the neat pigeon-cots, the women pounding grain in
mortars, or grinding flour upon the primitive mills under-
neath the eaves of the huts, the grimy Uttle children
playing by the unswept spaces between the huts — where
slinking curs snarl among the refuse — are all famihar and
somewhat monotonous components of a village scene.

But, taking these components in details, there is con-
siderable divergence among the different tribes. Take
the huts, for instance. The most common type of hut,
that of the Wemba, is constructed with poles bound
together with withes, the interstices being filled in with
mud. The framework of the roof is woven upon the
ground. In the Luangwa Valley the Walambia and the
Watambo make wattled huts of spUt bamboos woven
transversely around the framework of stout poles, so that
the hut looks like some giant basket in the making. The
interstices are filled with a thin layer of mud, but — prob-
ably on account of the heat — the outside wall is not
mudded over, and the verandas are rarely built in. From
fear of marauding tribes the timid Wapakwe on the Nyasa-
land border, until recently, used to build small, squat huts,
snugly ensconced in almost inaccessible crannies and nooks
of the hills. The floors are sunk in the ground, and the
roofs turfed over to render them as inconspicuous as
possible. The Waunga and Wabisa build their huts when
possible upon mounds raised well off the ground, and
strengthen the base to resist the encroaching waters, which,
in the height of the wet season, often creep up almost to
the door hntel. Many of the Waunga have, however,
solved the problem of floods ingeniously by building each
hut in their fishing villages upon a buoyant platform of
reeds, which rises with the water and keeps each home-
stead high and dry. The floors of these floating houses
are mudded firmly, so as to permit of cooking without
burning the reeds underneath.

278 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

There is no need to descant upon the general methods
of hut-building (wall-making, roofing, or mudding), as they
are similar to those in vogue in Nyasaland (fully described
in Miss Werner's book, p. 141-143). Square, rectangular
huts or temhe are found near stations, and where East
Coast influence has made itself felt.

In 1900 the majority of villages were fenced in, but
nowadays it is very rare to see a stockaded village except
where lions are abundant. The Lake Bisa still plant a
cactus-like shrub around many of their villages, which
makes a good fence, and, if broken at any point, will cover
the body of the intruder with its milky sap, which produces
agonising itching and painful swellings.

The following detailed inventory of the goods and chattels
in a typical Winamwanga hut may be of interest, as show-
ing how much may be placed and stored within a small
circular space. As one entered, on the left of the door,
the porridge pot was boiling upon the triangular hearth
made by two cones of ant earth facing the clay hob which
was let into the wall. The hob was littered with odds and
ends, which included small iron tools for drawing out
brass wire. Directly above the hearth was a wooden
rack upon which, as it was the wet season, firewood was
being slowly dried by the smoke, and suspended from the
roof above were maize cobs, black and shiny with soot,
preserved for the next sowing. From the centre pole
which supported the roof a native guitar was suspended.
To the right of the door were four short-forked stakes
driven into the ground upon which, at night, the cross
supports would be laid lengthwise and then covered with
a mattress of split raphia palm unfolded as a bed. At
the head of the bedstead were two pots filled, from time
to time, with beer to propitiate the guardian spirits of the
husband and wife. Near the foot of the bed, perched
upon the three prongs of a stake driven firmly into the
floor, was a nest of woven grass in which a hen was quietly
sitting. Upon pegs projecting from the circular walls
hung a graceful gourd bottle containing scented oil used
by the wife for her toilet, and, close to it, dangled a reed-

JBeginxinc, a .native roof.
This framework is inverted and placed on hut to the left.

Bf7-iiar,i Turner. phot.

IIuT Interior shewim; the ueakth and native pots.

VILLAGE CEREMONIES, ARTS, INDUSTRIES 279

buck horn, full of mysterious medicine — the property of
the husband. Around the segment of the floor, directly
opposite and farthest from the door, were arranged several
water-pots, above which, suspended from pegs, were various
kinds of baskets nested within each other. Behind the
reed door were the husband's bow and arrows hanging
from a peg, while his spear was leaning against the
veranda outside.

The picture drawn by many writers of the men-folk
sitting idly in their villages whiling away the time in ' divine
carelessness,' however true it may be of South Africa, is
hardly applicable to the Plateau. A glance at the table
of agricultural work performed month by month (see
Chapter XVIII.) will show that there is work to be done
throughout the greater part of the year. Moreover, many
tribes have their special industries to pursue.

The Awiwa, for instance, are energetic iron workers, and,
during the dry season, smelting is vigorously carried on.
When looking out of the tent at night in a Wiwa village
the tall, red-hot kilns make an impressive sight, standing
sentinel, as it were, round about the outskirts of the village
with their cylindrical pillars of flame. The Awiwa are not
such skilled iron workers as the Washinga, but as their
method of smelting is that usually adopted upon the Plateau
it is described in preference. A kiln is first mudded by
the side of an ant-hill. Occasionally the iron shale is
dug out of the gneissic rock upon the hills, but, as a rule,
the Awiwa dig into the swampy plain (such as those by the
side of the Katonga river), where, at the depth of about
10 ft., large lumps of hsematite quartz are found among
the gravel. These are hammered into small pieces with
a large iron hammer or mpando. Firewood is then
collected near the kiln and charcoal is burnt. The kiln
(which is a cylindrical structure from 10 to 12 ft. high,
about 6 ft. diameter at the base, tapering to 3 ft. at the
top), is packed from the base with a layer of firewood,
then with charcoal, and then with the broken haematite
lumps until it is full. Fire is then introduced from
one side near the top, and, owing to the shape of the kiln

280 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

and the orifices at the base, a sufficient draught is obtained.
The slag and dross pour out of several earthenware pipes
leading obliquely from the ore itself to the outside of the
kiln, and, finally, the smelted metal drops to the bottom
of the furnace. As soon as the kiln has cooled off, this
cake of metal is loosened and hooked out with tongs and
then handed over to the blacksmith. Among the Washinga
large goat-skin bellows are often used to create a forced
draught.

The Winamwanga blacksmith plies his trade in a small
open hut. Two boy assistants keep blowing two goat-
skin belloAvs, whose bamboo nozzles face each other, to
keep up the small charcoal fire to the requisite heat. When
the mass of iron is red-hot it is placed upon a small stone
anvil, and an elder assistant beats it flat with a huge stone
hammer bound with handles of bark rope. The black-
smith then beats the flattened mass into the form of an
axe or hoe, putting on the finishing touches with a small
iron hammer. Such a blacksmith fundi can forge spears,
knives, hoes, hammers, sickles, arrow-heads, axe-heads,
and fish-hooks. The Shinga blacksmiths show consider-
able skill in the making of knives, and a specimen sent
home to be tested was declared to be of good steel and
well-tempered. Senga jundu are very skilful at mechanical
repairs, and clever at making small castings of broken
parts of machines. A blacksmith who is at Mwenzo can
make new nipples for guns and repair locks, and has even
repaired bicycle frames and forged new parts on being given
the pattern.

The kafula wa nsamho, or bracelet-maker, is in great
request, and he must be supplied with beer and fowls
when working. He will first estimate the number of
bracelets to be made from a coil of brass bought from the
local store, and is then held rigidly to his bargain. This
brass is heated over the forge until it becomes sufficiently
malleable, when it is beaten into strips. The strips are
dipped in oil, drawn to a point at one end, and then pulled
through an iron die with a large slot ; then through dies
with graduated slots, which reduce the wire to the required

VILLAGE CEREMONIES, ARTS, INDUSTRIES 281

fineness. The core of each bracelet is composed of bukonge
{sanseviera fibre), or a wisp of hair around which the wire
is wound. Copper bracelets are also fashionable, and
some years ago Katanga natives used to bring ingots of
copper, cast in the form of Saint Andrew's cross, for the
Shinga blacksmiths to forge into bracelets. Thick brass
wire is usually bought by the coil direct from the store,
then heated and wound into the heavy snake-Hke armlets
by the nsambo-msbker ; but in the outlying districts these
artists can cast the same thick tubes of brass or copper
by running off the molten bars into bamboo moulds.

For the Lake Bisa fishing is the paramount industry.
In Chapter XIII. the various methods of fishing have
been briefly dealt with ; but a few further remarks as to
the customs and superstitions connected with the industry
of fishing may not be out of place. When fish are nar-
cotised with the wuwa poison, the first fish caught is
presented to a pregnant woman immediately, ' so that
many fish may fioat on top of the water.' Nets are usually
woven from the fibre called hiimhive ; when a quantity of
this fibre is prepared, the fisherman gives a beer-party to
induce his fellow-villagers to assist him in net-making.
The method of fishing is as follows : Nets are let down
in a wide circle from canoes around a likely spot. Each
large net is given a name, such as ' the greedy mouth,'
' the tireless eater,' and the names of chiefs or of cliief-
tainesses, such as Mwila, Chanda. If a shoal of fish is
entangled in ' greedy mouth,' for instance, the name of
this net is shouted out, and the canoes flock together to
haul up the weighty net. The first basket of fish taken
must not be eaten, since the fish are placed upon the grave
of the village chief, or else before the ancestral spirit huts,
so as to ensure a good catch. The Wabisa are also expert
at fish-spearing, which is sometimes done at night by
holding a torch over the water. When a good haul of
fish is made, they are dried in the sun and packed in
elhptical, shield-shaped crates, and sold at the nearest
station. Askari and messengers are very fond of these
dried fish, and one of the writers began to take in crates

282 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

at a shilling a time in lieu of hut tax. Unfortunately,
these crates became speedily too lively and demonstrative,
and were on the point of overpowering the station itself,
when the sergeant was drastically ordered to bum and
bury what he sorrowfully called ' good stink-fish.'

For making large canoes the Wabisa search for large
trees in the Luwumbu country, the wood of the mupapa,
mulo7nhwa, saninga, or mwpundu trees being suitable.
When one of the writers ordered a large canoe to be built,
all the villagers engaged for the work camped near Movu,
where a large trunk of mupapa had been located. Several
days were spent in cutting down the tree, whereupon half
of the workers returned to fetch food, leaving the skilled
boat-makers to shape the bows and the stern. In a week
the log was trimmed into a solid boat-shaped block, by
which time all the workers had returned, and began to cut
out the interior. The outlines were marked in charcoal,
and the workers fixed their axe heads flatwise in new handles
so that they could be used as adzes to hollow out the core.
When the inside was sufficiently hollowed out the boat
was turned over, but only skilled workmen were allowed
to shape the outside lines. It took nearly six weeks to
make this large canoe, which was dragged by ropes and
wooden rollers to the nearest v/aterway. Smaller canoes
are hewn out in much the same way, since natives believe
that burning out the core would spoil the wood and weaken
the shell. There was a large canoe on the lake, about
30 ft. long and 8 ft. broad, which was seaworthy and
strong. It was called the Kapopo, after the mythical
monster which was said to have once inhabited the lake.
This monster, according to the story-teller, an old Bisa
man named Chiwawa, used to come out of the lake and
make periodic descents upon villages by night. Its body
was as large as seven oxen, and its neck was long and
sinuous like that of a python. From its head projected
one horn, from underneath which glared a fierce, lidless
eye. When it emerged on land the earth shook, and when
it roared the sound was heard all over the lake. This
blatant beast would make a sudden descent upon a village,

VILLAGE CEREMONIES, ARTS, INDUSTRIES 283

and, inserting its long neck through the narrow doorways,
would peer round and drag out and devour the unfortunate
inmates one by one. It had a special ^penchant for chiefs
and their offspring. When one remembers the veracious
native tales about the famous chibekive, or water rhinoceros,
with three horns, which used to devour the hippopotamus on
Lake Bangweolo, not to mention the Tanganyika sea-serpent,
it is not difficult to account for the origin of such stories
as have appeared recently in papers about the dinosaur,
which (according to those who have relied upon such
native myths) is said to live, move, and have its being in
the vast swamps south of Lake Bangweolo on the river
Lunga !

Last of the major industries which are mainly in the
hands of the men, is that of salt-making. In 1902 the
Assistant Native Commissioner of Mpika Station gave the
following account of the salt-making in his division : —

' The grass is cut in such a manner as to leave a little earth on the
root, and this is tied in small bmidles to dry. When the grass is
quite dry the natives burn the bundles, taldng care only to char
them ; for this purpose they take water into their mouths and blow
it on to the hot ashes — in other words, making the grass into charcoal.
The cinders are then carefully gathered up and taken into the grass
shelters which have been built by the riverside. It is not unusual
for several hundred natives to congregate at Kibwa during the
salt-making season. The women in the meantime have made a
large earthen pot in the shape of an inverted cone, with two orifices
called NshiJco. This vessel is suspended from a post and filled with
the cinders containing the salt. On these cinders is poured a large
quantity of water, which percolates through them, and runs out at
the small holes in the vessel, which are stopped with grass or straw ;
the water thus filtered but charged with salt is caught in a wooden
trough placed to receive it. This salt water is placed in new pots
on the fire, and boiled until the water is evaporated, leaving the salt
at the bottom. To evaporate enough water to make 12 lb. of salt,
the natives are obliged to boil it for thirty-six hours, or, roughly, three
hours for each pound of salt. They generally have from four to
six pots on the fire at the same time. When all the water is eva-
porated they break the pot and place the cake of salt on the fire
to dry thoroughly. According to the trouble taken in filtering
the salt is white or otherwise.

284 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

' Where there are no salt pans, a kind of potash salt is made from
the ashes of certain kinds of reeds and grasses burnt over the fire.'

Having dealt with the main industries allotted to the
men, we may turn to the industries which are the special
province of the women. For the Plateau woman the
principal industry is the preparation of food. The pound-
ing of grain in the mortars, the Avinnowing and subsequent
grinding at the primitive hand-mill, are the inevitable
daily task. The woman must also collect the various
spinach-like grasses used as a relish for the porridge, which
often involves a lengthy search for suitable varieties.
Beer-brewing is, again, in the woman's department. Beer
is made from eleusine, from white millet, maize, and cassava
in the following way : A basket of grain is left in the
stream for two days until it begins to sprout, upon which
it is placed out on mats to dry and is then ground. This
malt is subsequently mixed with gruel made from un-
fermented flour, and this mixture is allowed to stand for
a day or two until the fermentation sets in. The next
morning water is added, and the mixture is boiled, after
which fermentation is allowed to continue for a few days.
The brew is then strained off into beer-pots through a
native sieve, and is then ready for drinking.

From our point of view the staple diet of millet porridge
seems very monotonous, though in the rainy season maize,
pumpkins, beans, and potatoes vary the menu. No set
time for meals is observed, as natives eat when opportunity
offers and as any special relish in the way of meat or
fish becomes available ; but before retiring the evening
meal is a regular institution. The Awemba, Walungu,
Amambwe, and Winamwanga prefer porridge of red millet,
the Wabisa of cassava flour, while the Wasenga use white
millet. As a rehsh, the Bisa mix the oily mushikishi
bean with their porridge. The Waunga and Watwa
gather the seeds of the lotus-lily, dry and pound them into
a Idnd of meal, and subsist also to a great extent on a large
potato-like tuber.

For an able-bodied man at work, two pounds of flour

VILLAGE CEREMONIES, ARTS, INDUSTRIES 285

a day is an ample ration, and this is the recognised allow-
ance for station workers. This ration, however, must be
varied judiciously with beans and other relishes, since
unless natives are allowed their usual diet of green food as
well as meal they are extremely liable to scurvy, and to
this cause, doubtless, must be attributed the numerous
cases of this malady which occurred among North-Eastem
Rhodesia natives when working in the mines.

A few customs in eating may be noticed. Chiefs eat by
themselves at a special fire. Wemba guests take lumps
of porridge haphazard from the basket, while the host
divides any relish available. Among the Winamwanga,
however, it is customary for the host to taste the mess of
pottage first, it is said, to show that no obnoxious thing
or poison has been put with it. Each man after rolling
his lump of porridge into a ball makes a dent in it -with.
his thumb, and then uses it as a dipper to catch the gravy
from the relish bowl. Before and after each meal it is
customary to wash the hands. There seem to be but
few instances of perverted tastes or of morbid longings
for noxious food. The disease of safura, or dirt-eating,
mentioned by Livingstone, is rare among the Plateau
tribes. Wiwa women, when pregnant, eat a special red
earth obtained from ant-hills, which is said to ensure a
speedy delivery, and some of them continue this habit after
childbirth.

To the Central African the hearth and its fire are sacred.
For instance, if any serious disease breaks out, the head-
man will call upon the medicine-man to place medicine
at the cross-roads, the village fires are then raked out, and
the smouldering embers thrown upon the bowl of medicine
at the cross-roads. All shout aloud and make as much
din as possible, while the medicine-man departs alone to
produce a new flame with his fire-stick, from which all
fires are rekindled. Again, a woman after intercourse
with her husband may not approach the fire or cook until
she has washed after the prescribed fashion, nor may
she draw near during menstruation (cp. Chapter VI.) ;
only after this is finished may she draw near and white-

286 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

wash the hearth, and kindle a new fire from embers taken
from a neighbouring hut. As has already been noted
elsewhere, when a death occurs, all fires are extinguished,
and a new fire for the village ceremoniously kindled.
Whatever may be the real reason for these rites ,^ it would
seem as if there was some idea of preserving the hearth and
its fire as pure from contagion and taint as possible. When
a thunderbolt falls, for instance, the chief kindles a new
fire from it, and dispenses the embers, ordering his people to
quench their old fires and use this fresh fiame sent from God.

The minor industries which have some claim to be
termed Arts in vogue among the Plateau tribes comprise :
pottery, bark-cloth making, basket-making, cloth-dyeing,
wood-carving, and the preparation of skins and decorative
leather work.

Pottery is the special province of women. The Wemba
woman shown in the photograph used as her only imple-
ments a lump of clay, a maize cob, a black powder formed
from an old potsherd ground down, a piece of broken
gourd, and a shell. After moistening the clay and kneading
it, gradually mixing in the powder to give strength to
the clay, she first fashioned the circular sides of the pot,
leaving the bottom open. After carefully edging the upper
rim with the shell, she turned over the pot, and with the
maize cob the sides were skilfully worked inwards to the
centre, until the rounded base was completed. By way
of ornament a girdle of herring-bone marks was quickly
pricked round the middle of the pot with the sharp-pointed
gourd shell. The next day the pot, now quite dry, was
burnt by heaping brushwood all round it, while the woman
kept carefully turning it with two charred sticks used as
tongs.

Bark-cloth is made by men only, and until recently it
was the duty of every suitor to make such clothes for his
betrothed as part of the dowry.

^ Father Toriend, in the preface to his Comparative Orammar, thinks it
possible that fire-worship may have penetrated from the Persian Colonies
on the East Coast into the interior, instancing the Barotse as fire-
worshippers.

Kernayd Turucr. flwt.

Cotton spin x inc.

6'. S/o/ces, fhol.

Pot making.

Ba-iiard Tufncy. phot.

Cloth weaving in Lungu Vii.la(;e.

VILLAGE CEREMONIES, ARTS, INDUSTRIES 287

The best trees for bark-cloth are the mitawa, muombo,
and ngalati, since they are washable, whereas cloth made
from the bark of the ching^anse or the misoko trees will
fall to pieces if wetted in a heavy shower. A bark-cloth
weaver goes into the forest and cuts samples from the
bark of various trees until he finds a strong but pliant rind.
He then fells the chosen tree, and by shtting it lengthwise,
and, after knocking off the outer bark, skilfully peels off
the inner rind intact. These strips of inner bark are
placed in the sun to dry, or sometimes upon the rack above
the hearth to be cured by the smoke. When he wants
to make a cloth, he steeps the strips of bark in the river
overnight, then scrapes the outside with a knife, after
which he beats out the bark with a hard wood mallet
scored with criss-cross Unes. By this means the bark is
teazed and hammered out to an even thickness all over.
The cloth varies from a Ught tan colour to a pretty shade
of grey, and is frequently oiled and coloured with camwood,
and decorated with fibre thread from the chieni or the
usamba tree.

Several dyes are known. Natives dye cahco black by
crushing the berries of the musangati tree, and steeping
the cloth in the juice mixed with a coal-black swamp mud.
If the musangati berry is used by itself, a dark blue colour
is obtained. The roots of the kaminda or of the makashi
shrub are also used as black dyes. A red dye is obtained
from the leaves of the usishi tree, or else by boiling the
cloth with camwood ; while to obtain a kliaki dye the
bark of the muwawa and namuenshi trees is employed.

The Wabisa are expert at tanning and decorating skins.
Lechwe skins are moistened and then rubbed down with
a kind of pumice-stone ; they are then dressed with oil,
and a lozenge-shaped pattern is pricked with a needle
upon the inside of the skin.

All leather-work, such as the making of belts, pouches,
and of goat-skin bags, is the work of the men. Cord-making
from the coarsest rope to thin twine for hunting or for
fishing-nets, and even the sewing and patching of their
wives' clothes, is the work of the men.

288 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

The weaving of baskets and mats from split bamboo,
reeds, and osiers calls for no detailed account, as it is the
same as that in vogue in Nyasaland, which has been
described by many writers. The four kinds of basket in
common use are : the mtanga, woven by the Wasenga,
used as a reaping basket for maize, and for keeping calico
and odds and ends inside the hut ; the museke, made with
reeds, is used for carrying grain and provisions on
ulendo ; the lupi, a broad, shallow basket woven from
reeds or from osiers and used for winnowing grain ; while
last of all is the chi/pe, a small, flat basket used as a plate
for porridge.

One has only to attempt to make a good collection of
curios to realise how hopelessly inartistic are our Plateau
natives. The only objects of any pretence to decorative
art are the snuff-boxes, the ornamented bark-cloth boxes,
and the pottery, and even these are insignificant and crude
when compared with the Luban work across the Congo
border. It is obvious that races who have at the most
only three or four adjectives for designating colour are
somewhat deficient in artistic sense. It is true that bush-
man paintings have been discovered on the southern
fringe of our sphere near Serenje, but so far, except for
the grotesque wall-paintings made by the midwives at
the chisungu ceremony (as described in a previous chapter)
no other specimens of native painting are extant. Occa-
sionally a boy will show a distinct skill in clay-modelling
of animals, but this gift seems to be rare. Indeed, the
various crafts of the native artist are now moribund. Idol-
making was once a fine art, and there was a famous
one-legged artist on Chirui Island who could carve lay-
figures most skilfully, but he is now dead, and with him
has perished his art. About ten years ago there were a
good many ivory workers who did a fair trade in turning
ivory bracelets and rings with their bow-string lathes,
but since, nowadays, the bulk of the ivory is exported,
they have disappeared.

The cheapness of calico and of fancy clothes has almost
killed the cloth-weaving industry still practised by the

Bernarti Tttrn€r, phot.

Native artist decorating bark boxes.

J^ft**^

^'SLi*'

Mat.making. Mui.uxgwaxa woman WEAVIX

Bernard Turner, pht
G PRAYER MATS.

VILLAGE CEREMONIES, ARTS, INDUSTRIES 289

Walungu and other tribes on the Loangwa Valley. The
loom is similar to that in use in Nyasaland. A spindle
whorl is used for spinning the thread from the raw cotton.

In bartering the produce of these various industries a
fair amount of inter-native trade is done. The Washinga
carry on a good trade in ironwork, bartering spear-heads,
fish-hooks, axes, and hoes with the Wabisa in return for
dried fish nets, mats, and baskets. In a Native Com-
missioner's Report, dated 1902, it was shown how the
Wanyamwezi trader would tour round the country, and,
by continual exchanges, finally procure a good profit. He
would buy three pounds of Senga tobacco for half a yard
of calico, and then sell this tobacco in the Wemba country
for two yards. With this two yards of calico fifteen pounds
of salt would next be bought in the Mpika division, and
the salt would buy at least three sheep in the vicinity of
Ft. Hill. These sheep in their turn would eventually be
sold for three shillings each to Europeans at Karonga or
Fife. Assuming that a man started with a load of sixty
pounds of tobacco, it is obvious that a handsome profit
was made.

The Awemba seem to have no special inclination for
trading, since they buy all they want at the local European
store.

Owing to the Sleeping Sickness Regulations, the native
trade which existed until recently between the Wanyika
of Central East Africa and the Winamwanga and Awiwa —
the former trading tobacco, salt, and other wares for the
bark-cloth, hoes, and sheep of the latter — is closed down for
the present.

About nine years ago a full-grown bull could be pur-
chased for from 10 to 15 lb. of salt, a full-grown
cow for from 20 to 25 lb., but nowadays, owing
to competition of European buyers for the southern
markets, prices have risen considerably, and the price of
cows among natives ranges from £2 to £3 a head. The
Awiwa are willing to exchange tw^o young bulls with farmers
going south in return for a heifer, but are very averse to
parting with their female stock. The mine-boy repatriates

290 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

are now most anxious to invest their deferred pay in
cattle, and as they possess a considerable sum of money
(from £1500 to £2000 being paid yearly in many divisions),
inter-native trade, especially in cattle, has received a
welcome impetus and is gradually improving all round.

NATIVE HUSBANDRY 291

CHAPTER XVIII

NATIVE HUSBANDRY

Our Plateau native is first and foremost an agricultur-
ist. His pastoral instincts are dormant and undeveloped.
The dominant Awemba possess merely a few hundred
head of cattle which, owing to the presence of the tsetse
fly over the greater portion of the Wemba country, increase
but slowly. Even tribes, such as the Winamwanga and
Mambwe, who can boast of a few thousand head of cattle,
exhibit none of the pastoral skill and aptitude for cattle-
raising which distinguish their Nyasaland neighbours.

The making of gardens and agricultural work is of para-
mount importance. When a native has any definite
garden work to do, such as tree-cutting or fencing, it is
extremely difficult to make him realise any other obliga-
tions, such as that of working for his tax or the necessities
of transport. For the most important thing in life from
the native standpoint, namely, the acquisition of wives,
can be only achieved by the cutting and gardening efforts
of the suitors. Time itself is reckoned by a kind of rough
farmers' calendar, inasmuch as the very names of the
months are given according to the state of the weather,
of the food supply, and of the garden work done in each.
Indeed, among some tribes agriculture is of such supreme
importance that in order to remove any hindrance to
its pursuit the natives have been known to resort to human
sacrifices.

To avert a drought the following rites are described by
Dr. Chisholm as having taken place among the Winam-
wanga : —

' The head chief sends special messengers {mavyondo)igo, from
Jcuvyondmgola — to twist the neck) to capture persons — men, women,

292 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

or youths to be sacrificed to the spirits of the chief. In the Winam-
wanga tribe they may want three or four. They prefer persons
of the family of the priesthood, or those with a large umbiUcal
hernia, or those who have had twins, also twins themselves, or
those who have a squint, mothers (naJcatote) who have borne only
one child, or pregnant women. These are taken to the shrines
and are killed in a special manner by these special messengers.
They are known to be killed by twisting of the neck, and are never
seen again, but what is really done with the bodies is kept very
secret.'

Nowadays the spirits of the Winamwanga chiefs have
to be content with meaner ofiferings, such as sheep and
pots of beer, which are taken to their shrines with much
pomp and beating of drums.

Among the Senga a woman was sometimes sacrificed
to cause rain. Among the Wemba, in case of drought,
the Shing''anga was summoned to divine the cause. If
the spirits of the chiefs buried at MwaruU were responsible,
a bull was sent to Simwaruli for sacrifice, and — by way
of a douceur — a slave woman as well. When the drought
was acute, a human victim would be conveyed to Mwaruli,
and the high priest would keep him caged in a stoutly
woven fish-basket, until his preparations for the sacrifice
were made.

Before going into details of sowing and reaping and
their attendant rites, it is necessary to give in brief out-
line a summary of the garden work throughout the year.
The natives divide the year into two parts — the work of
the dry season (June to October), tree-cutting and pre-
paration of gardens, and the work of the wet season
(November to May), sowing and harvesting.

Work of the Dry Season

June. — Men begin cutting trees for the new gardens.
Grain stores are completed for the previous harvest, and
the women are engaged in harvesting, threshing, and
storing of grain.

July. — Cutting of gardens is continued.

NATIVE HUSBANDRY 293

August. — More cutting and heaping of branches in layers
upon the garden patches.

September. — Scuffling over the male gardens reaped in
June, for planting with a second crop. During August and
September very little work used to be done, but there is a
growing tendency to cut later every year.

October. — After the first shower has fallen the circular
gardens of heaped-up branches are fired. If the rain sets
in by the end of October, early crops of male and masaka
(red and white millet) are sown.

The Work of the Wet Season

November. — After the first rains vegetable marrows,
pumpkins, and cucumbers are planted.

December. — Monkey nuts and many varieties of beans
are sown, and more marrows, pumpkins, and maize —
usually in the gardens which have borne the staple crop
of male in the previous year.

January. — The first early crop of inale is reaped. A
dwarfish species of male, called chifwifwi, is sown in the
old gardens. The larger kinds of male are then planted
in virgin soil as the main crop. January is the month
of hunger, when many have to subsist upon wild fruits
and roots. Those who are hungry will carefully fence
their pumpkins and marrows and the edible grass called
luwanga, upon which they exist, reserving the hard labour
of fencing the male crop until February, when food is more
plentiful and, as they say, ' their bodies come back to
them.'

February and March. — Maize is reaped. More beds are
hoed for the planting of potatoes and other tuberous roots.
Fencing of the male crop is begun.

April. — Early crops of male are reaped. The gardens
are kept clear of weeds and guarded against the depreda-
tions of game.

May. — The reaping and storing of the male begins, and
is continued until June.

This finishes the work of the wet season.

294 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

The ceremonies at sowing and reaping vary considerably
among the different tribes, so only a few examples can
be given. Among the Wiwa the chief, Kafwimbi, collects
together men from the outlying villages to help him with
his sowing. Early in the morning all go out to sow,
beginning at the gardens of Kafwimbi 's head wife. When
the baskets of seed are distributed to all, mothers throw
a handful of sand into the tiny sowing-baskets issued to
the children, warning them that they must on no account
eat any of the first seed dispensed from the granaries of
the chief. It is firmly believed that greedy children will
sweU up and die if they eat instead of sowing the grain of
the chief.

Wemba, when sowing millet, deposit in their large sowing-
baskets little balls of medicine composed by kneading
together the pulp of the roots of various trees, so that the
seed may yield a plenteous return. Men, women, and
children sow together, dipping their small baskets into the
large panniers set in the middle of the garden. Forked
sticks are used as rakes to furroAv the ground for the
scattered seed. When monkey nuts are planted, special
charms are placed in the seed baskets. A tortoise shell,
they say, gives the nuts a hard and stout rind which resists
boring insects. A fat grasshopper, dried, pounded, and
smeared over the seeds, causes the ground nuts to grow
as fat and lusty as itself !

Harvesting and partaking of the first-fruits are accom-
panied by elaborate ceremonial among Central African
tribes.

Among the Yombe no one is allowed to partake of the
first-fruits until the ceremonies are completed. Escorted
by a band of drummers, his medicine-men, and the village
elders, Chief Njera ascends in state the Kalanga Mountain,
until he reaches the hollow fastness held by his forefathers
in bygone days against the marauding Angoni, and the
spot where the body of his grandfather lay buried. Before
the tomb of the departed chief a bull is slain, and pots of
freshly made beer and porridge made from the first-fruits
are deposited before the shrine. The ground is then

NATIVE HUSBANDRY 295

carefully cleaned of weeds, and the blood sprinkled on the
freshly turned-up soil and on the rafters of the little hut.
After offering the customary prayers in thanksgiving for
the harvest and beseeching the spirits to partake with
them of the first-fruits, the procession Avithdraws. On
return to the village the carcass is divided, all partake
of the fresh porridge and beer awaiting them, and the
day closes with beer-drinking and dancing.

Kafwimbi, the Wiwa chief, is tabooed from eating the
first-fruits, and can only use porridge made from grain of
the previous harvest. In his courtyard at the present
day are huge grain-stores, in which the grain from each
harvest is kept separate. Whenever a new granary is
opened, a sheep is killed and the blood sprinkled round
the grain-store, after which its contents can be cooked
and eaten by the chief and his family in safety. The
reason for this taboo is that the chief is the seed-giver to
the tribe, and is debarred from partaking of the fruits of
one harvest till the success of another is assured, ' so that
the seed may never be lost in the land,' Indeed, the pre-
servation of seed for the next sowing is no easy matter
for natives, owing to the ravages of the rats, which swarm
in every village, and of the borers, weevils, and other insects,
which soon infest the grain-bins. Thus the finest maize
cobs are selected, and either hung up to dry from the top-
most boughs of the village trees or else placed within the
hut on a shelf over the fire to be dried and preserved by
the constant smoke.

Of the two main systems of preparing the soil the
most prevalent upon the Plateau is that which is known
as the vitemene system — of pollarding the trees, burning
the branches, and manuring the soil \sdth the resultant
ash. The subsidiary sj^stem — simple hoeing of raised
beds — calls for no particular comment, and is customary
mainly among the Lake Bisa and other tribes living on
the banks of the larger rivers, for whom cassava forms
the staple food. The vitemene system, however, being a
peculiarly native method of cultivation and mainly confined
to Tropical Africa, deserves more explicit explanation.

296 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

To make each garden — which is a circular patch of
about fifty yards in diameter — the follomng procedure
is adopted : The trees within a radius of from one to two
hundred yards from the selected spot are all pollarded,
after which the branches are dragged to the chosen site
and heaped up to the height of two and even three feet.
When thoroughly dried in a month or two, this mass of
heaped-up branches is fired, and the potash in the ashes
makes a good fertiliser. Certain tribes — such as the Bisa
of the mainland — are even more destructive of forest areas ;
not being contented with mere pollarding, they fell the
trees over a large area, dragging the logs to build a pyre
over each chosen garden site. The Lake Bisa, however,
owing to the dearth of trees on the islands, migrate
about July to the southern swamps towards the Waunga
country, and make their gardens by cutting down and
heaping up reeds which are fired when dry. Such male
gardens are cultivated chiefly for brewing beer, as cassava
flour is mainly used for porridge.

In a large village all the people of one chitente or
quarter go out together to select sites for their yearly
tree-cutting. Choosing spots where the trees are thickest,
and where, consequently, the work of dragging branches
will be least arduous, each head of a family cuts down a
few branches to bespeak the soil and to show the limits
of his tree-cutting. For the first day of actual work
each man goes out alone to his own site, and after pollard-
ing aU day rests the next, saying, ' Let my spirits, if
they like the site, have a day to cut there too.' The
following day, if no bad omens are encountered at the
garden or on the way, he cuts without ceasing every day
until the work is finished. If on cutting dowTi a tree
he finds the nest of a large bee with a white mark round
the neck (called chipashi), it is a very bad omen, and if
he persists in tilling the spot he will surely die. Great
care is taken to avoid cutting close to the garden of any
villager who is suspected of witchcraft. Such a wizard
is popularly supposed to dispatch every night during the
harvesting season his servants, the owl and the crow, to

Pei-n.ird Tuyiifr, fhot.

•' CmiEMENE ■■ CUXriNG.

Hubert Sham-, phot.
A "ChITEMENE" l.AKDEN SHOWING DESTRUCTION OF TREES.

NATIVE HUSBANDRY 297

all gardens close to his own. They pluck the ripe bunches
of millet, flying the whole night long to and fro, bearing
grain to the wizard's store. Wliile this aerial harvesting
is in process, the Avizard is described as sitting at ease by
his grain-bin, rating each bird soundly if it delays or flies
with too light a load. Nor can it complain of overtime, as
the wizard has previously taken the precaution of cutting
out its tongue !

Among some tribes a tree-cutting ' bee ' is held. A
villager whose garden is too large for him to go out unaided
sets his wife to brew a large supply of beer. When the
beer is nearly ready he calls upon all his neighbours to
help him. All leave the village at dawn and keep cutting
vigorously until late in the afternoon. By then, as a rule,
the beer-pots are requisitioned for the thirsty workers, and
the work begins anew. Many a worker, in drunken
irritation at the mocking jeers of his comrades, will
vahantly venture on the topmost boughs to show that he
can still lop branches with the best of them — frequently,
alas ! to fall with a crash upon some jagged tree-stump,
whereupon the pitiful moaning of his relatives will succeed
the joy of the revellers with tragic swiftness. Such
accidents are by no means infrequent, and many of the
crippled folk met with by Native Commissioners in their
district rounds ascribe their deformity to this cause.

This custom of collective tree-cutting provokes many
quarrels. Even a cautious host, who has kept the beer
in his house until the work is done, will frequently run
in hastily to the homa to complain that his intoxicated
guests have broken each others' heads and even burnt
down his hut in a drunken quarrel.

Tree-cutting is left to the men, the women's work being
to collect and pack the branches in layers over the circular
plot. If the soil is ' hard and strong ' the branches may
be piled up to the height of three feet ; but care must be
taken, as, if branches are heaped too high upon a hghter or
more sandy soil, the natives say the strength of the soil will
be burnt away, and the millet will dry up ere it is half-
grown.

298 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

The burning of these heaped-up gardens begins about
October. Each man must give due notice before firing
his gardens, so that the neighbours may prevent the
flames from spreading to their own unprepared plots.
At sunset each man runs around his garden with a rude
grass torch and sets it aflame. Using boughs as a flail, he
beats out the flames in the surrounding grass, since to
spread fire and to cause the destruction of a neighbour's
garden was one of the most serious offences at native law.
A short time ago in the Fife division an elderly man was
so distressed at having destroyed another's garden by
accident that, having no means to recompense the
sufferer, it preyed upon his mind and he committed
suicide. In such cases the grain-bins of the offender
would be forfeited by the chief making them taboo. If
the gardens of a chief were destroyed by flre spread-
ing from a neighbouring village, it was in the old
days a just and sufficient cause for an instant raid in
reprisal.

The virgin soil thus prepared by burning is sown with
male for the first year ; white millet succeeds it as the
second crop, while ground nuts and beans are planted in
the third year. With this rotation of crops the goodness
of the soil is finally exhausted.

To give some idea of the diversity of food-stuffs culti-
vated, the following table is given of the main varieties
and their names in Chiwemba : —

Cereal Grains and other Crops

Eleusine, called male {Eleusine coracana), a dwarf
species of millet, is the staple crop. There are eight
varieties of this millet known to the Winamwanga.

Dhura {Sorghum vulgar e). — This is the dhura of Northern
Africa, called (in the south) Kafir corn, which grows in
bunches on a stalk ten to twelve feet high, much like
maize. There are many varieties among the Plateau
tribes.

Millet {Pennisetum tyjyhoideum). — The white variety

NATIVE HUSBANDRY 299

(masaka) is mainly cultivated by the Wemba. The red
variety (kanchewere) is popular among the Asenga.

Maize (Nyanji). — There are five or six varieties of
maize seed, but they are all inferior to the best South
African or American species.

Bice. — The natives say that they cultivated the red
variety of rice long before the Arabs introduced the superior
white seed.

Beans and peas. — The common French bean and seven
other varieties of beans are cultivated. Of these the
nkamha (a large bean growing on a tall shrub) and the
nkalanga (a ground bean which buries its seed as ground
nuts do) are excellent vegetables. The native peas are
sturdier than the common English variety and more suited
to the soil, growing without the support of sticks.

Marroivs, pumpkins, melons, and gourds. — Red and
white varieties of pumpkin are common all over the
Plateau. There are various kinds of vegetable marrows,
three species of cucumber — which are coarser and thicker
than the English variety — and two kinds of water-melon.

Cassava. — There are two species — the poisonous {mana-
ngive), which has to be steeped before use, and the non-
poisonous (nkaka).

Botatoes. — Of sweet potatoes there are two varieties —
the red and the white. Of another long tuberous root
(called mumhu, and very like Livingstone's potato) there
are four kinds. Mumhu are rather watery when boiled,
but fried in chips make an excellent vegetable.

Monkey nuts. — The smaller variety {Arachis hypogaia),
is mainly grown, but the larger species is occasionally
found. The White Fathers make a splendid cooking oil
from this nut. Natives boil or fry them as a vegetable
and squeeze out the oil, which is used for various purposes.
The castor-oil plant is common all over the Plateau, the
oil being mainly used mixed with fragrant seeds for anoint-
ing the body and for dressing bark-cloth. Besides the
above food-stuffs, special foods are grown in certain dis-
tricts. For instance, the Wasenga grow arrowroot, sugar
cane, and papaws, all of which were probably introduced

300 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

by the Arabs. The Lake Bisa grow quantities of bananas
and mushikishi beans.

In reviewing the above list it must be borne in mind
that for the generaUty of the Plateau tribes there is only
one staple crop — namely, of red millet. The other grains —
maize, beans, tuberous roots, and the like — are considered
as quite subsidiary, and are sparsely cultivated. The
Wabisa of the Lake have their fields of cassava to fall
back upon in times of scarcity of food. But on the Plateau
proper any failure of the male crop is a serious affair,
since the Awemba have but meagre subsidiary crops to
fall back upon, and hence the hunger stage is soon reached,
being most acute from the months of December to January.
Most Native Commissioners recognise this fact, and make
strenuous efforts to induce natives to plant cassava. For-
tunately at this season many wild fruits are ripe, and wild
plums, figs, wild oranges, custard apples, and wild dates
abound. In the Fife division alone a collection of no less
than twenty-two different species of edible wild fruits
was made. On asking the Winamwanga headmen on
what they mainly subsisted when short of food at the
beginning of the year, they brought in eleven varieties of
roots of wild plants and nine specimens of leaves of various
plants, which are boiled and eaten, mashed, like spinach.

In the hunger season, again, locusts, caterpillars, and
many other insects form part of the menu ; traps are set
for the smaller animals, duiker drives are organised, and
pits, though prohibited, are doubtless still made for the
larger buck and antelopes. Towards the end of the year
1907 there was a great scarcity of food in the Wemba
district.

Fortunately the Plateau has of late years been very free
from swarms of locusts ; but in certain restricted localities
where game is abundant the crops are exposed to their
depredations at harvest-time, and official reports testify
to the damage done by elephant, eland, and the larger
buck and antelope. In the West Awemba division, one
of the authors saw a village wrecked by elephants, who
had taken possession and had put the villagers to flight

NATIVE HUSBANDRY 301

the previous night. The grain -stores had been pulled
down, and grain had been scattered and trampled under
foot in all directions. The irreparable damage which can
be done to crops in a single night in spots frequented by
elephant, eland, or roan is one of the strongest native
arguments in favour of the mitanda system (of garden
huts). For obviously, since the gardens must perforce be
guarded at night, some shelter on the spot, as a protection
from wild beasts, is necessary. Hence, though mitanda are
strictly forbidden, most Native Commissioners wink at
rough grass shelters {tide) being erected while the crops are
ripening, on condition that they are destroyed after the
harvest. Where elephants are plentiful, quaint watch-towers
are built on stout poles, overhanging the gardens like the
huge nest of some antediluvian bird. However, with stout
fences flanked by game-pits (which we have already
described in a previous chapter), the gardens are fairly
secure against all game except elephants.

Among the beds of cassava, ground-nuts, and sweet
potatoes, wild pigs do no small damage. As a protection
the Amambwe dig shallow pits and throw up small mounds
around such plots, which, however ridiculous they may
appear as a barrier, seem to scare away the pigs, who,
perhaps, suspect traps on such uneven ground.

Native garden tools are of the simplest description.
The small axe with the narrow cutting head, and the
common Central African hoe, are familiar enough and have
been described and photographed in nearly every book
of Central African travel. These two implements serve
every ordinary garden purpose, though among some
tribes a sickle-shaped knife inset into a long handle is used
for clearing weeds and brushwood from the gardens.

Such is a short outline of native agricultural methods,
of the principal food-stuffs, and of the problem of famine
due to shortage of rainfall and the ravages of game.

The chief problem is that of the deforestation of the
country owing to the present wasteful system of tree-
cutting. As fresh forest land is cut do\^Ti each year for
the staple crop, the forest areas are being slowly con-

302 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

verted into straggling scrub and stunted trees. This
problem has so far been found extremely difficult of solution.
In 1906 to 1907 attempts were made to induce the natives
to abandon the tree-cutting system, but were met with
such passive opposition and dissatisfaction that they
were abandoned. Although one Native Commissioner
showed by practical experiment how well male could
be cultivated by merely hoeing the soil, the natives were
unconvinced, attributing the success of the crop merely
to the white man's magic. Even when one pointed to the
splendid crops of wheat, vegetables, and other food-stuffs
grown by the White Fathers at their stations throughout
the year by a simple system of irrigation, they would
only say, ' That is all very well for white men. But
is not each male child born for the axe and each female
child for the hoe ' (referring to the formula at the birth
of each child). ' How can we hoe the ground like
women ? ' ' How again can we find wives if we do not
cut trees for our fathers-in-law as in the olden time ? '
Nor were the independent Wemba women slow to oppose
most vigorously any system which would throw the bulk
of the garden work — namely, hoeing, which the men refuse
to do — upon their own shoulders.

Besides the tree-cutting, the present system of late
burning of the bush is most destructive to the young trees.
Mr. Neave, in a paper published in the Journal of the
Geographical Society (February 1910), p. 137, states that
among Wemba and other tribes this burning frequently
does not take place until the trees have assumed the
foliage of the following year. Hence, on the Plateau at
least, it would seem most advisable if such burning as is
necessary should be made earher, and restricted to definite
months as in many parts of South Africa.

Again, far more forest areas are denuded of trees by
natives each year than are necessary for their actual food
supply. A Magistrate of long experience has estimated
that, at least, half of the produce of gardens thus wa te-
fully cut is squandered in beer-drinking.

At present the path to improved methods is blocked

NATIVE HUSBANDRY 303

by the blind prejudice and crass conservatism with which
the Plateau tribes — like most ' nature peoples ' — cling
to their crude and antique methods of soil culture. It
must in fairness be admitted that many of the plains,
especially in the Wemba country, are what is known as
sour soil, and therefore out of the question for raising
crops. But it is curious that the good soil on the banks
of the streams is not more used for the sowing of the staple
crop.

For instance, the European gardens, maintained with a
little irrigation throughout the year by the side of streams
at every white settlement, show what different kinds of
food-stuffs can be grown successfully on river-bank soil.
Considering that such fertile soil is available in abundance
— for a population which in North-Eastem Rhodesia does
not exceed two to the square mile — it is all the greater
pity that deforestation still continues. Warnings as to
final penalties of unchecked deforestation are writ large
in the majority of agricultural reports upon Tropical
Africa, and there can be no question but that the denuda-
tion of the forest areas leads to deterioration of the climate
and ultimately to the impoverishment of the country.
In the neighbouring territory of Nyasaland, the Director
of Agriculture, in his Report for the year ending 31st March
1910, remarks that already — owing to the previous de-
forestation by natives — the supply of firewood and timber
in the vicinity of the larger European settlements is be-
coming a serious question. On the Plateau, fortunately
at present, owing to the scanty white population and the
absence of mining or other timber-consuming industries,
the problem does not call for immediate treatment. But
in years to come, as the population increases (with that
singular fecundity which distinguishes the Bantu races
under British rule) and white settlers arrive, the problem
will call for serious attention. It is to be hoped, however,
that by gradually fostering the cultivation of rice and of
cassava, the natives will, in time, become alive to the
easiness with which these foods are gro^\^l, and slowly
substitute them for their more uncertain crops of millet,

304 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

just as certain tribes upon Lake Nyasa have abandoned
to a great extent their primitive foods, and now rely upon
their crops of rice, which was first introduced by the Arabs
and encouraged by the Nyasaland Government.

Doubtless, too, when the necessity becomes more acute,
a Forestry Department will be established, which, by
afforestation and by encouragement of tilling as against
tree-cutting, will gradually eliminate obsolete native systems,
and — at least among the younger generation — finally reduce
their primitive prejudices to a vanishing point.

To turn to the pastoral side of native life. Sir Harry
Johnston gives an admirable description of the origin of
Central African cattle, so nothing need be said on this
head. On the Plateau the humped and shorthorn breed
of cattle are the most common, although occasionally one
finds to the south of the North Loungwa district long-
horned, straight-backed cattle of the Cape type, which
probably have been traded from the Angoni. The native
cattle on the Plateau are, as a rule, of small size. The
important fact from the point of view of the European
farmer is that, with the exception, of course, of sickness
caused by the tsetse fly, the native cattle are remarkably
free from the many cattle diseases prevalent in South
Africa. Thus in the Fort Jameson district a few imported
head of cattle died from red water — a disease from which
the local cattle are apparently immune, as it did not
spread. In some seasons there are local outbreaks of
stiff-sickness or three-days' sickness — a disease which, as
a rule, passes off without any subsequent ill-effects, and
which is the cause of only a small mortality. Many of the
broken remnants of tribes in the Fife division have con-
siderable skill in tending cattle and knowledge of cattle
medicines. Accordingly, when the Awemba raided as far
as the Songwe river, they spared the lives of the Wenya
and Wandia herdsmen to look after all captured stock.
The Wawenya show considerable skill in delivering cows in
calf. After the calf is born the roots of the chiloke plant
are mixed with saltish earth, which is much sought after
by game, and is obtained from certain ant-heaps. With

Native Grain Bin.

Gibson Hall, phot.

Bernard Turner, phot.

Herding goats in village by day.

NATIVE HUSBANDRY 305

this mixture the cow is massaged from horns to tail, and
finally the udders are bathed. This treatment, they say,
soothes the cow and causes it to give milk immediately.
The Wenya cattle kraals are long rectangular buildings
of strong poles, the interstices being usually plastered
with mud. The roof and rafters are stoutly woven and
thickly grassed, thorn bushes being thrown on top, since
lions attack these kraals from above. Wenya cattle are
taken out very late to grass ; the natives say that this is
not mere indolence on the herd-boy's part, but because
the heavy morning dew is most dangerous for all beasts.
As a rule cattle are herded by young boys close to the
village, and very rarely are they taken far afield or is
pasture specially burnt for them. When the grass is dried
up and the pasture near the village is exhausted, cattle
are driven into the old cassava gardens and mealie patches,
where they browse on the dried mealie stalks and on cassava
leaves. The women of the Wenya tribe may on no
account milk the cattle or touch the udder — a superstition
found also among the Wankonde and the Zulu. The old
men say that since the sotola rinderpest in 1894 they have
had no outbreak of epidemic disease among their stock.
Scab occasionally appears, but is soon cured. The leaves
of the samhwe shrub are pounded in a mortar into a greenish
pulp, which is rubbed into the sores, a portion being diluted
with water and given to the affected cattle to drink. Small
black frogs are occasionally swallowed by cattle, and to
get rid of these the Wawenya drench the beast with copious
draughts of charcoal and water. When a newly-born calf
refuses to take the udder, biting ants or cockroaches are
rubbed upon its gums, so as to irritate them and cause the
calf to suck. If a cow has twin calves the owner must
hand over both to the chief.

The Nyika tribe — of which a small number inhabit the
Fife division — are renowned for their pastoral aptitude
and skill in cattle-breeding. Should a cow be snake-bitten,
the root of a shrub named mukololo is pounded and mixed
with water. The Nyika cow-doctor takes a mouthful of
this decoction and squirts it into the wound, then blows

306 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

another mouthful up the beast's nostrils. A cow mauled
by a leopard is treated by rubbing into the sores the boiled
juice of the tree called the chipeta, by massaging the
bruised parts with boiling water, and by rubbing in this
liquid as a liniment. But for wounds made by the claws
of a lion, the Wanyika admit that this remedy is useless.
They firmly believe that after certain ceremonies have
been performed inside the kraal by the village medicine-
man it will be able to resist all attacks by hons. A part
of such ritual consists in burning a spear over a strong fire
until the head melts off ; upon the smouldering flames are
then thrown the shells of a species of tortoise, which give
oS a most powerful smoke, the stench of which clings
around the walls and rafters for a long time, and is said
to render them impervious to attack.

Many tribes upon the Plateau uses the fish poison wuwa
as a remedy against scab. The leaves of this plant are
pounded in a mortar, and the juice therefrom is rubbed
into the scabs. As this lotion is very poisonous to all but
infected beasts, those treated must be carefully tied up.
Government herd-boys often use this remedy for outbreaks
of scab, with excellent results.

About the Wemba or Mambwe methods of tending
cattle there is little to say. They prefer, as a rule, open
kraals, and these are usually in an indescribable condition
of filth, the cattle often being seen standing up to their
girths in mud and ordure. The time-honoured story of
a lion having sprung into a Mambwe cattle kraal by night
and being found there by the villagers the next day — having
been unable to struggle out of the mire, much less to seize
the cattle — though it seems somewhat fabulous, would be
easily credited by any one who has seen the abysmal filth
of Mambwe cattle stalls.

Among the Winamwanga, cattle are usually slaughtered
by a sharp blow on the back of the neck with an axe while
the animal is licldng salt, the neck being immediately
ripped open with a spear. The Walungu are accustomed
to cutting out the in-growing horns of cattle, which they
prefer to do with a hot knife instead of a saw. Cow dung

NATIVE HUSBANDRY 307

is not put to such a multitude of uses as among the Wan-
konde, who use it as a fuel and for washing out the interiors
of huts to drive away insects ; but among the Wandia
tx'ibe it is used for plastering and mudding their huts.

Other Central African domestic animals have been so
faithfully and fully described by Sir Harry Johnston in
his book, British Central Africa, p. 432, that only a few
remarks on the Plateau varieties need be appended.

Each village has its little flock of sheep and goats. The
sheep are, as a general rule, skinny and small boned as
compared with English breeds. They are a cross between
the two breeds of maned and fat-tailed sheep, the colour
varying from dark to reddish brown. On Lake Bangweolo
a large variety of fat- tailed sheep is to be found, abound-
ing on Mbawala Island. Unfortunately the Lake sheep
do not stand the journey well to the high Plateau, and
among flocks sent to Fife the mortality was high. To
lessen this the natives usually bring some of the Lake soil
and mix it with the drinking-water for some time after
the arrival of a flock on higher ground. The Bisa and
Wiwa sht the tails of their sheep and dissect out the tail
bone. Into the cavity they rub salt, and say that by this
method the tail becomes heavy with fat. No particular
attention seems to be paid to goats. They wander round
the village picking up what refuse of cereals they can find,
and, as the ground is usually Httered A\dth winnowing
chaff and other food refuse, they do better than might be
expected.

The African nJcuJcu, or fowl, is supposed to have reached
Africa first through Egypt at the time of the Persian
occupation, not before 400 B.C. No special food is given
to fowls, which live on the refuse of the village grain-bins.

Sitting hens are placed in a grass net woven on top of a
forked stake, which is driven into the floor of the native
hut. In a very few villages guinea-fowl are reared by
placing eggs, found in the bush, under a sitting hen.
Pigeon cotes are erected in the majority of villages. The
first stakes of such cotes are driven in by a woman who
has borne twins, in order, they say, that the pigeons may

308 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

multiply. Dogs are usually of the pariah type, and live
on the village refuse and offal. Among the Waunga
there is a larger breed of dogs used to hunt lechwe, and
in other tribes such dogs as have shown skill in hunting
are usually well fed.

To describe the innumerable kinds of insects used for
food and other purposes is beyond the scope of this book.
Professor Drummond has described the insect Hfe on the
Tanganyika Plateau, the native traps for flying ants and
the habits of termites at considerable length. In spots
frequented by bees an artificial hive (munshinga) is built
in the folloAving manner : A log of wood is cut in half
lengthwise, each half being hollowed out like a canoe.
The two parts are then put together and slung from a tree,
and a little slot is cut so that the bees may have ready
access to the interior.

In conclusion, the Plateau as a whole is essentially
suited for the raising of cattle. Though there are exten-
sive fly belts in part of the Awemba District, yet, for-
tunately, the northern parts of the Tanganyika and
North Loungwa Districts have been for many years
free from fly. Native cattle, however, do not increase as
rapidly as they might, owing to the native practice of
permitting many bulls to run with the herd, and allowing
too much inbreeding. Castration is rarely practised by
the Winamwanga or Amambwe, and it would be an ex-
cellent thing to send round Nyika herdsmen who are
expert castrators. It is to be hoped that, as the country
becomes more occupied and cultivation is extended, the
fly will disappear as it has done in South Africa ; at present,
however, it shows no signs of decrease, but forms a decided
check to the free circulation and consequent widespread
increase of the native cattle in our sphere.

WAYS AND MEANS 309

CHAPTER XIX

WAYS AND MEANS

It is often difficult enough to commence a fresh chapter ;
there are so many ways of doing it that one casts around
in despair for some method of deciding upon the best.
But in this particular case — perhaps because the chapter
in question is to be a strictly utihtarian one — there seems
but one opening possible. And that is — to impress upon
the intending visitor the central fact that upon the Tanga-
nyika Plateau every man is, to all intents and purposes,
his own storekeeper, and that he should act accordingly
when purchasing his equipment prior to leaving England.

It may perhaps be as well, at the outset, to consider the
various methods of entering the country. They are three
in number : from the south via Cape To\vn and Broken
Hill, from the east via Chinde and Lake Nyasa, from the
north via Mombasa and German East Africa. There are,
of course, others as well ; for instance, a traveller in search
of varied experiences might elect to land at Lobito Bay
and proceed to Railhead, and work his way eastwards
through the Congo, or, striking northwards from Beira
or Sahsbury, arrive via Tete, Feira, and Fort Jameson.
Neither of these routes can be considered advisable.

The following hints upon the Cape and Chinde routes
may be of value : —

Via Chinde it is well to remember that no river steamer
ever repairs the rents in its mosquito-nets, and to have a
needle and thread handy. Good cooks can be engaged at
Blantyre or Zomba, but the wages, which are much lower
upon the Plateau than in Nyasaland, should be arranged
in advance. The same apphes to Broken Hill. It is
often very rough indeed upon Lake Nyasa, and sea-sick

310 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

passengers may cheerfully anticipate a repetition of their
ocean experiences. At Chinde itself everything must
remain in the Customs House, which is in the British
Concession ; a handbag should therefore be packed Avith
requisites for the night, which is usually spent at the
A.L.C. boarding-house.

There is not much to be said in connection with the
Cape route, except that ladies need dust-cloaks and veils
for the train. A filter should be kept out for the journey
between Livingstone and Broken Hill, and a hamper, well
stocked, should be packed for this portion of the journey,
as the restaurant car does not go further than Livingstone.
Heavy baggage not wanted on the voyage should be sent
a month ahead via Beira to escape the heavy passenger
luggage dues, and consigned to Broken Hill or Ndola.

Fares and freights require careful consideration, as they
are perhaps the heaviest initial expense.

By the Chinde-Nyasaland route the cheapest method is
to go by the Rennie Aberdeen Line from London to Chinde,
then by river steamers to Port Herald, rail to Blantyre,
machila to Fort Johnston, and steamer to Karonga on
Lake Nyasa. The fares are : —

First class (single) £63 0 0

Second class 53 11 0

Intermediate steamships (one class only) 57 15 0

By the Deutsch Ost Afrika Line to Chinde, and thence by
the British Central Africa Company's steamers, train, and
7nachilas to Karonga, fares are quoted as follows : —

First class £81 10 8

Second class 61 19 8

All the above rates include food during the actual
journey.

By the Union Castle Mail Line from England, by the
Western route to Chinde, and thence by the A.L.C. to
Karonga, the fares are : —

London Chinde to Karonga
to Chinde. (first class only). Total.
First class (minimum) . £47 5 0 £29 0 0 £76 5 0
Second class „ . 34 13 0 29 0 0 63 13 0

WAYS AND MEANS 311

The average duration of the trip from London to Karonga
is from six to seven weeks. ^

By the Cape Town Southern Rhodesia route the fares are
as under : —

Union Castle Line, Railway, Cape Town
London to Cape Town via Victoria Falls to
(intermediate steamers). Broken Hill. Total.

First class .

. £28 7 0 (lowest)

£19 9 7

£47 16 7

Second class

23 2 0 „

13 7 5

36 9 5

The cheapest rates for freight to the Tanganjdka Plateau
are still via the Nyasaland route. All particulars can be
obtained from the British Central Africa Company, 20
Abchurch Lane, London, E.C., who quote rates from Liver-
pool to Fort Johnston at the south end of Lake Nyasa,
varying from £13, 18s. 5d. per ton to £12, 15s. lid. per ton,
according to the class of goods imported. These rates
are per ton weight or per 40 cubic feet of 7neasurement, at
the Company's option. To this must be added £8 for
transport to the north end of Lake Nyasa at Karonga.
The African Lakes Corporation are at present the only
Company who run a through freight service from
Chinde to Karonga, and all particulars can be obtained
from their Head Office, 14 St. Vincent Place,
Glasgow.

The freights quoted by the Rennie Line from London
to Chinde vary from £2, 10s. to £3, according to the class
of goods ; the A.L.C. rates from Chinde to Karonga, namely,
£18 per ton, must be added, making the whole freight
about £21 per ton.

Heavy baggage via the London, Beira, and Rhodesia
route to Broken Hill varies from 17s. 3d. to £1, 15s. 2d.
per 100 lb., according to the class of goods imported.
In the Appendix to Chapter XIV. the procedure with
reference to dutiable goods, namely, arms, ammunition,
and hquor, has already been dealt ^\dth.

1 The Union Castle Line run intermediate steamships via the East Coast
to Chinde. The fares are 42 guineas first class (minimum) and 30 guineas
second class (minimum).

312 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Having thus discussed in detail the various ways of
entering the country, with approximate cost and duration
of journey, let us consider what are the absolute necessaries
which must be taken. At the outset it may be stated
that all the following articles can be procured more cheaply
and of more reliable quality in England than anywhere
in South or Central Africa. It is sometimes said, ' Buy
as little as you can at home ; wait till you get to Cape Town,
or Bulawayo, or Broken Hill, as the case may be. There
you will find everything you need, and you will have saved
the cost of carriage from England.'

Not a bit of it. Goods of the kind required on the
Plateau are not manufactured in either South or Central
Africa ; at the best — for instance, in the case of tents,
which can certainly be bought in Bulawayo — they are
merely made up from materials imported from home.
The Southern storekeeper is not going to be a loser over
the deal ; his customer must pay the original cost of
freight and something over to represent middleman's profit.
Besides which, all articles bought in South Africa carry
South African duty, whereas at the moment of writing
there is no import duty in North-Eastern Rhodesia except
upon arms, ammunition, and liquor.

For all practical purposes 6d. per lb. added to the retail
price of an article in England will represent its price
landed upon the Plateau. There are, naturally, variations
according to the distance of the particular station from
the port of entry, but 6d. may be taken as a fair average.

The following hst, compiled by the late Mr. Robert
Codrington when Administrator, was intended to serve
as a guide to officials entering the country for the first
time. It may be taken as representing the minimum
required by a bachelor, and thus serves as a good basis
for discussion : —

1. Sporting rifle and D.B. shot-gun.

2. Light vests or undershirts.

3. Light drawers.

4. Merino socks.

5. Cotton or flannel shirts without collars.

WAYS AND MEANS 313

6. Suits of light tweed.

7. Suits of khaki or similar material.

8. Strong, but not heavy boots and shoes.

9. General clothing as worn in England in summer for use at

headquarters of districts.

10. Sweater.

11. Waterproof.

12. Overcoat.

13. Strong camp-bed (A. and N.).

14. Blankets and sheets.

15. Camp table and chair.

16. Travelling-bath.

17. Tin uniform-cases.

Let us consider the above in detail. Item No. 1 has been
discussed in Chapter XIII. Items 2 to 4 are indispensable,
and may be passed without comment.

No. 5. Silk and wool will probably be found preferable
to either cotton or flannel, and will better stand the
loving attentions of ultra-energetic washboys, A supply of
good drill shooting-shirts, with turned-down collars and
breast-pockets, should be taken ; half a dozen will probably
suffice. The most important point is that they should
be of dark kliaki, which will not fade in washing, prefer-
ably a kind of heather-mixture shade in which green
predominates, if suitable material can be found. If
thorn-resisting, so much the better ; but it is useless to
attempt to have them waterproof, and the merits of
ventilation would be sacrificed to very little purpose.

No. 7. It is a good thing to have half a dozen pairs of
white driU trousers for changing into for the afternoon
game of tennis. But complete suits of white drill are a
mistake ; they attract the sun's rays, instead of making
for coolness, and they need double the washing of khaki.
Tussore and mercerised silk are excellent materials.

No. 8. Boots and shoes constitute perhaps the most
important item. The former should be plentifully equipped
with nails. If a choice must be made, weight is less
objectionable than flimsiness. Riding boots and leggings
are not, at present, of the slightest use. It is useless to
attempt to obtain a waterproof boot ; African rains will

314 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

penetrate any leather, and the more comparatively water-
proof the boot is the longer will the water remain inside ;
it is almost better to have holes purposely bored in the
soles to let the water out as quickly as possible ! For
shooting and careful stalking some consider that stout
shoes with rope soles are preferable in many ways to boots.
Putties are most useful, and several pairs should be taken,
although many residents discard them and wear only
socks below their ' shorts,' And it may be noted here
that ' shorts ' are also indispensable — haK a dozen pairs
are none too many, and they should be cut a good inch
above the knee. The freedom given by ' shorts ' on
ulendo must be experienced to be fully appreciated —
breeches and gaiters being far too hot, and trousers most
uncomfortable for a long march. Nevertheless, a pair of
khaki trousers and leather spats is by no means a bad
kit for pottering round the station after birds in the wet
weather, or the season of ' blackjacks ' and grass seeds.

No. 9 needs but little comment. As hinted above,
shirts and underclothing suffer severely in the wash,
partly through the fact that the native washboy will just
as soon beat out clothes upon a board with a nail in it as
not, and partly because clothes are washed more frequently
than at home, and are apt to rot in the sun when drying.
A pith helmet is a necessity — the ' Tent Club ' pattern is
perhaps the best. One for each year of intended residence
is a fair allowance, and three or four waterproof covers
should be taken. Needless to say the covers should be
khaki, though some people prefer the helmet itself to be
white for station wear. Double Terai or Stettson hats
are most suitable and necessary — and a tweed cap is
often useful in a machila.

No. 10. A sweater is a matter of individual taste. It
is useful after tennis, when one is apt to sit for half an
hour or so upon a veranda and contract a chill, but is
not much used upon ulendo.

No. 11. The waterproof should be fitted with a cape.
Nothing else will keep out the rain over the shoulders, at
any rate after the first year. The African climate is

WAYS AND MEANS 315

notably hard upon rubber articles, and it would probably
be true economy to purchase two moderate-priced water-
proofs than one expensive one.

No. 12. Overcoat. Perhaps a superfluity, except upon
the voyage and in the train. It may be used in camp,
but as there is usually a large fire it is not essential. Nearly
all its purposes can be better served by a good dressing-
gown, which is indispensable.

No. 13, The camp-bed is an article upon which all
sporting authorities love to expatiate. It must, of course,
be light and portable, and should pack in a bag. For
most purposes the X pattern is probably the best. A new
X bed has recently been produced which is considerably
broader than the old pattern, and has special improved
sockets for mosquito-net poles.

No. 14. All blankets should be white. The reason
will be better appreciated when a night or two has been
passed in the near vicinity of a native village. Sheets
are useful for ulendo during the dry weather, but dangerous
during the rains. All Hnen brought to the country should
be thoroughly good : it ^vill prove far cheaper in the
end. A Wolseley waterproof valise is one of the most
valuable articles which the traveller can posesss.

No. 15. Camp table and chair. Here again the X
pattern cannot be beaten, at least for tent use. Folding,
dining, or office tables can, however, be made in the country
at the various mission stations, and such are better suited
to individual requirements. A strong, comfortable deck
chair with arm-pieces is invaluable. Wlien the canvas
rots, as it invariably does sooner or later, puku or reed-
buck skin makes an excellent substitute. The Indian
Rhorkhi chair is useful.

No. 16. The travelHng-bath should be of tin, fitted
with cover and lock. It can then be packed for the board-
ship voyage with hnen, etc. The collapsible bath propped
up with wooden slats is a delusion and a snare.

No. 17. Tin uniform-cases are essential. Leather is
useless. One case should be fitted with a double cover,
for important papers or books.

31G THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Jaeger cholera belts are most useful, though it is not
every one who can wear them. Handkerchiefs should be
taken in abundance, preferably of coloured silk. The
native loves them, and pouches them without scruple,
but a bandana is comparatively easy to trace. Evening
dress must not be forgotten — a dinner-jacket is most
necessary. A few stiff shirts should be taken, but for
ordinary use soft or frilled shirts are preferable. Black
boots and evening shoes are also liable to be overlooked.
Each suit should have two pairs of trousers.

So much for the question of clothes and outfit in general.
The following list of little things, so liable to be forgotten,
and between the having and not having of which so great
a gulf is fixed, may be of use to the new resident : —

Good travelling inkpot.

Ink pellets, or concentrated ink.

Plenty of foreign stationery.

Spring balance.

Candle lamps, collapsible, with Talc and spare globes.

Acetylene lamp, for use in lion districts for sportsmen.

Blue lights and magnesium flares for big game, for sportsmen.

Good camera, preferably with metal body.

Bootlaces.

Buttons.

Studs.

Needles, darning wool and thread.

Small box of haberdashery supplies.

Pocket compass.

Good knife.

Belt and swivels with chain.

Boot repair outfit and leather.

Spare shaving brushes.

Tool box.

Small despatch box.

Watch glasses. (A wristlet watch is the most serviceable.

A really good watch is a mistake ; far better half a dozen

at half a guinea than one at ten pounds.)
Hair scissors or clippers.
Grindstone.
Safety razor (as two months will elapse in sending an

ordinary razor to be set).

WAYS AND MEANS 317

Strong galvanised iron Army bucket canteen.

Luncheon basket (made to order — bought ones are never

suitable, and usually far too heavy).
Thermos flask.
Light wooden (Venesta) bottle box, fitted to hold say ten bottles,

Sparklet bottles, etc.
Seccotine.

Luminous matchbox for camp.
Hunting knife in sheath.
Hinges.
Bolts.

Plenty of Willesden canvas.
Twine.
Sail needles.
Good field-glasses.
Alpenstock as shooting stick.
Sparklet bottles.

Airtight (screw-top) bottles and jars.
Good assortment of vegetable and flower seeds.
Strong cartridge bag or belt, made to fancy.
Canvas water-cooler.
Garden tools.
Watering-can.
Syringe.

Spare pipes and tobacco pouches.
Tennis racquets and balls.
A map of the country.
A handy guide to sportsmen has been compiled by Dr. Dunbar

Brmiton.

Before leaving England a subscription for well-selected
periodicals, newspapers, and cheap books should be
arranged with a good newsagent. There is a great dearth
of reading matter. All newspapers, especially those on
glazed paper, should be packed in waterproof coverings,
and the thin-paper editions sent where possible. A cheap
parcels rate exists via Beira — 7s. 6d. for 11 lb. — and
quantities of stores such as tea, hams, biscuits, etc., can
be sent this way at stated intervals.

A bicycle is indispensable, and can be used on most
native paths. It should be fitted with tandem tyres,
double cross-bar, raised pedals, and extra strong saddle-

318 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

springs, but on no account with a back-pedalling brake.
A good foot-pump should be brought. Punctures can be
mended with raw rubber straight from the tree. Bush
cars appear to be a failure, except on the main roads.

Health. — The following note is extracted from the
Official Handbook published in 1903 : —

' The new arrival should take every precaution against exposure
to sun, wind, or rain. Flannel clothes should be worn and dianged
immediately after exercise or exposure to wet ; he should eat,
drink, and smoke moderately, and retire early to rest. Food should
be of the best that is procurable, and always fresh in preference
to tinned. English vegetables, milk, eggs, and fresh meat, or game,
are procurable at all the large stations throughout the country.
Mosquito nets should be invariably used, and three to five grains
of qumine taken daily as a prophylactic during the unhealthy
season.

' Apart from malaria and its sequeloe, the country is remarkably
free from other tropical diseases, both among natives and Europeans.
Dysentery, diarrhoea, typhoid, and insolation occasionally occur.

' The first two years of residence are the most trying to Europeans,
who afterwards seem to acquire immunity to a certain extent, and
enjoy long periods of uninterrupted good health.

' The unhealth}'- season of the year is during and just after the
rains from December mitil June ; the most unhealthy months being
April, May, and June.

' Hsemoglobinuric or blackwater fever occurs as a sequela to
malarial fever. Those who neglect to take sufficient precautions
against malarial attacks, and expose themselves to harmful influences
while harbouring the malarial parasite, are those who generally
fall victims to this pernicious type of fever. While the mortality
stood at about 25 per cent, of those attacked, it is satisfactory
to note that with improved medical treatment and nursing the
mortality from this disease has considerably decreased during the
last two years.'

During the seven years since this was written, as the
country has become more settled, attacks of blackwater
among residents have been very few and far between.

But little can be added to the above. Kufu fever has
already been referred to in a previous chapter. A hot-
water bottle for use during attacks of fever should always
be carried when travelling. Permanganate of potash, a

WAYS AND MEANS 319

caustic pencil, and a lancet should also be carried on
ulendo, preferably attached to the belt — more for the sake
of the carriers than of oneself. Sleeping in, or even near,
villages should be avoided whenever possible ; it is quite
unnecessary in the dry season. For similar reasons the
quarters of servants should be at a considerable distance
from the dwelling-house. Every one in sleeping-sickness
area should wear putties, as it is said that the fly
bites almost invariably on the ankles and legs. When
travelling, the journey should be made either early or
late, thus avoiding the heat of the midday sun as much
as possible. Regular daily exercise is of prime importance.
Before leaving England every one should be vaccinated,
unless the operation has been recently performed, and —
a most important point — should have his teeth thoroughly
overhauled. The evils arising from unsound teeth are
legion and often most serious.

Most filters are unsatisfactory, but water should always
be boiled if there is any suspicion of its being impure. At
most stations this is unnecessary.

Medicine chests, fitted with the drugs necessary in Central
Africa, can be obtained from Messrs. Burroughs & Wellcome.
The principal remedies needed are quinine (hydrochloride
is preferable to bisulphate), two or three kinds of suitable
purgatives, Warburg's tincture, chlorodyne, Dover powder,
phenacetin, ammonium or potassium bromide, hazeline,
iodoform, castor oil, blackwater palatinoids (Hearsey's
preparation), permanganate of potash, and corrosive
subhmate. Jeyes' fluid and ammonia are most useful.
Surgical bandages, lint, and goldbeater's skin should also
be taken, while jaconnette is a handy article. Two or
three spare cUnical thermometers are invaluable. Persons
using glasses are advised to bring a good supply of spare
lenses. A stock of medical comforts, such as good brandy,
port, champagne, and Brand's essence should always be
maintained.

Tents. — Money put into tents is well invested. More
misery is caused by small, ill- ventilated, or unsound tents
than the unsophisticated newcomer dreams of ; and, con-

320 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

versely, the extra initial cost or payments to extra carriers
for dining and kitchen tents is a pardonable extravagance
— that is, of course, if any considerable period each year is
to be spent in travelling.

The tent should have a double fly, and should be made of
thin Willesden canvas, which does not absorb moisture
and so render the load heavier. An excellent pattern,
but one little kno\vn in this country, is the ' Indian Field
Officer's ' — which includes a curved porch in front and
a bathroom behind. The fly comprises both veranda and
bathroom, and makes one load ; the body of the tent
is a second load, and the ground sheet and poles make
the third. The body of the tent should not be less than
10 by 12 ft. The 'porch' and bathroom should be
identical in size and shape, and the ' petticoats ' made
to lace on to the top, so that porch and bathroom can be
interchanged. The sides of the fly should come almost
down to the ground, so as to allow plenty of space for
loads in wet weather. Inside walls should be at least
4 ft. high, as every inch of height means, in reality,
more floor space. Ground sheets should be made of
Willesden canvas also, as it does not rot, and is not
damaged by ants. Pockets in the walls are most useful,
as are also straps and hooks to buckle round the poles,
for clothes or rifles. The walls of every tent should be
made to roll up and tie, to allow plenty of ventilation when
camped at midday.

Machilas. — Machilas are an invention of the devil ;
but unless one possess a bicycle they are practically in-
dispensable. The hammock should be slung well off the
ground, to avoid stumps when travelhng through bush.
In wet weather, however, the cords contract, and it is
necessary to loosen them, or it will be found impossible
to wriggle into the machila. The flaps should come well
down on each side ; there should be a wooden frame-
work, fixed to the pole, to hold the cover out from one's
head, and the cover itself should project beyond the
hammock at each end, othermse it will drip on to one's
boots and down the nape of one's neck. Carriers should

WAYS AND MEANS 321

be, as much as possible, of the same height. Pockets in
the flaps will be found a useful addition for storing a book,
cap, etc. Pillows or a couple of blankets should be placed
in the machila, especially when used by a lady, as serious
damage may result from contact with a jagged stump.

Housekeeping . — It is practically impossible to give any
estimate of the cost of living, since individual tastes vary
so much, and the matter depends mostly upon the in-
dividual in charge of the commissariat. It is certainly
a country in which it is cheaper to be married than single,
so far as actual cost of stores goes. No matter how good
a manager a bachelor may be, it is impossible for him
to keep so sharp an eye upon domestic economies as a
woman.

Living expenses for married settlers vary from £3 to £4
a month. As we have seen in Chapter I., meat, eggs, and
vegetables are very cheap — for instance, about £5 a year
plus the cost of cartridges spent on a native hunter (50s.
for hcence and say 50s. for his pay), should keep the house-
hold well supplied with meat.

It has already been said that all stores should be
ordered from home. Dutiable articles (in England) can
be brought out in bond. They should be packed in venesta-
wood cases, each fitted with a padlock and hinges, and not
weighing more than 60 lb. nor less than 50. Such boxes
will be worth almost their weight in gold upon subsequent
ulendos. All stores and heavy furniture should be sent
forward as freight to Broken Hill or Chinde, at least two
months in advance of the traveller. Whisky and paraffin
cases should be enclosed in another case, as thefts in
transit frequently occur ; on one occasion empty beer-
bottles were substituted for full bottles of whisky. Liquor
should be packed in fifteen-bottle cases, to save head
transport.

Many household articles can be procured in the country,
or can be replaced by substitutes. Sugar can be bought
at Musidi Mission in Nyasaland ; paraffin at Kassanga
in German East Africa (at a much cheaper rate than in
the A.L.C. stores, though not, perhaps, of quite equal

322 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

quality) ; good brown and white flour is produced by the
White Fathers at Chilubula and Kapatu, and also excellent
oil distilled from monkey-nuts, which can be used in
cooking to save marrow-fat, a most expensive item. Salt-
petre should be taken for salting meat ; and for this, and
other culinary purposes, good native salt is usually pro-
curable. It is very dark in colour, but goes much further
than ordinary table salt. Coffee can be got from Nyasa-
land ; a good coffee-grinder must not be forgotten, and a
small hand-mill for grinding other things — such as mealies,
which make excellent bread — is most useful. Pigs do well,
and during the cool season good bacon can be made. An
excellent substitute for beer can be made from fermented
honey, which is very plentiful at certain seasons. Jam
may be made from Cape gooseberries, tomatoes, lemons,
limes, carrots, and pine-apples, all of which thrive. De-
siccated soups and Maggi's consommes should be brought.
Local (Nyasaland) tobacco and cigarettes are cheap and
good. Starch for most purposes, except collars and
shirts, can be made from cassava, and baking-powder
from ground-rice, and bicarbonate of soda with a little
tartaric acid. Rice can be bought in Nyasaland, and also
upon Lake Tanganyika, — it requires careful cleaning, but is
good. Mealie-meal makes excellent porridge, though it is
apt to pall unless mixed with oatmeal.

As regards kitchen utensils, it is equally difficult to
lay down any hard-and-fast rules. Every lady should
bring a stove, which should be carefully packed with
instructions for refitting. A mincing machine, rolling-pin,
and pasteboard are also essentials. A good meat-safe is
obviously indispensable, but this can soon be made out
of a small roll of mosquito wire-netting, since any native
carpenter can soon make a frame. Some people are in
favour of aluminium cooking-pots, as being light and
strong, while others maintain that they impart an un-
pleasant taste to food. The only saucepans which will
stand the rough treatment which they receive from boys
are those of seamless steel, which can be bought with
detachable handles, so that they can nest inside each other.

A Ckntkal African !•

■<ldsh}i>-y.pkol.

1>K11H,K-MAK1M

WAYS AND MEANS 323

With regard to furniture, the less brought the better.
Good beds, lamps, one or two folding easy-chairs for
drawing-room use, the usual bedroom fittings in coloured
enamel, plenty of Ught fancy stuffs for curtains and
draperies, door plates, handles, picture hooks and eyes,
and the Army and Navy folding chests of drawers are
among the most useful articles for married settlers, but
the average bachelor acquires these slowly at the various
sales. If the settler is a handy man, he can knock up
out of the cases in which his outfit arrives very passable
furniture, which can gradually be cheaply replaced by
engaging a native carpenter to work for several months.

Carpets may be dispensed with and replaced by native
mats, which are cooler, and do not harbour so many insects.
Most ceilings in the country are made of mats or calico.
For a man intending to build his own house, a case or two
of alabastine or some similar wash should not be forgotten.
Glass can be got from Bulawayo. If building is intended,
a spirit-level and mason's square should be included.

Boys. — This again is a matter of taste. The usual
establishment consists of : Cook, 7s. 6d. to £1 per mensem ;
table-boy, 7s. 6d. to 10s. ; house-boy, who can also wait
at table, 5s. to lOs. ; wash-boy, 5s. ; sukambali or plate-
washer, 3s. ; sukampika or dish-washer, 2s. ; garden-boy,
3s. All the above wages are exclusive of posho, which
usually consists of four yards of caHco, value roughly
Is. 6d. per month, which is given in lieu of food.

The sukambali and sukampika can usually be rolled into
one. Both are httle black devils in the superlative degree,
and the patience of the average householder usually
extends to one only. In some cases an ulondo or night-
watchman is kept ; as, however, they mostly favour the
historic individual who asked a mission doctor for
medicine because he could not sleep soundly at night, their
services can usually be dispensed with.

The Central African servant is vastly irritating at times ;
but he is generally very efficient. He looks after his
master's interests to the best of his ability ; and though
he may now and again pilfer himself, he usually takes care

324 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

that no one else should do so. He has also the great merit
of becoming attached to his own particular master or job,
as the case may be, and rarely leaves except to take a
short holiday. During the master's absence on leave he
is usually either placed on board wages or given a holiday,
and almost invariably comes back upon his employer's
return to the country. And though he may ask for a rise
in wages, he rarely gets it more than once a year — usually
at Christmas-time, and at the rate of an additional shilUng
a month.

In conclusion, it may be said that everybody's own boys
are the best in the country and possess all the cardinal
virtues ; while, conversely, the boys of other people are
usually unmitigated scoundrels — a happy state of affairs,
and one which speaks volumes for the capacity for adapta-
tion shown by the Plateau native.

With regard to the taking up of land, the following
notes may be of interest to intending settlers : —

So soon as the settler has definitely selected his piece
of land, he must forward a written application for a farm
through the local Native Commissioner or Magistrate,
describing the situation of the land and attaching a sketch-
map, while stating what native villages or gardens are
upon the site selected and the position of other grants of
land in the vicinity.

Except where natives are located in large numbers,
there is generally no difficulty in arranging with them
to move upon the payment of a small fee for each hut
so removed ; but the British South Africa Company will
not grant a title unless it is made quite clear that the
natives have agreed to move.

When the apphcation has been approved, the settler
must beacon off the angles of his land. Upon payment
of quit rent — £1 per annum per 1000 acres — occupation
is granted for a period of one year in which to pay survey
fees. If the settler desires to purchase the land and not
remain merely a tenant, the price for farms not exceeding
6000 acres is 6d. per acre, and the payment of this price
may be extended over two years if desired.

WAYS AND MEANS 325

The survey fees of a farm of 2000 acres may vary from
£24 to £30.

A limited number of cattle can be hired from the herds
of the British South Africa Company for 10s. per head per
annum. The cattle mil be left in the hands of the farmer
for a period of three years, provided that proper care is taken
of them. At the end of this period an equal number of
cattle— as many as possible being of the same age and
in the same condition as those originally received—must
be returned by the farmer.

Young male calves can be bought cheaply from natives
for final sale as slaughter or trek oxen in the Southern
Rhodesia market. The rancher pure and simple who
does not go in for catch crops of cotton frequently ekes
out the unproductive years of waiting until his stock
matures by starting small native stores, and by growdng
his own wheat, vegetables, rice, coffee, and fruit speedily
reduces his hving expenses almost to vanishing-point.

326 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

CHAPTER XX

LOOKING AHEAD

The fate of the prophet in his own country is so well
known as to have become a truism, contumely and the
derision of men being least among the terrors which await
him. And to prophesy as to the ultimate fate of this
Plateau of ours would be, indeed, to give hostages to
Fortune, since there is, at present, but little to indicate
the lines along which the country will ultimately progress.

By the thriving farmer, desirous of finding a market
for his cattle, the enterprising rubber-planter, the trader
with his eye upon the pockets — or substitutes there-
for — of the native population, and by the general
speculator, waiting, Micawber-Mdse, for something to turn
up, progress must be spelled in block-capitals, since to
these it is the consummation of all others most eagerly
desired. But to the man who prefers the peace of Nature
to aught besides, progress may not stand as so rosy a
vision, for assuredly North-Eastern Rhodesia is the last
country on the map to preserve its old simphcity, un-
harassed by the attentions of the financier or of the
speculator.

Our awakening must, and can only, come with the
advance of the railways. Mr. Rhodes once drew a pencil-
line from north to south of the map of this territory,
saying, ' That is where the Transcontinental — the Cape to
Cairo — Railway will run ! ' And dare we limit the
possibilities of any coimtry which has not yet been placed,
by railways, in communication with the outer world ?

Yet the consideration of such an advance involves us
at once in a vicious circle of argument. For there is at
present no one particular asset in the country which would

LOOKING AHEAD 327

justify the expenditure of the vast sums which would be
needed, and yet it is vain for us to hope that such an
industry could be developed without a railway. Minerals
are believed to exist, mountains of coal have been found
to the west, but the Plateau has never yet been properly
prospected. Cattle are known to thrive, but the southern
border — across which, for the moment, the only market
Ues — may be closed again as it was before. The southern
mines are crying out for northern labour, but so long as
such service involves a long and tedious journey, its
popularity must remain dimmed in native eyes. Un-
limited faith and almost unlimited capital are needed
before the first sod of any Plateau railway can be turned.
Rhodes would have done it had he lived ; now that he
is dead, we may only hope that his mantle may fall upon
some other equipped with his peculiar genius for opening
up the silent places of the earth.

Yet, even now, such possibilities loom large in the minds
of men. Recently African Engineering prophesied that
Katanga would shortly become the Clapham Junction
of Central Africa. And it went on to state : ' With
Katanga as the centre of the Central African railway
system, the value of North-Eastern Rhodesia as an agri-
cultural centre Avill be greatly enhanced, on account of
the great market which will be opened up by the radiating
lines starting from an immensely wealthy centre almost
on the border of British territory.'

At the present moment railways are beginning to con-
verge upon us from the north, in German East Africa,
from the south via Broken Hill, from the west via Katanga.
The Germans seem likely to outdistance us in the matter.
Probably in about five years from now the Daressalaam-
Tanganyika line will be an accomplished fact, a branch-line
arriving, ultimately, at Langenburg on the north-eastern
border via its already projected route, Kilimatindi-
Iringa-Ithaka. Wlien once completed, this line will
divert considerable trade and traffic to the east coast ;
and, in all probabihty, the country will be at once overrun
with Swahili and Indian traders.

328 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

One must also bear in mind the probability of the Congo
interior becoming, almost immediately, a ' free ' country
in fact as well as in name. There would then lie, within
reach of the Plateau, an inexhaustible supply of rubber,
and a huge market for European manufactures. In order
that we may secure our share of the trade thus waiting
to be developed, transport facilities should be brought
right up to the eastern border of the Free State at the
earliest possible moment. And, with this end in view,
the Nyasaland route from the mouth of the Zambesi and
across the Plateau will probably be found the most suitable.
But existing conditions must first be altered. The Nyasa-
land Railway must be continued to Lake Nyasa ; steamers
must be added to the wholly inadequate fleet now plying
on that lake, and a line must be laid, say from Karonga,
on its northern shore, to some point upon Lake Tanganyika.
That railway — a matter of 250 miles — could probably be
built at a fairly reasonable cost, although there is a stiff
gradient from Karonga to be climbed.

But the most probable route of the near future — and
the one which, at present, bulks most largely in practical
politics — is that via Ndola. Already a mail-route is pro-
jected which, entering the Plateau on the south-west, will
bring us a full week nearer England. Already, too, Broken
Hill has lost some of its former importance, since Ndola
has absorbed the distribution of up-country traffic. And,
in consequence, the heart of the country, so to speak, has
been displaced. Fort Rosebery and Kawambwa, which,
a year ago, were but mere outposts, have sprung with
mushroom growth into centres of activity. No doubt
the railway construction work in comparatively close
proximity to these stations, with its consequent demand
for labour, has had much to say to this result ; but the
fact remains that it is on the west of the Plateau at present
that the main influx of civilisation must be looked for.
The original route from Broken Hill via Serenje, Mpika,
and Kasama has vanished for a time into the limbo of
forgotten things.

With a railway — even of narrow gauge — once within

LOOKING AHEAD 329

the territory, the whole aspect of affairs would change.
Not only would the white population increase with a bound
— a change which would, necessarily, bring in its train
the usual economic developments — but the outward, if
not the ' essential,' character of the natives would undergo
corresponding alteration. Along the line of rail on either
hand farmers could grow rice, cereals, Indian corn, cassava,
and the like, with the reasonable hope of eventually
bringing these products to market in the south, and that
at a fair profit after deducting freight. For hitherto,
under native hands, the soil of the country has been merely
scratched — and, in some parts, that soil is richer than
the southern farmer has dreamed of. Presuming reasonable
rates, it would be well worth while to breed cattle and
even horses, since the railway would obviate the long,
tedious, and dangerous journey to the south, with its
ever-constant risk of fly belts. Where, nowadays, horses
must be imported almost literally with prayer and fasting
— with the concomitants of night-treks, clothing the
animals from head to hoofs, dousing them with paraffin,
paying rewards for the capture of fly upon them, and the
like — once the railway arrived they could be off-loaded
from fly-proof trucks within three days of their entrain-
ment in Bulawayo — and their progeny returned thither
at a profit in the years to come !

With the advent of the railway, too, the necessities of
life would at once become cheaper and more certain of
delivery. Head-transport would, of course, quickly die
the death in the vicinity of the line. Roughly speaking,
such transport costs at present Id. per three miles per
50 lb. ; but it must be remembered that 100 miles takes
five days to cover, and, when time is money — as one day
it may come to be, even upon the Plateau — such a con-
sideration must carry weight.

With the railway in existence, internal communication
by telegraph and telephone could be at once commenced ;
not only along the actual line of rail where it would appear
in the natural course, but in cross-sections — since the cost
of importing the material is the main factor which, at

330 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

present, militates against the spread of the telegraph
system.

Failing a railway, motor-cars or road-engines might
be utiUsed, though it is doubtful whether they would be
of much use except for the conveyance of mails. At
present they would be out of the question for transport
purposes, a fact which was amply proved by the Graetz
Expedition in 1908, which, though simply and solely an
advertisement, demonstrated conclusively what was already
well known, namely, that the roads of the country were
constructed for pedestrian traffic only, and are adapted
merely to that purpose. The labour necessary to put
these roads into the condition requisite for motor traffic —
and to maintain them in such repair — would probably cost
considerably more than does the head-transport over those
roads at present. And, in any case, the question of bridges
would constitute a very serious difficulty ; although it
might, perhaps, be avoided by a system of relay cars, each
performing a stage between two large rivers, and trans-
shipping cargo by canoes or boats.

In this connection one may well consider the feasibihty
of utilising the main waterways of the country for trans-
port. The principal river of the Plateau is the Chambeshi,
and this, according to Mr. MeUand, Assistant Magistrate
at Mpika, is navigable to Kavinga's. But, though deep at
Kavinga's, at the Bangweolo estuary, where it diverges
into many channels, it would necessitate boats of extremely
narrow draught. During the dry season it is navigable,
for fight-draught steamers, to within 50 miles of its mouth,
where the first rapids are met vnih. Thence, up-stream,
the river is full of rapids and shallows. When in flood
it is navigable to from 130 to 150 miles of its mouth, for
light-draught steamers, and this condition of affairs lasts
for about six months out of the twelve. All the year round
flat-bottomed boats or barges could be used to about 130
miles from the mouth. On the lower reaches the average
depth is from 19 to 20 feet. A great extent of deep water
is covered with a species of long grass growing on the
bottom, but the Wabisa find no difficulty in saiUng their

LOOKING AHEAD 331

canoes through this, and the Chambeshi itself, its tribu-
taries, and the other rivers flowing into Lake Bangweolo
are used by them all the year round, since they never walk
where they can use a canoe. Native traders also use the
waterways, hiring canoes from the Wabisa, in which they
come from the west side of Bangweolo right up the Cham-
beshi to the mouth of the Rukuru river, and thence up the
Rukuru to mtliin 25 miles of Kasama. Other tributaries,
such as the Luansenshi, the Munekashi, the LuUngila,
and the Luena are greatly used, being available for flat
barges, canoes, and light-draught steamers for a consider-
able distance.

The Luitikila may, perhaps, be navigable as far as
Nkandochiti, but there are rapids 4 miles higher up that
river. And boats burning fuel would be absolutely use-
less in that vicinity, as there is no fuel there. Something
in the nature of a sailing-punt — with centre not lee-
board — might be used for river navigation only. It is
also probable that the Lofu river, flowing into Lake Tan-
ganyika, could be utilised, and in this case porterages
could be made from the Bangweolo river system.

While on the question of transport, it must not be
forgotten that elephant, zebra, and eland abound. The
last-named have already proved most successful in South
Africa, and a cow eland (with her horns off) should prove
an ideal saddle animal, her paces being, as far as can be
judged from observation, all that could be desired. Zebra
exist by the thousand — one night almost say the miUion —
and their capture should be no difficult matter. Indeed, a
certain gentleman, who is the fortunate possessor of a couple
of horses, recently drove an eland some five miles along
a road with a fly-smtch to shorten the distance over which
the meat would have to be carried when it was eventually
shot ; and he is now endeavouring to capture and train
zebra upon which to ride.

The Indian Khudder system might, surely, be introduced
into this country with advantage.

' It has long been considered that the African elephant cannot
be trained Hke its Indian brother, but, though far less docile, it

332 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

evidently yields to training in time, as the fact lias been proved
beyond question by Commandant Laplume at Api in the Congo State.
There the yomig elephants are caught during the dry season, the
older animals being frightened off, and the hunters pursuing the
calves on foot. Losses are considerable, and the greatest care must
be taken of the calves, as they die from all manner of causes, such as
hsematuria, dysentery, pining, and insolation. The training is a
very gradual process. For carts and waggons the elephants are
usually harnessed in pairs, but for ploughing they are driven
singly — and they get through a tremendous amount of work. They
are used for riding, and carry the rider's baggage, travelling at
the rate of five Idloraetres an hour for about five hours ; but they
ought not to be worked in the heat of the day. The farm at Api
now owns some fifty trained elephants ' {African World).

From the foregoing it may be seen that elephants should
not be neglected when considering the questions of loco-
motion and transport.

Let us pass to the consideration of the agricultural
future of the Plateau. It is very doubtful if this country
can ever be colonised, like Canada or Austraha, by numerous
small peasant proprietors. Our Plateau sphere is essen-
tially a plantation country, that is, a country for white
planters working rubber, cotton, etc., with native labour,
as is done in Ceylon and other parts of the world.

To select any particular industry as being hkely to
prove the ultimate mainstay of a country which, hke the
Tanganyika Plateau, is so rich in potentialities, w^ould be
somewhat premature. But in rubber we have at least a
tangible asset ; at the worst, it will afford occupation to a
limited number of settlers ; at the best it might open up
possibiHties of tremendous magnitude.

Five years ago Mr. Blyth furnished the Administration
with an excellent report upon the agricultural possibihties
of the Plateau, in which he stated that, in the Saisi Valley,
ceara was doing remarkably well. About 75 per cent, of
seeds planted germinated, and plants which were not
three months old stood about 2| feet high, and looked
absolutely healthy. At the same time at Bismarckburg,
a German station on Lake Tanganyika, two days from Aber-
corn, two-year-old trees were 15 feet high and 12 inches

Tkkk \va(;c.on on Nvasa-Ta.nganvika Road.

<-". //'. HlytJi.fhot.

(,'. Stokes, phot.

Nauvk 1 Ki.K(.KAni

LOOKING AHEAD 333

in diameter. At the present moment (July 1910) nearly
400 acres of ceara are under cultivation in North-Eastem
Rhodesia.

Rubber in greater or lesser quantities exists practically
all over the Plateau. The late Mr. R. C. Codrington
localised it as follows in a report addressed to the Directors
of the British South Africa Company in 1903 ; and al-
though the possibilities of the industry have not received
very much attention since then, it is only reasonable to
believe that the forests referred to in the report have in-
creased in size and value. A direct and beneficial result of
Mr. Codrington's report was ' The Rubber Ordinance '
of 1904, by which trading in and export of rubber was
made illegal.

The report itself may be briefly summarised as follows :

' The Tanganyika district never contained at any time much
rubber ; but small forests, much damaged by wrongful methods of
extraction, still existed in Mporokoso's and Kalimilwa's countries.
Although Mr. Codrington was of opinion that no particular area
was worth being declared a reserve, he thought that if the whole
district were reserved, several small areas would in time become
fairly productive. As regards the West Luangwa district, the
general altitude was too great to favour the growth of rubber,
which was only to be fomid on the banks of rivers running down the
Muchinga escarpment. The North Luangwa and Awemba districts
contained several large rubber-bearing areas, of which the principal
lay around Mwaruli, the burial-gromid of the Awemba kings. Native
tradition held Mwariili sacred, and the rubber fields were, in conse-
quence, undisturbed. A short time previous to the issue of the
report a considerable area known as the Mwaruli Rubber Reserve
had been proclaimed. Small rubber forests were fomid on the
eastern watershed of the Luangwa Valley, on the Luapula, Luan-
senshi, Liposhoshi, and, indeed, most of the larger rivers flowing
to the Chambeshi and Lake Bangweolo. Formerly considerable
amomits of rubber had been exported from these districts, and the
usual barbarous methods of extraction and digging of the roots
had done much to impoverish the resources of the comitry.

' In September 1902 an export duty of uinepence per lb. was
imposed ; in February 1903 the possession of root rubber was
made illegal ; and in May of the same year a reserve was declared
at Mwaruli ; while in 1904 the Rubber Ordinance aheady referred

334 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

to came into force. These steps were consequent upon the discovery
that imscrupulous traders, not content with cutting down the vines,
were digging up and boiling the roots. Mr. Codrington noted as
significant that of the people employed in this wanton destruction
of vines, not one bore a British name, and scarcely one was a natural-
ised British subject.

On the whole the results seemed disappointing. But
Mr. Codrington prophesied that in a few years the know-
ledge of the Government on the subject would be wider,
and facilities for communication more extensive, while
there would certainly be more indigenous rubber to justify
the existence of a Forestry Department and to attract
private enterprise. Some at least of these prophecies have
been justified, as is shown from the following extract taken
from the last Annual Report of the British South Africa
Company : —

' The vast extent of Northern Rhodesia renders it impossible at
present to estimate even approximately the extent of the rubber
areas, but such evidence as is available points to the great pro-
spective value of this asset. The indigenous rubber of Northern
Rhodesia has been strictly protected since 1903, with the result
that the number of young vines shows a great increase. This is
particularly the case in North-Eastern Rhodesia, where the landol-
phia, being a natural product of the soil and very vigorous, spreads
rapidly when protected. A comparatively small portion of North-
Eastern Rhodesia has recently been inspected by Mr. de JosseHn de
Jong, an officer of the Agricultural Department, who estimates that
the five rubber forests which he visited covered, in the aggregate,
upwards of 21,000 acres, and that the number of existing vines was
approximately 800,000. He reports that each of these five areas
would make a complete estate capable of carrrying 200 vines to the
acre under cultivation. Samples of Rhodesian rubber have been
favourably reported upon in London, and tests are being made of
the roots and stems of different varieties of the rubber-yielding
plants fomid in Northern Rhodesia, with a view to the purchase
of the most suitable machinery.'

Mr. Lyttelton Gell, a Director of the British South
Africa Company, has also discussed the question of North-
Eastern Rhodesia rubber in full detail. It is impossible,
when dealing with a matter of such vital importance to

LOOKING AHEAD 336

the future of the Plateau, to refrain from digesting his
report also.

' A small scientific Department of Forestry might be of great
utility. Under a system of control, rubber-hearing trees would be
reported upon by the Company's officials, and the Department
would advise upon their value and the best methods of extraction
and preparation. Encouragement could be given to the invest-
ment of capital in the systematic cultivation of rubber in reserved
areas, let on terminable leases at progressive rents ; in fact, many
ways could be suggested for utiUsing these great resources.

' There are extensive forests in North-Eastern Rhodesia capable
of producing natural rubber of a high commercial value. All East
African rubber, if properly prepared, is in demand in London at
2s. 6d.i per lb. and upwards ; inferior products fetch Is. to 2s.,
and are not always saleable. On the other hand, native methods
of preparation are faulty, and impair the market value.

'Li the indigenous stage the rubber industry does not require
any outlay upon plant or large capital. It is not speculative ;
the settlement of the country diminishes the trader's risks, trans-
port is comparatively cheap for an article so highly valuable in
proportion to its bulk, and no expensive management is involved.

' The control of forest areas by native chiefs or headmen appears
to be almost impracticable. To encourage careful preparation,
rubber of unimpeachable quality might be accepted in payment of
Hut Tax. The Lagos system, based upon a British conception
of tribal property in forests, proves ineffectual, and it is questionable
whether in North-Eastern Rhodesia a tribal chief possesses sufficient
authority. The native who extracts the rubber is, however, the
man who gives negotiable value to the Company's property, and so
long as he obeys regulations he might be encouraged in every way.

' Passing to the future development of the industry, Mr. Gell
summarises the more important points as follows : (1) Steady re-
planting of indigenous trees and preservation of shade trees in forest
areas ; (2) improved methods of extraction and preparation ; (3)
introduction of superior species in cultivated areas ; (4) forma-
tion of a small Forestry Department, one member of which would
have a special experience in rubber ; (5) invitation of the special
attention of Industrial Missions to the preparation of rubber, skilled
manipulators being sent to instruct them.

He concludes with the remark that though the exploita-
tion of wild rubber is properly a branch of Forestry Ad-

1 Now risen to about 4s. a lb.

336 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

ministration, the cultivation of rubber stands on a different
footing, being a matter for private enterprise and for the
concentrated application of brains and capital.

With regard to the best species of rubber for North-
Eastern Rhodesia, it must be remembered that ceara
requires very careful handling, and often gives unexpectedly-
disappointing results. On page 8 of the Annual Report
of the Agricultural and Forestry Department of the Nyasa-
land Protectorate, for the year ended 31st March 1910, Mr.
McCall states : ' I cannot advise planters to enter into
ceara on a large scale, as we have little or no data regarding
the life of the trees, and how they stand tapping. The
experiment so far is successful when ceara is cultivated
and planted in suitable soil, but a failure when planted in
exhausted soil or left to battle against weeds without
cultivation.' Speaking generally, this statement may be
also applied to the Nyasa-Tanganyika Plateau, as the
climate is very similar to that of Nyasaland.

It is probable that landolphia, planted out between
trees upon which it would climb, would do best in North-
Eastern Rhodesia, more especially as vines are known to
flourish. A man who obtained a concession of good
ground where landolphia vines flourished would do well,
provided he had the capital to support himself for, say,
five years without return.

Root rubber (so-called) is most valuable, and flourishes
in many parts of the Plateau. There are good areas on
the Chambeshi river alone, and plenty in the Luwingu
division. In the opinion of Mr. Harger, who, until recently,
was engaged in reporting upon rubber, this underground
stem rubber is really landolphia, of which the stems,
through want of suitable support and good trees, have
spread laterally instead of ' aerially,' and have burrowed
in the earth. The greater part of the stem can be cut,
and, provided the tap root is left, will grow again. A
machine is in use in the Congo Free State for extracting
root rubber, and it is possible that the Guiguet machine
would serve the same purpose.

Passing to the cultivation of cotton, we find that two

LOOKING AHEAD 337

varieties of Egyptian, Abassi and Affifi, have been grown com-
mercially with marked success, the quality of both varieties
being very high — as much as Is. 2d. per lb. has been realised.

The native Senga cotton is one which would pay well
for cultivation, as last season a few bales of cotton grown
at Mirongo M^ere sent to England, and fetched lid. per lb.

Nearly 1000 acres of cultivation are now under cultiva-
tion by Europeans in North-Eastern Rhodesia, mostly,
however, in the South. Probably, however, cotton grown
on, and exported from, the Plateau would be killed by the
cost of transport — at any rate until the railway arrives.^
With such assets in the country as the Chilubula and the
Kalungwisi Falls, it should be possible to inaugurate cotton
and calico mills, as is done in German East Africa, Local
calico would supply a long-felt want, and could be dis-
posed of to natives to almost any extent, and these Falls
might supply motive-power for electric light.

Mr. J. Bateson, the cotton expert, whose departure
on a tour of investigation through Northern Rhodesia,
on behalf of the British Cotton-Growing Association, was
announced to the shareholders last year, has reported
very favourably upon certain districts. In accordance
with his recommendations, steps have been taken to pro-
mote the cultivation of cotton on a large scale, and he has
returned to Rhodesia to superintend the work. A ginnery
is being established in the Kafue district, near the railway,
and a plantation has been started in the same neighbour-
hood, at which different varieties of cotton will be tested.
Mr. Bateson reports that over 1000 acres have been planted
with cotton this season by white farmers. This is a very
satisfactory beginning, and shows that the farmers are
fully alive to the possibilities of the country in this direc-
tion. Rhodesian cotton has fetched higher prices than
that grown in any other new field, except Sea Island cotton
grown in the West Indies.

1 If the proposed ginnery is erected at Karonga at the north end of Lake
Nyasa, cotton could be grown, at least in the North Loangwa district, at a
profit. The African Lakes Corporation quote cheap rates for ginned cotton
from Karonga home, particulars of which can be obtained from their
offices, 14 St. Vincent Place, Glasgow.

338 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

The sanseviera, a natural fibre which grows all over
the country, is not at present plentiful enough to pay
for working. It is proposed to augment the supply and
to improve the quality by planting and cultivating.

Tobacco should, in time, come to be a feature of the
country. The Senga native tobacco is well kno\^Ta.

Among miscellaneous agricultural products may be
mentioned cassava — extensively gro^^'n through the
country, but more especially in the vicinity of Lake
Bangweolo — nkula or camwood, chiUies and tamarinds,
rice, ground-nuts, and red and white gums. Some years ago
an official, who was interested in gums and resins, sent
specimens of red and white gum copal to a friend who
was an expert. The wliite, not having been properly
dried, arrived in poor condition, but the red was pro-
nounced a very fine specimen, the purity and adhesive-
ness indicating a most superior article, which would
probably have reached about £20 per cwt. Soya beans
might also prove successful.

As regards timber, the timber trees of North-Eastern
Rhodesia may be roughly divided into two classes — namely,
heart trees, and those of a homogeneous nature. Of the
former there are very many kinds, of which mulombwa,
miihaiiga, kaimbe, mwpuiulu, ynuhula, rnusasi, ndale, and
mulebe are a few. The heart is usually any shade of red
or bro"\vn, and is always covered by an outer covering of
white wood. As the heart grows thicker wdth the years,
it seems that the outer white covering decreases some-
what in thickness. The heart is in every case both ant
and borer proof, while the outer white sap covering quickly
gives way to white ants, borers, and rot. These trees are
always found in the inland districts away from marshy
land, and make up in large part the covering of the large
African forests. They need a dry soil in which to flourish.
Moreover, they nearly all have the frond leaf and rugged
bark, and have grown to the dimensions of timber trees
in spite of the annual fires that devastate the whole country.
Because of this they are not so abundant as a cursory
glance at the forest would suggest.

LOOKING AHEAD 339

The second class of trees which grow with a homo-
geneous nature are usually found in the musito — that is,
in water. One characteristic of Central African rivers
is that often in flat districts they spread their waters to
a considerable width, and it is in such places that trees
of the greatest height and girth are found. These trees
are, however, usually food for the white ants and borers,
while they do not resist decay like the heart trees of the
forests. The timber of these trees is much softer than
the heart woods — a fact which is, for one thing, due to
their more rapid growth in hot and moist places. These,
in contrast to the heart trees, are usually found with
smoother bark, and with individual leaves. There are
many kinds, of which mupa, mwengele, luamha, musuku-
buta, musokolobe, and musonga are some.

There are many other trees, and, of course, exceptions
to this rough classification, but the kinds readily fall into
these two classes.

The oak of Central Africa is undoubtedly the heart
tree mulombwa. It is of a dark brown colour, with an
oak grain, and is eminently suitable for furniture. When
oiled and pohshed the most richly figured parts are really
handsome. It is of great marketable value. The beech
is most nearly resembled by the hardwood tree nsaninga,
although it is much redder in colour than its British cousin.
Although this is not a heart tree, it is yet both ant and
borer proof. It is, suitable therefore, for all building
purposes.

The cedar is represented in grain by the white-wood
tree of the musito called mwengele. This is very straight-
grained and free from knots, but, being a musito tree, it
is one upon which white ants greedily feed. The borers
do not readily attack it ; it is very easily worked, and
is most suitable for all inside work and furniture.
Because of its grain it resembles cedar when stained.
The saplings of this tree are largely sought after by
builders for rafters, as they are very straight, easily
worked, Ught in weight yet strong, and usually remain
free from borers.

340 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

The wood that takes the place of deal in Central Africa
is the mupa or mupata of the musito. Yet its grain
does not resemble deal, for it is a much closer-grained
wood, and of a stronger fibre. It is most useful for flooring,
and for all kinds of carpentry where an ant-proof wood is
not specially needed.

Of the fancy woods, such as ebony and rosewood, there
are a few, but these are only occasionally met with.
Mahogany of various kinds is also to be found.

For the above notes upon timber the authors are in-
debted to the kindness and technical knowledge of the
Rev. W. Freshwater, of the Mporokoso Station of the
London Missionary Society.

With regard to the question of cattle, we cannot do
better than again quote from Mr. Blyth's report, written
in 1905, at which time he was in charge of the Government
herd at Mpanga, although he now possesses a very fine herd
of his own. He speaks most highly of the prospects of
the country as a cattle-raising centre, since, if the grazing
being carefully selected, cattle will keep their condition all
the year round. This can be accomplished by the use
of hay and ensilage, both of which can be easily and
cheaply made, and by growing good drought-resisting
fodder, such as lucerne and hardy grasses, to carry
the cattle through the dry season. But cattle need
most careful attention, and if neglected or left to the
care of natives they fall off in condition with surprising
rapidity.

Native cattle do surprisingly well in unfavourable
conditions, seeing that no care is taken as to their grazing ;
bulls are used to breed indiscriminately, and the heifers
are bred from too young. In favourable conditions and
with every care, they would quickly equal any stock
now produced in South Africa. The importation of good
bulls would be the quickest and surest method, but it
cannot be advised, as the risks of introducing disease
would be too great. There is at present no disease in
the country beyond that induced by Glossina morsitans
(except perhaps 'stiff sickness,' which usually lasts about

LOOKING AHEAD 341

three days), and the most important point is to prevent
its introduction.

Although the German border has been closed on account
of this very danger, one may perhaps be optimistic as to its
being reopened in the near future. Disease has appeared
and disappeared time and again in many countries, and it
is well within the bounds of possibility that, without any
risk whatever to the herds at present in the country, the
vast resources of German East Africa — perhaps the cheapest
cattle market in the world — will soon be once more avail-
able for stocking the Plateau. Had this been the case
within the past two or three years, a large part of the
thousands of pounds earned by North-Eastern Rhodesian
natives on the southern mines would have been invested
in cattle, to the lasting benefit of the country. Probably,
too, more applications would be made for farms if this
method of stocking were open.

The Southern Rhodesia border has, until recently,
been closed against the importation of northern cattle ;
but this restriction has now been removed, subject to
certain conditions of inspection and quarantine. With
the growth of the Congo mines it is probable that in the
near future the great market ^for cattle will be at the Star
of Congo.

The great difficulty against which cattle-owners have at
present to contend is the prevalence of tsetse fly {Glossina
morsitans), and the consequent danger of driving down herds
to the southern markets. It has been suggested that —
presuming the theory that fly do not bite at night to be
correct — the Government should clear large spaces every
ten miles or so along the route to the south. The cattle
would then travel by night, and camp by day in the cleared
spaces, surrounded, if necessary, by fires. There are diffi-
culties in the plan, but it seems more feasible than either
of the alternative proposals, namely, that a 100-foot track
should be cut right through, or that a track should be kept
free from fly by shooting down the game on either side
of it.

In a recent interview the Administrator, Mr. Wallace,

342 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

made the following remarks to a representative of the
African World : —

' Cattle are thriving in Northern Rhodesia. The herds are
increasing steadily, and some imported stock has been brought in
from Em-ope. There is an enormous tract of country waiting to
be occupied. ... It is very little use anybody going to Northern
Rhodesia to take up land unless they are prepared with preliminary
capital. In cases where two men have gone into partnership, and
one has been able to work, they have done very well indeed with
small capital — from £200 to £300 ; but generally speaking, if they
take up stock they find themselves handicapped for want of money.
The only market is in the south, across the Congo border, and at the
mines.'

The rearing of native sheep and goats might be converted
into an important industry. In Southern Rhodesia, in
1907, sheep fetched £1 per head, and goats 10s. ; on the
Plateau they can be bought at an average of 2s., sheep
and goats alike. At present the long journey down, with
payment of herds and losses, both by death and by animals
arriving out of condition, swallows up all profits ; but with
reasonable rates upon the rail there would undoubtedly
be money in such speculations for the first few months
at least. After that, as breeding stock became plentiful,
the prices of southern small stock would probably sink
rapidly.

Some time ago a Canadian farmer, named De Clos, pro-
jected a scheme for establishing a sheep farm on Mbawala
Island in Lake Bangweolo. Being surrounded by deep
water, the island is free from dangerous carnivora, so
that stock could be left out to graze all night, and would
probably do well.

Among the miscellaneous assets of the Plateau one may
quote the native cloth- weaving, which is still carried on by
Chief Chinakila's Walungu — more for practical purposes
than for adornment — and the ordinary native bark-cloth,
of which many tons are now exported from Uganda and
sold at a good profit.

At Sumbu, on Lake Tanganyika, excellent lime is obtain-
able, and there is no reason why the Alungwana coastmen

LOOKING AHEAD 343

should not make this a special industry. The White
Fathers have recently made excellent cement from the
interior crust of ant-heaps, and it has proved most
successful.

No doubt, as the railways progress and the country is
opened up, so that the realisation of an outside market can
be brought before the natives, they will set to work and
improve their industries so as to bring them up to the stan-
dard demanded by European traders ; but at the present
moment nothing more is done than serves to meet their
actual needs.

With regard to the possibilities of money-making, out-
side those of planting and cattle-ranching already discussed,
one cannot do better than quote Mr. Pirie, who, in the
Journal oj the African Society, says : ' It must be under-
stood that in the present state of the country's progress
there are absolutely no openings for tradesmen of any kind.
... As regards trading, it would be well to bear in mind
that there are already powerful companies established
against whom it would be found a very difficult matter
to compete.' This warning is still true for any one who
desires to open general trading business only ; but since
this was written several settlers have found that it pays to
run small native stores in addition to their ranches or
plantations, as has been mentioned in the preceding chapter.

Having thus discussed the main assets of the country,
it is impossible to avoid the time-honoured truism which
has been dragged in from time immemorial by every
writer upon native territories, the truism that the greatest
of such assets is the original owner of the country — the
native himself.

The natives of this country will never become a vanished
race as did the North American Indians. They teem
with vitahty, they are of sturdy stock, and they are
rapidly increasing. In any discussion of the future, a
place — and that a large one — must be allotted to them.
No consideration of possible developments would be
complete wdthout a distinct programme deahng with the
native aspect.

344 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

It has been suggested more than once in Southern
papers that the superfluous population of South Africa
should be transferred to Northern Rhodesia — that these
territories should, in fact, be made a huge native reserve.
Sober consideration of such a scheme only serves to define
more clearly than before its utter impracticabihty. We
do not want aliens north of the Zambesi ; the problems of
our administration will prove quite sufficiently engrossing
without complexities of this kind being added. But at
the same time there is a happy mean between such a policy
and its antithesis (much in favour with a certain section
of the Colonial public) — that the native should be per-
mitted to remain providing it is clearly understood that
his country is to be developed entirely for the benefit of
the white man. And that happy mean would seem to lie
in the policy of a strongly-developed native state.

The details of such a policy are not to be lightly worked
out. But, upon broad hnes, such a scheme would run
somewhat as follows : The native would be assisted to
grow rubber, cotton, and so forth for the white man ; he
would be paid in cash, and thus his wants would increase.
We have a precedent for this method in Nyasaland, where
cotton is bought from the natives with considerable suc-
cess. Incidentally, the native — who is first and foremost
an agriculturist — continues to perform the work he Hkes,
and retains the sense of racial security, of uninterrupted
possession.

Taxes should continue to be paid in money, not in
kind. Taking rubber or cotton as the unit of trade,
sufficient money would very quickly be earned by the
native not only to adjust his liabilities to Government,
but also to satisfy his demand for incidental luxuries, once
he had learned that only by work, and good work at that,
could such money be earned. An agricultural college
could be instituted in which would be trained intelhgent
men, who could, later, act as travelling instructors in the
art of cultivating cotton or tapping rubber. There is but
little doubt that in a very short time picked natives could
be trained to be good foresters. There is an Agricultural

LOOKING AHEAD 345

Department attached to Kondowe, and the results have
been so excellent that the Livlngstonia Mission has acquired
a tract of nearly thirty square miles for agricultural
development.

In a recent interview the Administrator of Northern
Rhodesia said : ' They (the natives) do not make much
money, and we want to teach them to do so.' What
better method could there be than in the establishment of
a definite native industry, which would keep them employed
in the dearth of local work ? Later, when planters with
capital began to arrive, the assets of the country would
be in a condition better calculated to yield good results.
The main necessity of such a scheme is a strong Forestry
Department.

The present supply of labourers for local work far ex-
ceeds the demand — except, perhaps, during the tree-
cutting and fencing season, when the supply is apt to fail
almost entirely. It is, indeed, this inequality in the
supply which constitutes one of the prime difficulties of
the situation.

The average cost of labour is, and has been for some
years past, 4s. 2d. a month, including calico ration. This
rate has not, so far, been affected by the high wages paid
on the southern mines, nor need we fear any appreciable
rise in wages at present. Thus any enterprise, such as
rubber-planting, could calculate upon obtaining as much
labour as it needed during ten months of the year at this
rate, provided only that decent treatment were meted out
to the employees.

As recruiting for the southern mines has not been long
estabhshed, it is difficult to formulate a definite opinion
upon what is still in the experimental stage. On the one
hand there is, in some districts, a well-marked dislike to
this class of work. In the beginning it was doubtless due
to several reasons : firstly, the death-rate ; secondly —
and no doubt more important — the distance from home
and the length of the contract. The death-rate has been
diminished by good diet and careful treatment ; the
arrival of the railway at Ndola has put Bulawayo almost

346 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

within three weeks of the most remote Plateau station.
Yet the disHke remains — mostly, no doubt, as a mere
matter of prejudice.

Natives are very conservative ; they like to preserve
the due rotation of their days. During the early part
of the dry season — that is, in April, May, and June — they
have finished reaping, and have not yet commenced to lop
branches for the forthcoming vitemene. Then they are
only too eager for work. But it is a very different thing
to go away for more than a year. Many of them have
aged relatives dependent upon them ; who will provide
these with food ? Most of them are married, and, so far,
no provision has been made for the wives of mine labourers
accompanying them to the south. It is only natural
that they should object to lieaving their wives for so long
a period, with the very probable chance of finding, on their
return, that the ladies have grown tired of grass-widow-
hood, and have forged for themselves new chains ! More-
over, the chiefs themselves do not Uke to see all the young
labour leaving the country ; they still want their mulasa,
or tribute labour — say, two days per able-bodied male
per annum ; while more than one chief has contended
that they and the older men do not profit much by the
influx of wealth. The young men, when they return, have
learned both selfishness and independence ; they pay their
own taxes and those of some of their especial cronies, and
the balance of the money goes straight into the stores.
Unfortunately, also, most of the purchases are gauds and
trinkets to tempt the fickle female, with the result that
adultery, always the besetting sin of the Plateau, is increas-
ing steadily. Thus the chiefs lose both the services of and
authority over their people, and gain but little in exchange.
This, however, is one of the inevitable results of altering
the economic standards of a people — one of the prices
which must be paid for the boon of civilisation.

Another obstacle to the successful recruiting of the
Plateau — although it may be overcome — is that Wemba
labour is the least popular of any northern labour in the
southern market. The Awemba are clannish to a degree,

' Wl

- --f^Vr-^' ?;'V^i-,

' vV *^ Iw ** f ,

CEAKA KUBBKR {28 months) at MlRONciO.

F. H. Mcttand. fhot.

Fruit and vegetakles at Kii,on(;a Mission.

LOOKING AHEAD 347

and require careful handling. If any of their number
get into trouble, the sympathies of the whole gang— who
have probably all come from one little cluster of villages
—are aroused, and mine and compound managers, who
are not always the most complaisant of men, are apt to
grow disgusted with the whole gang. It has been said that
of the Awemba recently sent doAvn, many spent a goodly
proportion of their time in gaol, with the result that the
deferred pay due to them on their return was considerably
smaller than it would otherwise have been. This, natur-
ally, gave rise to dissatisfaction among the dehnquents
themselves, and created a bad impression among their
relatives at home, who were naturally not at the pains
to work out the real reason for the shortage. Possibly
the institution of seconding a Native Commissioner from
North-Eastem Rhodesia to act as Compound Inspector
in Southern Rhodesia will improve this phase of the
situation.

For the rest, as has already been said, the native abhors
the ticket system, which is universally followed in the
south — in mine compounds, at least. And it is still a moot
point whether he does not bring back with him from the
mines more knowledge of vice, insolence, and general
wickedness than he took down. Certainly it is a fact
that the return of a gang of repatriates is usually the signal
for a crop of civil and criminal cases ; but, as many of
these have been accumulating during the absence of the
miners, it is hardly, perhaps, a fair test.

On the other hand, there are undoubted advantages.
First and foremost, although he may not hke the process,
the native learns what hard work really means, and it is
exceedingly good for him, as he would never learn it here.
Then, too, his intelUgence and self-rehance are sharpened
and tempered to a keener edge by intercourse with men,
black hke himself, but of many different tribes. He comes
back, as has been said before, more of a Man— and, by
his coming, plants the seeds of ambition and adventure
in the hearts of his fellows. It needs many drawbacks
to counterbalance this concrete effect.

348 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

The southern mine manager, Hving in the daily terror
of seeing his stamps ' hung up ' for want of labour, talks
hotly of the indolence of ' the nigger,' his disinclination
for labour, etc. This is hardly fair to the northern native.
What English village would send away the bulk of its
young men to a far distant foreign country — for, in the
eyes of the native. Southern Rhodesia is that — without
their womenkind, for a year or eighteen months ? — especi-
ally when, in the eyes of the ignorant multitude, the mine
is nothing more or less than a death-trap ?

In considering the future of the country, account must, of
course, be taken of Sleeping Sickness — that bugbear nowa-
days of all too many African administrations. This disease
was first diagnosed in North-Eastern Rhodesia in 1907,
and at present not more than a hundred of non-imported
cases have been discovered, so that it shows no present
tendency to develop into an epidemic type. Whenever
a new disease attacks a country there is naturally a great
outcry at first, from the fear that it may speedily become
epidemic. But it seems unlikely that we shall ever upon
the Plateau suffer such mortality as in Uganda, since, after
all, the bulk of the population is inland, and not upon the
shores of the lakes. In the older West Coast colonies,
in the basin of the Senegal, the Congo, and the Niger,
Sleeping Sickness has existed for over a hundred years,
and where it is endemic and of long standing it is accepted
as a matter of course, as, after all, the moHahty is not to
be compared with the enormous death-rate from cholera
and plague epidemics in India, It is only the recent
mortality in Uganda which has made the disease such
a nightmare to the civilised world, since, except where the
conditions are exceptionally favourable, Sleeping Sickness
is a slow-moving malady.

There is, indeed, every reason to beheve that the prompt
measures which have been taken have already checked the
spread of this hideous disease, and that in the course of
the next decade, or even earlier, the malady itself will
have been stamped out. Whether the great international
waterway of Tanganyika will ever again be open to trade is

LOOKING AHEAD 349

still in question ; but, at any rate, the lives of those in the
territory itself should be secure. And any day may witness
the discovery of an effectual cure.

Hitherto we have been menaced by the proximity of
the Belgian Congo, where, until recently, no precautions
were taken to guard against the reinfection of this territory
by prohibiting intercourse. But in July, at a Conference
held at Fort Rosebery, a ynodus operandi was arrived at,
and the Belgians are now exercising very much the same
precautions on their side of the Luapula as are we on ours.

Financially, Sleeping Sickness has proved a heavy scourge
to North-Eastern Rhodesia, and more especially to the
Plateau proper. This financial strain has been enormous :
segregation camps, extra medical men, road patrols, and
border guards are some of the incidental expenses which
have been rendered necessary ; the removal of villages
wholesale from the infected area, together with the necessity
of remitting the taxes of natives so removed for a year,
of recompensing them for confiscated canoes, and, in many
cases, of feeding them during the resulting period of
shortage while their new gardens were in course of making —
these are among the more direct consequences. Indirectly
we have suffered from a corresponding loss of revenue ;
the Congo is shut as a labour centre, and transport towards
the west is almost at a standstill. Whatever the financial
position of North-Eastern Rhodesia may be at the present
day, it must be to her lasting credit that her Administration
has not hesitated to take the steps that were considered
necessary in their full completeness in the face of grave
pecuniary losses. A special scientific Commission under
the general direction of Dr. Aylmer May, the principal
medical officer of Northern Rhodesia, has already been
dispatched to the Luangwa Valley, where research work
will be carried on under the superintendence of Dr. King-
horn, who is a recognised authority upon Sleeping Sickness.

For the last eighteen months much has been heard of the
amalgamation of the two territories of North- Western and
North-Eastern Rhodesia. Already the financial side of
the Administration is worked from Livingstone, while the

350 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

comptroller of posts and telegraphs also supervises the
mail services and postal arrangements from that place.
The medical service has also been amalgamated. It is
probable that before these lines are in print the civil
services of the two territories will have been welded into
one, which will probably be reorganised upon Unes suggested
by the recent Commission. The new administrative
headquarters will be at Livingstone, which is no farther
from most of the Plateau stations than Fort Jameson,
besides being upon the Cape to Congo Railway. The
present system of two distinct Administrations has proved
cumbersome and unnecessarily expensive.

At the present moment the position is that an Order
in Council will be shortly promulgated dealing with
the amalgamation of North-Eastern and North-Western
Rhodesia.i Mr. L. A. Wallace, C.M.G., will be the Ad-
ministrator of the joint territory. It is, of course, too
early to anticipate the changes which must accrue from such
a development, but one cannot doubt that they will prove
beneficial to the main interests of the country. Slavish
uniformity will probably not be aimed at, and such matters
as the game laws, import duties, hut taxes, and the
Hke will not necessarily conform to one standard in every
district.

Sooner or later the question of entering the South
African Union must be considered in respect of these
northern territories ; but that also is a matter which it
would be premature to discuss at present.

Whether or not the Plateau can be held to be in reality
a white man's country must remain largely a matter of
individual opinion. From the point of view of health
there is, at least, no drawback. There are, no doubt,
unhealthy and malarious spots ; but they are few and far
between. Such diseases as exist are frequently accom-
panied by an access of undesirable nervous symptoms,
which are sometimes more alarming than the actual
physical effect of the disease itself upon the patient. In
all lonely countries there exist, in far greater degree than

1 This Order in Council has since been promulgated, on August 17, 1911.

LOOKING AHEAD 351

in crowded communities, the temptations towards drugs
and drink ; but these are now things of the past — a fact
which is no doubt due in great measure to the presence
of so many married ladies. Neurasthenia is not infrequent ;
the high elevation and the isolation being considered, this
is not surprising. Ordinary hygienic precautions and the
constant use of quinine will serve to safeguard the average
individual, and the free and open-air existence tends to
minimise disease.

But unfortunately other things besides mere healthy
conditions are needful for successful colonisation — if such
colonisation be understood to mean the permanent settle-
ment of European families. Even in the very healthiest
spots it is hardly a country for English children beyond
the age of six or seven. Lack of congenial society, lack of
education, lack of the ordinary interests of the average
child, the diJBficulties of introducing white nurses or gover-
nesses, the scarcity of medical men — all these are factors —
and important ones — in deciding whether or not a child
should be allowed to remain in the country after a certain
age. And if this is finally proved to be impossible, the
situation must inevitably resemble that in which Anglo-
Indians still find themselves after over a century of occu-
pation— a situation always unfortunate, and, in this case,
accentuated by the greater distance from England.

There are, it is true, good schools in Southern Rhodesia ;
perhaps in time one may be opened in Livingstone when
numbers permit . But even then it may be doubted whether
the arrangement would be a satisfactory one to most
parents, and at the best it would be begging the question —
the question of the permanent and complete settlement of
English families.

These, then, are the main factors of the future. Lacking
the gift of prophecy, it is beyond our power to do more
than point to them as they exist. It lies with the capital-
ists of Europe to transmute what are, at present, mere
shadowy possibilities into concrete facts, and the first
step along the path which leads towards that goal must be
the laying down of a Plateau railway. Once that has been

352 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

accomplished, the results will follow in orderly sequence ;
until it has been accomplished, the Plateau will remain
what it is now — a land of many possibilities, peopled with
contented, easy-going natives, governed by a handful of
white men — a primitive, absorbing land, full of old romance,
but lacking the stimulus of latter-day materialism.

Many of us would not change conditions if we could,
for the peace of Lotus Land is upon us. The stress of
modernity brings trouble in its train. But there are
generations to follow us, and their claims must be con-
sidered. One day the Nyasa-Tanganyika Plateau may come
to be a much-valued corner of the Empire ; and, with such
a possibility in view, we can do no less than forego our
present peace and turn to sterner matters.

^^9. TTfV. PTATT^ATT HV MORTTTT^^RAr RTTni

INDEX

Abercorn, 5, 35, 38, 40, 45, 111.
Abnormalities, 126.
Abortion, 63, 177, 261.
Administration of justice, native, 50.

of N.-E. Rhodesia, 11, 22, 69, 110,

149, 344.
Administrator, 43, 69, 110.
Adultery, 55, 57, 90, 124, 346,
African Lakes Corporation (formerly

African Lakes Company), 36, 38, 41,

45,68,250,311,321.
Afterbirth, buried in hut, 177.
Age classes, 268.
Agriculture, 291 et seq, ; training of

natives, 344.
Albinos, 126.

children of Mulenga, 82, 127.

Alungu. See Lungu.

Alungwana, Swahili half-castes, 12, 342.

Amambwe. See Mambwe.

Amulets, 91, 92, 125.

Ancestral spirits, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 176,

278 295.
Angoni, 14, 29, 34, 44, 121, 181, 294.
Animals, game, 191 et seq., 301, 331,

Wemba names of, 228-9.

totem, 93, 95.

spirits of chiefs reincarnated in, 84.

mythical, 192, 282-3.

figures of, 159-60.

Animism, 80, 81.
Anointing of kings, 20, 21.

of girls on initiation, 158,

of bridal pair, 161, 163.

Ant bear, 308.

Antelopes, 191, 194, 195, 197.

Ants, 108.

Aprons of Winamwauga and Wiwa

people, 251-2.
Arabs, 12, 13, 14, 29, 37, 41-2, 167, 181.
Arrow, in wedding ceremonies, 161, 163.

164.
Arts, 286 et seq.
Asao tribe, 33.
Askari. See Constabulary.
Assessors, native, 108, 130.
Atambo, 12.

Aurora, quoted, 33, 259, 263.
Awemba. See Wemba.
Awisa (Babisa). See Bisa.
Awiwa. See Wiwa.
AxQhea.d {chikumbe), divination by, 63, 88.

Babisa (Awisa). See Bisa.

Bachibinda (alders). See Guilds and

Uwanga.
Baluba. See Liiba.
Ba Muka Benye. See Priestesses.
Bangweolo, Lake, 13, 16, 17, 44, 9-i, 119,

127, 179, 200, 203, 242, 283, 307, 331,
333.

Baraza, reception of chiefs by Adminis-
trator, 111.

Bark-cloth, 251, 252, 286, 287, 342.

Barter, 289.

Basickiloshi, 89.

Baskets, 288.

Bees, 308.

unlucky beehives, 296.

' Bee,' for tree-cutting, 263, 297.

Beer, 260, 261, 284.

libations of, to spirits, 26, 84, 85,

172, 278.

Beer-drinking, 140, 262-3, 295, 302.

Belgians, 349.

Bell, Mr., collector at Ikawa, 41.

'Belt,' 59, 252.

Betrothal, 196.

Bewitching, 90, 170.

Bhang, 74, 75, 87, 263.

Bicycle, 317.

Birds, 192, 208 ; ill-omened, 296.

Birth customs, 176 et seq.

Bisa (Wisa) tribe, 13, 24, 29, 30, 44, 81,
119, 277, 295^, 296.

women, 179.

dress of, 251.

folk-tale, 269,

chiefs, 84,

huts, 277.

tanners, 287.

Butwa society of the, 261 et seq.

Blacksmiths, 280.

Blackwater fever, 218.

Blantyre, 38, 310.

Blyth, Mr., his report, 322, 340.

Boats, 331,

Body-maggot {mutiti), 122,

Bomas, administrative stations, 65, 102

et seq., 153.
Bones, divination by, 89.
Boundary disputes, 60.
Bow, as weapon, 116 ; used at wedding

ceremonies, 161, 169.
Bracelets, 254, 280.
Brass-workers, 280.

Bride-capture, represented in dance, 245.
Bride-price {mpangd), 157, 162, 163, 166

and n., 171.
British Cotton-Growing Association, 337.

South Africa Company, 1, 38, 40,

43, 324.
Broken Hill, 309 etc.
Buffalo, 191, 198-9.
Burial, 95.

rites, 181 et seq. ; of Butioa society,

262 et seq.
Burninc, as punishment, 55,95.
of bush, 298, 302.

354 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Burning of corpse, to lay a ghost, 114.

of grass, to make salt, 283.

Bush-buck, 191, 197 ; taboo to Awemba,

96, 198.
Bush-pig, 197.

Butioa society, 156, 255, 259 et seq.
Bwembia, Wemba chief, 18.
Bwinga, marriage ceremony, 162.

Calendar, farmer's, 292.

Camp life, 145 et seq.

Camwood (nkula), 163, 180, 189 ; occult
efficacy of, 255.

Cannibalism, 91.

Canoes, 204, 282, 331.

Capital charges, how tried, 72.

Carrying-pole used at funerals, 182.

Cases, native, 105 et seq.

Cassava, 296, 299, 303.

Castor-oil, 299.

Cattle, 76, 171, 289, 304-8, 340-2, 325.

Cazembe. See Kazembe.

Ceara rubber, 336.

Cereals 298

Ceremonies,'20, 23, 26-7, 85, 156 et seq.,
161, 162, 166, 171, 172, 176, 181, 211,
212, 213, 260 et seq., 274, 275, 291,
294, 306.

Ceremonial, love of, 25.

Chain-gang, 70.

Chambeshi, 41, 186, 330, 333, 336.

Chandamukulu, hereditary title of
Wemba princesses, 19.

Charms, 30, 48, 91, 92 ; against serpents,
125 ; to control movements of
elephants, 216 ; for making ground-
nuts grow, 294 ; against lions, 306.

Chattels, 278.

Chesnaye, Mr. C. P. , notes by, 207.

Chewe, 29.

Chiefs, Wemba, 16 et seq. ; came from
Lubaland, 29 ; their cruelty, 42.

Lungu, 33 et seq,

impose taboo, 98.

their spirits worshipped, 84, 291.

tribal, 68.

under B.S.A.C. Administra-
tion, 149.

Chikanamuliro, 29.

Ohikoti, 70.

Chikwanda, Wemba chief, 18.

Children, English, 351.

native, 139, 156, 258, 271, 294.

See Birth Customs.

employment of, 61, 179.

Chilesie (Chireshya), Wemba chief,
28.

Cbilubula. White Fathers' mission
station, 241, 322, 337.

Chimba, Wemba chief, 20.

Chimbo, left-hand tusk of elephant, 211.

Chinakila, Lungu chief, 35, 342.

Chinde, 309, 310.

Chinkula, unlucky children, 52, 126,
275.

Chinyanta, Kazembe, 29.

Chinyimba, story of, 30.

Chireka Kazembe, 29.

Chirni Islands, 119, 242, 2.59. 261.

Chisayigaka, were-lion, 200.

Chisholm, Dr., quoted, 125, 234, 291.

Chisungu. See Initiation and Marriage.

Chisya, native spirit, 82.

Cliitapankwa, Wemba king, 17, 36.

Chitemene, system of cultivation, 73, 74,
149, 295 et seq.

Chitente, quarter of a village, 22, 296.

Chitimbwa, family of Lungu chiefs, 29,
33 et seq.

Chitimukulu (title of Wemba chiefs), 16
et seq., 42 etc.

legend of first, 30.

Chitinta, Chitimukulu, 28.

Chitoshi, Lungu chief, 180.

Chitunkubwe, Shinga chief, 254.

Qhiwa, goblin. See Viwa,

Chiwali, Senga chief, 42.

Chlwanda. See Viwanda.

Chiwemba (Wemba language), 130.

Chiwiuga, harpoon, 202.

Chomba, ancestor of Lungu chiefs, 33.

Choruses, 268.

Chosi river, 16.

Chungu, Lungu chief, 35.

Civil law, 59.

Clans, 93, 94, 136, 259.

Climbers, Awemba good, 115.

Cockatrice, inondo, 192.

Codrington, the late R. C, Adminis-
trator N.-E. Rhodesia, 11, 22, 42,43,
312, 333.

Commercial depression, 45.

' Commercial ' marriage, 166.

Confessional, 176.

Congo State, 328.

Conscience in natives, 135.

Consecration of kings, 20.

Constabulary, N.-E. Rhodesian, 65 etseq.

Consumption, 124.

Contracts, 139.

Copal, 338.

Copper, 281.

Cord-making, 287.

Corporate responsibility, 52.

Cotton, 14, 337.

Council of elders, 50, 258.

Cousins, marriage of, 172.

Cow doctor, Nyika, 305-6.

Crawford, Rev. D., quoted, 33.

Crimes, 54 et seq., 72-4.

Crocodiles, 201, 215.

Crocodile, totem, 16 et seq., 93.

Crops, 60, 298 ; destroyed by game, 300.

chief's, 58.

Cross, Dr. Kerr, 123, 124.

Cross-roads, 158, 178, 183, 276, 285.

Cultivation, system of, 60.

Currency, 10.

Danckrs, professional, 265-6.

Dances, 141, 163, 251, 263 et seq.

' Dancing-man ' (sinmseba), 265.

' Dancing the Heads," 258.

Death customs, 48, 81, 171, 181 et seq.,

275.
Decency, ideas of, 253.
Decorative art, 288.
Defaulters, 137.
Deforestation, 301, 303.
Dennett, R. E., quoted, 94,

INDEX

355

Dentists, native, 256.
Dewar, Mrs., songs published by, 269 n.
Diabolo {nsengwa-nsengwa), 271.
Disease, causes of, 103, 118-224, 285,

318,

treatment of, 120.

Dispersion, the {Chipanduko), 93, 95.
' District courts ' in Wemba viliages, 54.
District headmen, 149.
Districts of N.-E. Rhodesia, 44.
Divination, 63, 87-9, 92, 180, 183, 184.
Divorce, 158, 165, 166, 168, 170 et seq.
Doctors (hashing' angd), 86 et seq., 97,

114, 178, 185, 292.
Dogs, 202, 308.
Dolls, 272.
Domestic spirits, 84.
Dowry. See Bride-price.
Dress, 251 et seq.
Drummond, the late Prof., 308.
Drums, 193, 265.
Dry season, 292 ; natives eager for work

in, 346.
Drysdale, relieves Young at Chiwali's,

42.
Duff, H. L., quoted, 258.
Dupont, Bishop, 22, 192, 240, 242 etc.
Dwarfs, 127.
Dyes, 287.
Dynamite, 226, 318.
Dysentery, 123.

Education, 132, 232.

Eggs, taboo, 96.

Eland as riding animal, 831.

Elephants, 191, 202 ; habits of, 210, 218
et seq. ; able to swim, 215 ; their calves,
211 ; crocodile killed by, 215 ; charm
against, 215-6 ; burial-places, 219 ;
tuskless (tondo), 210, 217; wreck
village, 300 ; possibilities of taming,
331-2.

Elephant-hunters, guild of. See Uivanga.

hunting, 30, 209 et seq.

Elmslie, Dr., quoted, 131.

Emetic, insanity cured by, 124.

Epilepsy, 124.

Etiquette, Wemba, 251.

Europeans in N.-E. Rhodesia, 3, 8, 65,
68, 77, 110.

European law, effect of, on native pro-
cedure, 63,

Evidence, 61.

Executions, 21, 42, 43, 55, 56, 57, 72.

Exogamy, 94, 172.

Exorcist, 87.

Extradition of criminals, 58.

Eyesight, 116, 123.

Falls of Chilubula and Kalungwisi,

337,
Farms, 324.

Fatalism of natives, 181.
Feast, annual, to spirits, 98 n.
Fetish, 92.

Fevers, 120, 121, 318.
Fife, 41, 43, 45, 91, 123, 245, 289, 298,

300, 304.
Fipa, 28, 32.

Fire, rites connected with, 20, 86, 172,

184, 285, 286.
Fire-sticks, 86, 172, 285.
First-fruits, 294-5.
Fish found in Tanganyika, 207-8.

eaten by Wabisa, 122, 281.

Fishing, 14, 203, 281 ; customs and

taboos, 97, 281 ; fish poison (vncwa),

203, 306.
Flogging, 70, 74.
Flotilla Company, 45,
Folk-tales, 269.
Food, 284-5, 300.

Foodstuffs cultivated by Wemba, 298-9.

Forbes, Major, 40, 41, 43.

Forestry department, 334, 345.

Fort Rosebery, 328, 349.

Fotheringham, L. Monteith, 37.

Foulon, Father, 261.

' Foundation-stone' of village, 27, 275.

Fowls, 307 ; used in divination, 89, 184.

Frazer, quoted, 93, 96, 160.

Freight, rates of, 311.

French mission, 69,

Fruits, wild, 300.

Fundis (skilled workmen or hunters),

6, 25, 195, 199, 211 et seq., 220,

280.
Funeral rites, 181 et seq. , 262 ; of Wemba

kings, 185 et seq.
Fungwe tribe, 13, 171, 251, 528, 274,

275.
Furniture, 6, 239, 323.
Fwambo, 39.

Gall-bladder, divination by, 89.

Game, 190 ei seq., 300.

Game-pits (huchinga), 72-3, 202, 300,

301.

regulations, 224.

reserves, 225.

Games, 271 et seq.

Gamitto, Portug\iese traveller, 28.

Gaol, 70.

Gardens, sites of, chosen, 60 ; how

made, 296 et seq. See Vitemene.

European, 111, 112, 302, 303.

Garden-work, 291 etseq., 158, 168, 169.

Gell, Mr. Lyttelton, 334.

Ghost, laid by burning of corpse, 114.

Ghost-huts, 83.

Giraffe, 191.

Giraud, 17, 31.

Girl children, 179-80.

Girls, betrothed, 157.

initiated, 158 et seq.

choose husbands, 169.

instructed at chisungu, 157, 159.

medicine given to, 97,

Glossiv.a palpalis, 122.

morsitans (tsetse), 123, 208, 226, 304,

308, 329, 341.
Goats, 307, 342.
God (Leza), 80, 81.
'God-huts,' 27.
Graetz expedition, 330.
Grass fires, 193, 298.

as a charm, 215-16.

as relish to porridge, 284.

356 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Graves, 182, 189.

Grazing rights, 60.

Ground-nuts (monkey-nuts), 298, 299,

301, 322, 338.
Ground tusks, 108, 211.
Groves, chiefs buried in, 182.
Guild of doctors, 86 ; of elephant-hunters,

97, 211 et seq. (see Uwanga) ; of the

lilamjia, 92.
Guilleme, Father, 69.
Guinea-fowl, tame, 307.

Haddon, Dr., quoted, 160.

Hair-dressing, 253.

Hall, Mr. J. G. (Native Commissioner in

Lungu country), 12, 33, 82.
Harpoon, 202.

Harrington, Mr. H. T. , quoted, 260.
Hartebeest, furred, 191.
Haruspication, 89.

Harvest customs and ceremonies, 85, 294.
Head-dresses, 253.
Headmen, district, duties of, 76.
Health of natives, 119.

of Europeans, 318.

Hearing, acuteness of, 116-17.
Heart, supposed seat of courage, 13-1.
Hearth, sacred, 285.
Hens' nests, 278, 307.
Herbaliits, 86 et seq.
Hereditary characteristics, 117.

priests among Winamwanga, 87.

Hernia, umbilical, 127, 292.

High treason, punishment of, 54, 55.

Hippopotamus, 191, 202, 207, 213, 225,

hunters, 117.

Hoeing, 295 ; done by women, 302.

Homicide, 56.

Honesty of natives, 136, 137.

Horn, foundation, 27, 275.

Horns used as amulets and in sorcery, 90,

91 92
Horses, 9, 329.
Hospitality, 257-8.
Hospitals, 239, 247.
Human sacrifices. See Sacrifices.
Hunters, 14, 25, 97, 195-6 ; guild of

{Uwanga wa nsofu), 97, 211 et seq. ;

killed by elephants, 217 ; 'medicines'

used by, 212-3; chiriri dance, 214;

customs and superstitions, 30, 97, 141,

203-4.
Hunting, divination by, 180, 183.

nets, 201-2.

Huts, construction of, 277 ; interior of,

278.
Hut tax, 7, 44, 68, 69, 150, 151.

Idols (tuluM) of Wabisa, 92.

Idol-making, 288.

IJingo or 'Buriers of the Kings,' 185 et

seq.
Illness, taboos in, 97.
Imfu, medicine, 97.
Import duties in N.-E. Rhodesia, 312.
Improvidence, 140.
Incest, 95, 173.
Industries, 279 et seq.
Industrial training at mission stations,

232, 239.

Infanticide, 139.
Inheritance, 59.

of wives, 107, 171-3.

Initiation (ckisungu), 156 et seq,

to Butwa society, 261.

to elephant-hunters' guild, 212.

Inoculation, 119.

Inondo. See Cockatrice.

Insanity, 56, 124.

Insects, 208, 308 ; eaten, 300.

Instruction, at chisungu, 157, 159-60 ; in

Butwa society, 261.
Intelligence, 134.

Invisible, power to become, 213, 261.
Invocation of Leza, 81 ; of spirits, 85.
Ipembelela, disease, 97.
Iron-workers, 279.
Irrigation, 303.
Ivory-workers, 208.
Isano (chief's harem), 107.
Isoko, residence of Lungu chiefs, 34, 35.
Ituna province, 16, 24.

Jenkins, Mr. P. L., quoted, 46.

Jigger, 122, 208.

Johnston, Sir H. H., 36, 33 et seq., 116,

177, 267, 304.
W. R. , late Native Commissioner,

82.
Judicial procedure, 63.
Justice, native sense of, 78.

Kachinoa, Namwanga god, 84, 264.

Kafumbo, Lungu chief, 34.

Kafwimbi, Wiwa paramount chief, 24,

25, 29, 86, 294, 295.
Kalanga Mountain, tomb of Yombe chief

on, 294.
Kalimilwa, Wemba chief, 34.
Kalouga, Arab trader, 29.
Kalungwisi river and station, 40, 242,

337.
Kamanga, 13.

Kanyimbe, first Kazembe, 28.
Kaoma, 59.

Kapandansaru, Arab trader, 42.
Kapembwa, rain spirit, 35, 82.
Kapopo, mythical monster, 282.
Kapumba, Kazembe, 28.
Karonga, A. L.C. station, 37.
Kasama, 13, 43, 45, 328.
Kasesema, priest of Mulenga, 82, 87.
Kasonso, Lungu chief, 29, 34.
Katanga, 327.
Kayambi, mission station of the White

Fathers, 240, 242, 244, 245.
Kazembe, Lunda chiefs, 28 et seq.
' Keepers of the Horn ' (BachaTnanga), 92.
Keloids, 212, 255.
Kibwa, salt-making at, 283.
Kidd, Dudley, quoted, 136, 159, 181,

230.
Kilns for iron-smelting, 279.
King, authority in legal matters, 49.

as High Priest, 86.

burial of, 185.

Kings, Wemba, 16 et seq.

Lunda, 28 et seq.

Lungu, 33 et seq.

King's African Rifles, 65, 66 n., 116,

INDEX

357

Kinghorn, Dr., 349.

Kinship, 172-3.

Kitchen utensils, 322.

Kola, 30.

Kolimfumu, killed in Senga country, 30,

31.
Kondowe, Training Institution, 132, 246,

545.
Kraals, cattle, 305, 306.
Kumbakumba, Arab trader, 29.

Labour, 150, 345.

Lacerda, Portuguese traveller, 28, 32.

Lake tribes, 115.

Land tenure, native, 59 et seq. ; titles

under B.S.A.C. administration,

324.
Lang, Andrew, 93, 97, 162.
Laughter, 114.

Law, English, in N.-E. Rhodesia, 72.
Leather-work, 287.
Lechaptois, Mgr., 240.
Legends, 80.
Lekwisa, Kazembe, 28.
Leopard, 200 ; as totem, 94.
Leprosy, 112, 122.
Leucoderraa, 122.
Layer, G. M. E. (N.C. for Luena

district), 201.
Leza(God), ?>Oetseq., 93.
Licence, game, 226.
Lightning, 'Knife of God," 80.

fire kindled by, 286.

Lilamfia fetish, 92, 255.

Lion, 192, 200, 204 ; as totem, 95 ; beliefs

concerning, 84, 200, 203, 305, 306.
Liquor laws, 76.
Livingstone, David, 17, 21, 28, 32, 60,

113, 114, 117, 285.

town of, 310, 349, 350.

Livingstonia Mission, 125, 132, 231, 245

et seq., 345.
Locusts, 300.
Lofu river, 331.
Logic, native, 130.
London Missionary Societv, 38, 45, 79,

238 et seq.
Lualaba, 30.
Luangwa, 12, 123, 191, 225, 251, 277,

333, 349.
Luapula, 349.
' Luapula Twins,' professional dancers,

266.
Luba tribe and country, 18, 29, 33, 91,

181, 288.
Luena, 29, 331.

Lugard, Sir F., 36. 37, 195, 217.
Luitikila river, 331.
Lumbwe, consort of Weraba princesses,

19.
Lunda, 23, 260.

Lungu tribe, 11, 28, 33, 40, 157, 162, 306.
Lupekeso and Lupembe charms, 90.
Lupupo, ceremony at funerals, 23, 184.
Luwanga. edible grass, 293.
Luwemba province, 16, 24.
Lycanthropy, 96, 133, 189, 200.

MA0HILA3, 9, 145, 226, 320.
Maggot {mutiti), 122.

Magistrates, district, 149.
Makanjira, Yao slaver, 40.
Makasa, Wemba chief, 24 ; approached

by White Fathers, 40.
Mulopwe, ancestor of Weniba

kings, 30.
Makumba, reigning Wemba chief, 18.
Malaria, 120, 121.
Mambwe tribe, 11, 28, 40, 58, 94, 96, 98 »i.,

158, 181 etseq., 188, 301.
Mammal.s, smaller, 192.
Marriage, 156 et seq.

laws, 107.

prohibited degrees, 172-3.

song, translated, 174.

Marshall, H. C, 40.

Massage, 120, 305, 306.

Matriarchate, 18.

Mats, 288.

May, Dr. Aylmer, 349.

Mbawala Island, in Lake Bangweolo, 307,

342.
M'Call, report, 336.
M'Kinnon, 41, 42, 242.
M'Lellan,31, 139, 162.
Meals, 284,
Medical work of L.M.S., 239; of White

Fathers, 244 ; of Livingstonia Mission,

247.
Medicine, native, 120 ; for tattooing,

212; needed by Europeans, 319.
Medicine-men, 23, 27, 50, 61, 54, 96-7,

285, 306.
Medusa, fresh water, 208.
Melland, F. H. , 203, 330.
Menstruation, 97, 158, 285.
Messages, long-distance, 117.
Messengers, native, 67, 75, 76.
Metempsychosis, 95.
Mfumu ya mijKisJd (priestesses of the

spirits), 54, 83.
Miala, gaudy raiment, 253.
Midwives, 176.
Migrations, 28 et seq.
Millet, kinds of, 293, 299, 300.
Mines, 67-8, 346, 347.
Minstrels, king's (ng^omha), 266.
Mipashi, ancestral spirits, 82 et seq.
Missionaries, 4, 8, 40, 132, 230 etseq.
Mitanda (temporary huts), 60, 73, 97,

153, 301.
Mlozi, Arab slaver, 37.
Modelling in clay, 288.
Moir, the brothers, 36.
Monogamy, 168.

Monteiro, Portuguese traveller, 28.
Morality, sexual, 140 et teq.
Mosquito-nets, 330.
Mothers, 139.
Mothers-in-law, 97, 259.
Mourning, 184, 185.
Mpande, white shell disk, 254, 262.
Mpokeleshi, substitute wife, 170.
Msiri, 39.

Mtoso, neck-mark of Awemba, 22, 265.
Muchilingwa, a Wemba prophet, 82.
Mukonia, Winamwanga chief, 58, 95.
Mukukamfuinu, hereditary title of

Wemba princesses, 19.
Mulamba, 213.

358 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Mulandu. See Cases.

Mulasa (statute labour), 69, 3-i6.

ilulenga, a spirit, 81, 82, 126, 127.

niedicine-mau on Chirui Island,

119.
Mulungulwa, a goblin, 113.
Micng'omba, a court singer, 26 ; a dancer

so-called, 266.
Murder, 55, 56.
Mushiri Forest, 219.
Music, 265 et seq.
Mutale, Wemba chief, 18.
Mutilation, 55, 57, 58, 78, 126, 138.

of corpse, 126.

Muwanga, Wemba chief, 82.
Muyereka, chief of Walambia, 82.
Mwamba, head of lesser branch of Wemba

chiefs, 18, 43, 55.

visited by White Fathers, 240.

his death, 43, 241.

Mwamba wa Milengi, brother of Simumbi,

29, 31.
Mwaruli, burial-place of Wemba kings,

20, 83, 185, 186, 211, 292.

Rubber Reserve, 333.

Mwavi. See Ordeals.
Mweua-, pi. Bena-, prefix, 94.
Mwenimwansa, aborigines of Wemba

country, 30.
Mwenya, ancestress of Lungu royal house,

33.
Mwe'nzo, 125, 234, 245.
Mwini Maruli, keeper of king's burial-
place, 187 ; killed after once officiating,

188.
Myths, 33, 80, 189, 282-3.

Nahwinga, bride, 158, 165.
NachinJ)usa, 159.
Naming of children, 178-9.
Namitawa mountain, 13.
Namwanga tribe. See Winamwanga.
Nanfumu, mothers of Wemba chiefs, 18,

19.
Nangulu, master of the ceremonies in

Butiua society, 260.
Native law, 49 et seq.

atfairs, administration of, 149.

commissioner, 74, 75, 103 et seq.,

153.

policy, suggested, 344.

Navigation of rivers, 330.

Ndola, 327, 345.

Neck-m ark of Awemba, 22, 255.

' Neck-Twisters,' 127.

Nets, hunting, 18, 183, 190 ; fishing, 203,

281.
Neurasthenia, 101, 132, 351.
Njera, Yombe chief, 294.
Nsaka, native council-hut, 151.
Nsamho, bracelets, 281.
Ntembo incantation formula, 90.
Nyamwezi, 14, 289.

Nyasaland, 36 et seq., 278, 328, 336, 344.
Nyika tribe, 13, 289, 305.

Offerings to spirits, 83, 188, 278, 2S1,

291.
Officials, native, 22 et seq. ; European, 8,

39 et seq., 100 et seq.

Oil, 299.

Omens, 203, 296.
Ordeals, 54, 61, 62, 91.
Organisation, tribal, 21 et seq.
Orgies of Bxctiva society, 260.
Ornaments, 254.
Otter-hunting, 14, 204.
Outfit, hints on, 312.

Paintings, 160, 288.

Painting of face and body, 255.

Pakwe tribe, on Nyasaland border, 277.

Paramount chiefs, 31, 35, 59-60.

Parents, 122, 139, 179.

Patlifinding powers, 118.

Pelcle, 256.

Pereira, Portuguese traveller, 28.

Perjury, 58.

Phratries, 93, 94.

Physical characteristics, 113 et seq.

Physicians. See doctors.

Pig, wild, 96, 197, 301, and see Bush-pig.

Pirie, quoted, 31, 42, 343.

Pitch of voice, 117.

Pneumonia, 123.

Poison, 89, 91 ; for killing fish, 203, 306,

and see Ordeals.
Police, native, 66.
Polygamy, 167, 168, 179, 247.
Pombeiros, 28.
Ponde, Wemba chief, heir to Mwamba,

18, 36, 43 ; his village taken, 43.
Population of N.-E. Rhodesia, 303.
Pork, taboo, 96.
Porridge, 284.
Portuguese travellers, 28, 30.

levy customs on Zambesi, 39.

Postal service, 5.

Post-mortem held by Namwanga doctors,

185.
Potatoes, 289.
Pottery, 286.

Prayers, 85 ; of Mwini Maruli, 188.
Prefix forming abstract nouns, 131.
Priestesses of dead chiefs' spirits, 28. 83.
Priests, 86, 87.
Prisoners, European, 77, 78 ; native,

70-2.
Property, succession to, 59.
Prophets, 82, 87.
Prophetesses, 54, 83.
Proverbs, 57. 58, 131, 138, 139, 143, 270.
Puku, hard to kill, 195.
Pumpkins, 299.
Punishments, 52 ; under N.-E. Rhodesian

Administration, 70-2.
Purgatives to cure spirit-possession, 114.
Purification, after death, 181, 183.

miscarriage, 178.

Python, 192 ; tales concerning, 84, 189.

Quinine, 3, 121, 318, 351.

Railways, 327.

Rain-making, 23.

Ranching, 325.

Reaping, 98.

Rei-ruiting labour for mines, 345.

Recuperative power, 125.

INDEX

359

Reincarnation 83.

Reliability, lack of, 137-8.

Re-marriage of widows, 172.

Remedies, 88.

Remorse, 13.5 ; localised in spleen, ih.

Reptiles, 192, and see Crocodiles and

Snakes.
Revenue, loss of, 349.
Rhinoceros, 199.
Rhodes, C. J., 38, 236.
Rice, 299, 303-4.
Riddles, 271.
Rifles, 204-7.

Rinderpest [sotola), 82, 197, 305.
Rings, 254.

Routes to N.-E. Rhodesia, 309.
Royal family, 50.
Rubber, 332 et seq.

Ordinance, 333.

Rxikuru, 331.

Running, long-distance, 335.

Sacrifices, 21, 23, 85, 294, 295 ; human,

43, 95, 185, 186, 188, 291-2.
Salt, brought as tribute, 24 ; salt-making,

283.
Salutations, 256-7.
Sanseviera fibre, 338-9.
Scab in cattle, cured, 305.
Schools, mission, 233-4.
Seasons, 292, 293.
Seed corn, 294-5.
Seers, 87.

Senga tribe, 14, 24, 41, 251, 292, 337.
Sensuality, 133.
Serenje, 288.
Serpa Pinto, 38.
Servants, native, 323.
Sewing, 287.

Sexual morality, 140 et seq.
Sharpe, Sir A., 39.
Sheep, 307, 342.
Shell-di.sks (inpande), 254.
Shikula, present to bride, 165.
Shinga tribe, 30, 254, 279, 280, 289.
Shing'anga. See Doctor.
Shooting-boys, 195-6.
Shrines for spirits, 84.
Sihwinga, bridegroom, 163.
Sichalwe, priestly clan, 87.
Signs, language of, 115.
Simumbi (Zapaira), oldest Wemba chief,

21, 22, 29-30, 130.
Singers, blind, 16 ; sacrificed, 185.
Siwale, clan, 95.
Simuwaya, priestly clan, 87.
Simwanza, priestly clan, 87, 95.
Skin diseases, 122.
Slaves sacrificed, 185.
Slave trade, 41, 168.
Slave wife, 167.

Sleeping-sickness, 45, 227, 289, 318, 349.
Sling for carrying children, 252, 27<'.
Smallpox, 44, 119.

Smell, natives distinguish tribes by, 117.
Smelting, 279-80.
Snakes, 125, 192, 212.
Sneezing, 187.
Sokolo, paramount chief of Manibwe,

84, 188, 200.

Somaliland campaign, 65, 117.

Songs, 162, 174, 213, 214, 252, 254, 263,

268-9, 272.
Sorcerers, 90.

Souls, received by Leza, 81.
Sowing, 294.
Spears, 214.
Spear-throwing, 116.
Spider, 189.
Spies, 26, 58.
Spinning, 289.
Spirillum fever, 121.
Spirits, 82 et seq., 87-8, 98 n.
Spiritual thought, 131.
Spirochaeta duttoni, 121.
Spitting, 120.
Spleen, enlarged, 123.
Squinting persons sacrificed, 292.
Stairs, treats with Msiri for Belgians, 39.
Station life on Tanganyika Plateau, 99

et seq.
Steamers, 309.
Sterility, 80, 170.
Stevenson Road, 16, 41, 45.
Stigand, Captain, cjuoteil, 190.
String. See Cord-making.
String tricks, 273.

Succession to chieftainship, 18, 20, 34.
Suckling of children, 179.
Suicide, 53, 85, 181, 298.
Superstition, 133.
Surgery, native, 125.
Survey fees, 325.
' Swagger ' axes and hoes, 254.
Swahili-speaking natives, 14.
Swamp leopard, 201.
Swann, A. J., 39.

Taboo, 19, 91, 96 et seq., 186, 294, 295,
298.

Tafuna, title of Lungu chiefs, 33 et
seq.

Tanganyika, Lake, 29, 44, 82 ; natives
moved from, 45 ; fishing in, 203 ;
fauna of, 207-8, 328, 348 ; L.M.S.
work on, 38, 238.

Concessions, Ltd., 44, 45.

Tanning, 287.

Tattooing. See Keloids.

Taxation, 69, 150, 344.

Teachers, native, 235, 239. 244, 246.

Teeth, deformations of, 256.

Tents, 319-20.

Theal, M'Call, on Bantu totems, 95.

Theft, 57, 58, 136 ; divination to dis-
cover, 63.

Ticks, 121.

Timber, 338 et seq.

Tiputipu ('Tippo-tip'), 29, 37.

Tobacco, 289, 338.

Toe, great, prehensile, 115.

Tokens, 254.

Tondo, tuskless elephant, 210, 217.

Torrend, Father, 286 n.

Tortoise, divination by, 89.

Totems, 93 et seq., 172.

Townships laid out, 45.

Trackers, native, 195.

Trade, native, 289, 343.

Tramps, European, 110.

360 THE PLATEAU OF NORTHERN RHODESIA

Trance of Butwa initiates, 261.

Transcontinental Telegraph, 44.

Transmigration, 95, 96.

Traps, 201 et seq.

Travellers, hints to, 309 et seq.

Trees. See Timber.

uprooted by elephants, 218 ; felled

for cultivation, 296, and see Vitc-

mene.
Tree-cutting, 301-2.
Tribal chiefs, 75.

law, 48 et seq.

marks, 255.

taboos, 96.

Tribunals, 53 et seq.

Tribute, 24.

Tsetse fly. See Glossina.

Tulubi. See Idols.

Turtles, 208.

Tusks, 211, 214.

Twins, beliefs and customs connected

with, 97, 159, 275-6, 292, 305, 307.
Tylor, E. B., quoted, 61, 95, 156, 187.

Ulendo, meaning of, 143.

Umbilical hernia, 127.

Union, South African, N. Rhodesia's
entry into, 350.

Uwanga iva nsofu, guild of elephant-
hunters, 211 et seq.

Vacciitation, 44, 119.
Van Oost, Father, 40.
Village headmen, 149.

foundation rites of new, 275.

responsibility, 52, 71.

Villages, 149, 277 ; visited by native

commissioner, 151 et seq.
Vitemene (pi. of chitemene), 73, 74, 29;"i

et seq., 346.
Viiua (pi. of chiwa), goblins or spirits,

85.
Viwanda (pi. of chiwanda), evil spirits,

85.

Wabisa. See Bisa.

Wa-Chilolo, 22, 23, 53.

Wachisanguka, were-lions etc., 85. See

Lycanthropy.
Wafungwe. See Fungwe.
Wages, 6, 16, 68.
Wakabiro, chief coimcillors, 20, 23, 53,

56, 187.
Wakalume, royal servants, 55.
Walambia, 13, 81.
Walashi, district officers, 20, 25.
Walengesya, spies, 26, 68.
Wallace, L. A., Administrator of N.

Rhodesia, 342, 350.
Waloshi, sorcerers, 83, 85.
Walungu. See Lungu.
Wandia, 304.
Wankonde, 307.
Wanyamwezi. See Nyamwezi.
Wanyika. See Nyika.
Wart-hog, 196-7.

Wasichalo, minor chiefs, 25.

Wasimupelo, ' Lords of the Marches,' 24.

Watawa, 11.

Watch-towers built in gardens, 301.

Waterways, 330.

Waunga, 13, 14, 30, 115, 277 ; supposed
to be web-footed, 127.

Weaving, 251, 288-9.

Wedding dance, 163.

song, 174.

Weeks, Rev. J. , quoted, 179.

Wemba country (Luwemba or Lubemba),
ol.

tribe, 11 ; warlike, 24, ; originally

came from Lubaland, 29 ; cease to
resist B.S.A.C., 43; ask M'Kinnon
and Young to build boma, 43 ; pay
hut tax, 44 ; chiefs, 16 et seq. ; religion,
80 et seq. ; funeral rites, 184 et seq. ;
dress, 251 ; language (Ciiiwemba), 130 ;
names of animals, 228 ; labourers in
mines, 346-7 ; divination in time of
drought, 292.

Wenaug'andu, Wemba royal clan, 16,
17.

Weningala. See Wakabiro.

Wenya, 304.

Were-lion, 189, and see Lycanthropy.

Weule, Dr., quoted, 192, 259.

'White country,' 220.

White Fathers, 40, 43, 45, 79, 119, 174,
192, 237, 240 at seq., 322, 343.

White Sisters, 244.

Widows and widowers, 171-2.

Wikalampungxi, mtoavi tree, 61.

Winamwanga tribe, 12, 24, 173, 251,
262-3, 291.

Wissmann, 22, 181.

Witchcraft, 76.

Witch-doctors, 201. See Divination.

Witnesses, 61.

Wives, classes of, 165-7.

of kings (Ba Muka Benye), 23, 188,

Wiwa tribe, 12, 140, 279, 294.

Wizards, 83, 85, 296-7.

familiars of, 296.

Women, 66, 70, 141, 146, 171, 173, 234,
259.

taboos observed by, 96, 97.

love for their children, 139.

.and polygamy, 168.

burial rites, 178.

dress and ornaments, 252 et seq.

initiated into Butiva society, 261.

dances of, 263-4, songs, 269.

industries of, 284, 286, 297-302.

Yao tribe, 116.

Yombe (Yombwe) tribe, 13, 251, 252.

256, 294.
Young, R. A., native commissioner, 11,

14, 31, 41, 42, 219, 242.

Zebra, successfully trained, 331.

Zomba, 39, 116.

Zombe, Lungu chief, 34, 35, 36.

Priuted by T. anct A. Constablf, Printers to His M.ijesly
at the Edinburgh University Press

Date Due

Demco 293-5

AFRICAN IKSTITUTZ ^ ms63

STACKS DT963.G7

Gouldsbury, Cullen.

The great plateau of northern Rhodes!;

3 5282 00107 6796

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Texts

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "The great plateau of northern Rhodesia, being some impressions of the Tanganyika Plateau"

See other formats