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Ihe New 
xford hi istory of 
Music. | 


THE AGE OF 
HUMANISM 


1540-1630 


EDITED BY 


GERALD ABRAHAM 


LONDON 
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 
NEW YORK TORONTO 


Oxford University Press, Ely House, London W. 1 
OXFORD LONDON GLASGOW 
NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON 
KUALA LUMPUR SINGAPORE HONG KONG TOKYO 
DELHI BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI 
NAIROBI DAR ES SALAAM CAPE TOWN 


ISBN о I9 316304 7 
© Oxford University Press 1968 


First published 1968 
Fourth Impression 1979 


All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be 
reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, 
in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, 
photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior 
permission of Oxford University Press 


Printed in Great Britain 
at the University Press, Oxford 
by Eric Buckley 
Printer to the University 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION 


THE present work is designed to replace the Oxford History of Music, 
first published in six volumes under the general editorship of Sir 
Henry Hadow between 1901 and 1905. Five authors contributed to 
that ambitious publication—the first of its kind to appear in English. 
The first two volumes, dealing with the Middle Ages and the sixteenth 
century, were the work of H. E. Wooldridge. In the third Sir Hubert 
Parry examined the music of the seventeenth century. The fourth, by 
J. A. Fuller Maitland, was devoted to the age of Bach and Handel; 
the fifth, by Hadow himself, to the period bounded by C. P. E. Bach 
and Schubert. In the final volume Edward Dannreuther discussed the 
Romantic period, with which, in the editor's words, it was *thought 
advisable to stop’. The importance of the work—particularly of the 
first two volumes—was widely recognized, and it became an indis- 
pensable part of a musician's library. The scheme was further extended 
in the new edition issued under the editorship of Sir Percy Buck 
between 1929 and 1938. An introductory volume, the work of several 
hands, was designed to supplement the story of music in the ancient 
world and the Middle Ages. New material, including two complete 
chapters, was added to volumes i and ii, while the third volume was 
reissued with minor corrections and a number of supplementary 
notes by Edward J. Dent. The history was also brought nearer to the 
twentieth century by the addition of a seventh volume, by H. C. 
Colles, entitled Symphony and Drama, 1850-1900. 

Revision of an historical work is always difficult. If it is to be fully 
effective, it may well involve changes so comprehensive that very little 
of the original remains. Such radical revision was not the purpose of 
the second edition of the Oxford History of Music. To have attempted 
it in a third edition would have been impossible. During the first 
half of the present century an enormous amount of detailed work has 
been done on every period covered by the original volumes. New 
materials have been discovered, new relationships revealed, new inter- ` 
pretations made possible. Perhaps the most valuable achievement has 
been the publication in reliable modern editions of a mass of music 
which was previously available only in manuscript or in rare printed 
copies. These developments have immeasurably increased the 
historian's opportunities, but they have also added heavily to his 
responsibilities. To attempt a detailed survey of the whole history of 


vi GENERAL INTRODUCTION 


music is no longer within the power of a single writer. It may even 
be doubted whether the burden can be adequately shouldered by a 
team of five. 

The New Oxford History of Music is therefore not a revision of 
the older work, nor is it the product of a small group of writers. It 
has been planned as an entirely new survey of music from the earliest 
times down to comparatively recent years, including not only the 
achievements of the Western world but also the contributions made 
by eastern civilizations and primitive societies. The examination of 
this immense field is the work of a large number of contributors, 
British and foreign. The attempt has been made to achieve uniform- 
ity without any loss of individuality. If this attempt has been success- 
ful, the result is due largely to the patience and co-operation shown by 
the contributors themselves. Overlapping has to some extent been 
avoided by the use of frequent cross-references; but we have not 
thought it proper to prevent different authors from expressing dif- 
ferent views about the same subject, where it could legitimately be 
regarded as falling into more than one category. 

The scope of the work is sufficiently indicated by the titles of the 
several volumes. Our object throughout has been to present music, 
not as an isolated phenomenon or the work of a few outstanding 
composers, but as an art developing in constant association with 
every form of human culture and activity. The biographies of indivi- 
duals are therefore merely incidental to the main plan of the history, 
and those who want detailed information of this kind must seek it 
elsewhere. No hard and fast system of division into chapters has been 
attempted. The treatment is sometimes by forms, sometimes by 
periods, sometimes also by countries, according to the importance 
which one element or another may assume. The division into volumes 
has to some extent been determined by practical considerations; but 
pains have been taken to ensure that the breaks occur at points which 
are logically and historically justifiable. The result may be that the 
work of a single composer who lived to a ripe age is divided be- 
tween two volumes. The later operas of Monteverdi, for example, 
belong to the history of Venetian opera and hence find their natural 
place in volume v, not with the discussion of his earlier operas to be 
found in volume iv. On the other hand, we have not insisted on a 
rigid chronological division where the result would be illogical or 
confusing. If a subject finds its natural conclusion some ten years 
after the date assigned for the end of a period, it is obviously prefer- 
able to complete it within the limits of one volume rather than to 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION vii 


allow it to overflow into a second. An exception to the general 
scheme of continuous chronology is to be found in volumes v and 
vi, which deal with different aspects of the same period and so are 
complementary to each other. 

The history as a whole is intended to be useful to the professed 
student of music, for whom the documentation of sources and the 
bibliographies are particularly designed. But the growing interest in 
the music of all periods shown by music-lovers in general has encour- 
aged us to bear their interests also in mind. It is inevitable that a 
work of this kind should employ a large number of technical terms 
and deal with highly specialized matters. We have, however, tried to 
ensure that the technical terms are intelligible to the ordinary reader 
and that what is specialized is not necessarily wrapped in obscurity. 
Finally, since music must be heard to be fully appreciated, we have 
given references throughout to the records issued by His Master's 
Voice (R.C.A. Victor) under the general title The History of Music 
in Sound. These records are collected in a series numbered to 
correspond with the volumes of the present work, and have been 
designed to be used with it. 


J. A. WESTRUP 
GERALD ABRAHAM 
ANSELM HUGHES 
EGON WELLESZ 
MARTIN COOPER 


INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME IV 


THE title of the present volume of the New Oxford History of Music 
has already been explained in the Handbook to the accompanying 
volume of gramophone records in The History of Music in Sound: ‘It 
was mainly during this period that music changed its orientation 
from the divine to the human. There had been plenty of secular 
music before . . . but the secular forms had been subordinate forms. 
Throughout the period covered by the present volume more and 
more importance is assumed by secular vocal forms—above all, the 
madrigal and, later, monody—and by instrumental music; the musical 
form in which Renaissance thought and the Renaissance spirit 
enjoyed their fullest flowering—opera—actually appeared only at 
the turn of the century.’ And it may be worth while to emphasize 
that humanism generally, not merely its manifestation in music, did 
not saturate European thought (outside Italy) until long after it had 
impressed outstanding European minds. Italy led the way but even 
in Italy the universities were still organized on medieval lines and 
still using medieval textbooks at the beginning of the sixteenth 
century. The new influences of Italian thought made themselves felt 
in Germany in the fifteenth century but only in a few small circles, 
while France—above all the University of Paris, with its enormous 
international prestige—was still more conservative. So were England 
and Scotland. The position in England during the early decades of the 
sixteenth century is typical; one can point to the names of the great 
humanists, Colet and More and Skelton, and to Erasmus teaching 
at Cambridge, but scholasticism remained firmly entrenched at 
Oxford and the Scottish universities held out even longer. Professor 
H. W. Lawton concludes his survey of ‘Vernacular Literature in 
Western Europe, 1493-1520’ with the comment that ‘the full impact 
of the revival of ancient learning (even in Italy itself) and of the 
Italian example was yet to reach the rest of Europe and then usually 
modified and in some cases limited by the effect of the Lutheran and 
Calvinist Reformations’.! The full humanist penetration of European 
thought and feeling, to such depth that musical composition became 
affected and later actually conditioned by it, was a long and slow 
process continuing throughout the sixteenth century. 
1 The New Cambridge Modern History i (Cambridge, 1957), p. 193. 


xxii INTRODUCTION 


The extent to which this process had not yet fulfilled itself musically 
even towards the end of the century is proclaimed by the fact that 
almost every country from Portugal to Poland justly claims the latter 
part of the century as the golden age of its polyphony. The essential 
manifestation of humanism in music is the domination of the word; 
it is not a mere coincidence that the essentially homophonic frottola 
‘flourished chiefly in the courts of northern Italy, especially in 
Mantua, Ferrara, Venice, Urbino, and Florence . . . the very ones 
in which Pietro Bembo . . . was influential’! and that the even more 
word-dominated Latin odes of the German composers originated 
in humanistic circles.? Polyphony—at any rate, “golden age’ poly- 
phony—resists domination by the word; in its finest and purest forms 
it merely uses and absorbs and dissolves words; it is one of the 
supreme forms of absolute music. “Golden age’ polyphony is in fact 
the final flowering of that fourteenth-century ars nova which was 'the 
first full manifestation of pure musical art, freed from the service of 
religion or poetry and constructed according to its own laws'? and 
which Dufay and his contemporaries had drastically refined and 
purified yet essentially continued. It could, after all, continue to 
serve religion so long as religion remained beyond the grasp of 
human reason, the magic of sound matching the magic of faith; but 
when religion became ‘reasonable’ its music began to submit to the 
word. 

Much of the present volume is devoted naturally to this *golden 
age'. We may no longer think of the later sixteenth century as, 
above all, ‘the age of Palestrina’ nor even be as confident as our 
fathers that Palestrina's music represents the acme of pure poly- 
phony, but the highest musical achievements of the period were 
polyphonic, based on techniques evolved through centuries and now 
brought to that perfection which is in any art a sign of inner deca- 
dence. For artistic styles are like political empires, nurturing always 
within them the forces which are to bring about their decay, and 
never more strongly than when they themselves appear to be at the 
height of their power. The greatest Masses and motets of Palestrina 
and Lassus and Victoria are unsurpassable in their kind, but the 
study of these masterpieces is additionally fascinating to the historian 
because within their very perfection he detects the symptoms of that 
which was (temporarily) to supersede them. The domination of the 
word makes itself felt, in homophonic, note-against-note passages, 
in a large proportion of this ‘polyphonic’ music. And this is very 

1 See vol. iii, p. 394. ? Ibid., pp. 370-1. ® Ibid., p. xvii. 


INTRODUCTION xxiii 


different from the occasional, exceptional note-against-note passage 
in Machaut or Dufay; nor has it anything to do with the Council of 
Trent or the Commission of Cardinals. The humanistic subordination 
of music to text, the insistence that music shall have meaning through 
carrying words or shall simply heighten the effect of words, is as 
evident in religious music as in frottola, madrigal, and chanson. 
And in the religious music both of the Catholics and of every variety 
of Protestant: Lutheran hymn and Calvinist psalm, Cranmer’s ‘as 
near as may be, for every syllable a note', and the injunctions of the 
Council of Trent, all point in the same direction. The problem was 
really simpler in religious music where homophony or near-homo- 
phony, allowing the text to be clearly audible, was often an adequate 
solution. Secular composers attempted a number of quite different 
solutions: the verse scansion of the German ode-composers and the 
French practitioners of musique mesurée, the symbolic illustration 
of the text practised by the madrigalists, the supposedly Greek 
recitative of the Florentine monodists, the empirical matching of 
words and music in the English lute ayres. With historical hindsight 
we see that musique mesurée was a blind alley and that recitative was 
the ‘right’ solution, but can we deny that much of the charm of the 
madrigal springs from the incongruous crossing of polished poly- 
phony with naive symbolism or point to more perfect marriage of 
verse and music than in the best of the English ayres? (For that 
matter, musique mesurée also has its masterpieces.) 

Instead of ‘art constantly aspiring towards the condition of music’, 
as Pater put it, music aspired towards the condition of poetry. It 
surrendered a part of its magic, its purely musical sense, for the 
sake of extra-musical sense. But there is one kind of music, besides 
vocal polyphony, which finds it difficult to take on extra-musical 
sense: independent instrumental music. All through the Middle 
Ages instrumental music had been essentially indistinguishable from 
vocal music, imitated from it, or elaborated from it in terms of some 
peculiar instrumental technique (lute or keyboard music); until the 
middle of the fifteenth century music arising out of the very nature of 
an instrument was infinitesimal in quantity and negligible in artistic 
quality. Independent instrumental music was bound to develop on 
its own lines, but it seems probable that its more intense cultivation 
during the period of the present volume was a species of compen- 
sation for the increasing rationalization of vocal music. From the 
first, lute and keyboard music had led the way in technical emancipa- 
tion and, broadly speaking, technical emancipation—emancipation 


xxiv INTRODUCTION 


of idiom— preceded structural emancipation, which was made fully 
possible only through the replacement of modality by tonality, or 
(rather) by the conception of organized modulation and key-structure 
arising out of tonality. 

The gradual mutation of modality into tonality, making itself felt 
first in performance (use of musica ficta) rather than in notation, 
was a subtle, long-drawn, and still not clearly and completely under- 
stood process, but there can be little doubt that it was closely 
connected with the undermining of polyphony by homophony— 
notably in the frottole, though its beginnings were a good deal 
earlier. The development of the ideas of tonal unity and variety- 
within-unity can be traced through the familiar masterpieces of the 
sixteenth century from Josquin to Palestrina and beyond, but ‘the 
evolution of tonal awareness in the sixteenth century does not proceed 
ina straight line. The chromaticists [Willaert, Rore, Lassus, Marenzio, 
Gesualdo] cause a switch of direction leading to phenomena that 
one might well define as “triadic atonality ".* All the same, sixteenth- 
century chromaticism is usually a form of ‘symbolic illustration of 
text’ rather than a purely musical phenomenon; its quasi-atonal 
extremes are aberrations in the sense that musique mesurée is an 
aberration. 

Willaert's pupil Zarlino, the last great theorist to concern himself 
with the modal system and the first to advocate equal temperament, 
was also the first to differentiate consciously between major and 
minor harmonies and to associate them with cheerfulness and 
sadness: ‘quando si pone la Terza maggiore nella parte grave 
l'Harmonia si fa allegra et quando si pone nell'acuto si fa mesta’ 
(Istitutioni harmoniche, 1558). Consequently progressions of minor 
chords ‘will make the harmony very melancholy’ (farebbe il concento 
molto maninconico). Zarlino recognized not only the expressive 
power of harmony, and hence the necessity of relating it to the verbal 
context, but the literally fundamental function of the bass and the 
importance of letting it move slowly (per movimenti alquanto 
tardi) —though he reveals that composers at the middle of the century 
were still writing the tenor first, the soprano next, and the bass only 
in the third place. The stage was already set for the bassus pro organo 
thirty years later and the basso continuo of the turn of the century. 

1 Edward Lowinsky, ‘Awareness of Tonality in the 16th Century, Report of the 


Eighth Congress of the International Musicological Society (Kassel, 1961), p. 44. See 
also the same author's Tonality and Atonality in Sixteenth-Century Music (Berkeley, 


1961). 
* Zarlino, Tutte l'opere, i (Venice, 1589), p. 221. 


INTRODUCTION XXV 


The appearance in 1600 of Peri’s Euridice and Caccini’s, and of 
Cavalieri "e Rappresentazione—followed by Caccini's Nuove musiche 
and Viadana's Concerti ecclesiastici in 1602—has lent that year the 
factitious importance of a dividing-line, like 1066. Palestrina and 
Lassus were six years dead; the mature work of Monteverdi was soon 
to come. Parry, like many others, was misled into declaring that *the 
change in the character and methods of musical art at the end of the 
sixteenth century’ was ‘decisive and abrupt'.! But the old polyphonic 
style did not die with its greatest masters; it lived on in the 'silver 
age’ of the Anerio brothers and the prima prattica of Monteverdi 
himself, while on the other hand his seconda prattica in which 
*l'oratione sia padrona del armonia e non serva? had its roots deep 
in the past. The present volume chronicles the rise of one and the 
heyday and decline of the other. 


PUBLISHER'S NOTE 


We record with. regret the deaths of Edward J. Dent, Henry Coates, 
Théodore Gérold, Gerald Hayes, and Charles Van den Borren prior to 
the publication of this volume. 

Acknowledgements are due to the following for their work of trans- 
lation: Mr. Edward Lockspeiser (Chapter 1), Mr. Basil Lam (Chapter 3), 
Mr. Norman Suckling (Chapter Sa and b), Mrs. Ann Livermore (Chap- 
ter 7), and Miss Elizabeth Mercer (Chapter 8). 

The bibliography has been largely compiled by Dr. John D. Bergsagel, 
the index by Miss Margaret Dean-Smith. The editor gratefully acknow- 
ledges the help of Dr. Nigel Fortune in reading proofs and suggesting 
emendations. 

As is usual in publications of this kind, there has inevitably been a 
considerable gap between the final establishment of the text and the 
volume's appearance. Thus it has not been possible to incorporate 
references to the most recent publications— notably of sources—relating 
to the period. 


1 Oxford History of Music, iii (Oxford, 1902), p. 1. 
2 Giulio Cesare Monteverdi, ‘Dichiaratione’ appended to his brother's Scherzi 
musicali (Venice, 1607). . 


CONTENTS 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION 


INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME IV 


I. THE FRENCH CHANSON. By CHARLES VAN DEN 


BORREN, late Professor of Music, University of Brussels 
Origins of the Chanson 
Characteristics of Style 
The ‘Thirty-One Chansons’ 
The Descriptive Chanson 
Later Chanson Collections 
The Leading Composers 
Susato’s Collections: the Larger Pieces 
Susato’s Four-Part Books 
The Chanson in the Later Sixteenth Century 
The Contribution of Lassus 
Flemish Contemporaries of Lassus 
Guiliaume Costeley 
The Inspiration of Ronsard 
Vers mesurés 
Sweelinck 


II. THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL. By EDWARD 


J. DENT, late Professor of Music, University of Cambridge 
Carnival Songs and Frottole 
Frottola and Madrigal 
The Literary Language of the Madrigal 
The Earliest Madrigal-Composers 
Beginnings of the Madrigal Style 
Rise of the Five-Part Madrigal 
The Madrigal Poems 
The Work of Willaert 
The Advent of Chromaticism 
Cipriano de Rore 
New Tendencies after the Mid-Century 
The Villanella and Kindred Forms 
The Transalpine Madrigal 
Palestrina and the Madrigal 
Fin de siécle Tendencies 
Luca Marenzio 


CONTENTS 


Gesualdo da Venosa 67 
Monteverdi 69 
The Madrigal Comedy 73 
Vecchi’s Amfiparnaso 75 
Banchieri and Guasparri Torelli 80 
The Madrigal Outside Italy 81 
The Madrigal in England 83 
Byrd and Musica Transalpina 84 
Thomas Morley 86 
Weelkes and Wilbye 87 
Byrd's Psalmes, Songs, and Sonnets 90 
Minor English Madrigalists 91 
Gibbons and Tomkins 92 
* Apt for Viols and Voices’ 94 
ПІ. GERMAN SECULAR SONG. By KURT GUDEWILL, Pro- 

fessor of Musicology, University of Kiel 96 
Climax and Decline of the Tenor Song 98 
The Netherlanders and German Song 103 
The Revival of Native Composition in the 1570's 109 
Hans Leo Hassler 112 
Schütz and Schein 119 
The Decline of the Polyphonic Secular Lied 123 

IV. SOLO SONG AND CANTATA. By NIGEL FORTUNE, 

Senior Lecturer in Music, University of Birmingham 125 
Arranged Song 125 
The Spanish Vihuela-Books 126 
Spanish Romances 130 
The Villancicos 135 
Ariosto and Popular Italian Song 140 
Monodic Tendencies in Villanella and Canzonet 143 
The Ladies of Ferrara 144 
The Art of Diminution 147 
Songs in the Intermedii 148 
The Camerata Fiorentina 151 
Vincenzo Galilei’s Polemics 152 
Caccini and Le Nuove musiche 154 
The Poets of the Solo Madrigal 159 
Sigismondo d'India and Others 160 
The Aria 165 
Ottava and Sonnet Settings 169 
The Cantata 172 
Popular Strophic Songs 175 


Development of the Canzonet 176 


CONTENTS xi 


Aria with Recitative 178 
Chamber Duets 181 
Solo Song in Germany 182 
The Lute Song in France 184 
Le Roy’s Publications 185 
French Song in the Early Seventeenth Century 187 
Guédron and the Récit 189 
Airs de Cour 191 
English Solo Songs of the Mid-Century 194 
Songs for the Choirboy Plays 196 
Later Consort Songs 198 
The English Ayre 200 
The Work of Dowland 204 
Campion and Rosseter 207 
Italian Influences in the Ayre 211 
Ornaments in Manuscript Versions 215 


V. LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


(а) Тнв FRANCO-FLEMINGS IN THE NORTH. By NANIE 
BRIDGMAN, Conservateur at the Music Department of the 


Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris 218 
Josquin's Successors 218 
Nicolas Gombert 220 
Thomas Créquillon 222 
Clemens non Papa 221 
Richafort and Some Lesser Figures 230 
Conclusion 236 


(b) FRANCE IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY (1520-1610). 
By FRANCOIS LESURE, Conservateur at the Music Depart- 


ment of the Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris 237 
Origins of the French Style 237 
French Tendencies in Mass and Motet 239 
The Lyons School 241 
The Paris School 242 
Claude Goudimel 247 
The Advent of Lassus 248 
*Ronsard's Musicians’ 249 
The Post-Tridentine Reforms 250 
Catholic Psalm-Settings 251 
New Tendencies in Church Music 252 
(c) CENTRAL EUROPE, By H. F. REDLICH, Professor of Music, 

University of Manchester 253 
Isaac and his School 253 
Ludwig Senfl 254 


Senfl's Masses 256 


CONTENTS 


Senfl’s Motets 258 
Isaac’s Other Disciples 259 
Sixtus Dietrich 261 
Benedictus Ducis and Adam Rener 261 
Resinarius (Harzer) 262 
Hähnel, Bruck, and Mahu 263 
Thomas Stoltzer 265 
Vaet, Regnart, and Buus 266 
Johannes de Cleve 268 
Charles Luython | 269 
Native German Composers 270 
Jacobus de Kerle 272 
*Handl, Gallus Vocatus’ 274 
(d) THE VENETIAN SCHOOL. By H. F. REDLICH 275 
Beginnings of the Venetian School 275 
Willaert and the Coro spezzato 276 
Willaert's Masses 280 
Willaert's Motets 283 
Cipriano de Rore 286 
Rore's Masses 288 
Rore's Motets 291 
Other Associates of Willaert 292 
The Gabrielis 294 
(e) EASTERN EUROPE, By GERALD ABRAHAM, formerly 
‚Professor of Music, University of Liverpool 301 
Poland 301 
Bohemia 308 


VI. LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 
THE PERFECTION OF THE A CAPPELLA STYLE. By HENRY 


COATES ard GERALD ABRAHAM 312 
The Palestrina Style 312 
Palestrina's Masses 314 
The ‘Missa Papae Marcelli’ 317 
Later Masses 320 
Palestrina's Parody Masses 323 
Palestrina's Motets 326 
*Stabat Mater' and *Song of Songs' 331 
Performance of Palestrina 332 
Lassus 333 
Lassus's Style 334 
The Masses 335 
The Motets of Lassus 342 
The Penitential Psalms 348 


The Magnificats 349 


CONTENTS 


Philippe de Monte 

De Monte’s Motets 

De Monte’s Masses 

Minor Masters of the A Cappella Style 
Palestrina’s Pupils 

‘Reform’ of Gregorian Chant 

De Wert and Hassler 


VII. LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. By HIGINI ANGLES, Director of the 
Pontificio Istituto di Musica Sacra, Rome 


Introduction 

Characteristics of Spanish Church Music 
Charles V and his Court Chapel 

Philip II's Attitude to Music 

The Principal Cathedral Schools of Spanish Music 
Cristóbal de Morales 

Vázquez and Pedro Guerrero 

Francisco Guerrero 

Juan Navarro 

Ceballos and other Andalusians 

The Castilian School 

Tomás Luis de Victoria 

Later Castilian Masters 

The Catalan School 

Juan Pujol 

The Valencian School 

The Aragonese School 

Music in Portugal. By GERALD ABRAHAM 


VIII. PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT. By 
THEODORE GEROLD, late Lecturer in Music History, University 
of Strasbourg 


Luther's Views on Church Music 
The Earliest Lutheran Songbooks 
Luther as Composer : 

Luther and the Mass 
Congregational Performance of Hymns 
Arrangements 

The Hymn-Collections 

*Newe deudsche geistliche Gesenge’ 
Rhaw as Composer 

Rhaw's Other Publications 

Use of the Organ 

Divergent Tendencies 


xiv 


IX. CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND. By FRANK LL. HARRI- 
SON, Reader in the History of Music, University of Oxford 


Humanism and Lutheranism in the English Reformation 


CONTENTS 


Calvin and the Psalms 

Louis Bourgeois 

The Psalm-Compositions of Goudimel and Others 
Claude Le Jeune 

The Huguenot Psalter in Other Lands 
Germany in the Late Sixteenth Century 
Eccard and Lechner 

Hassler and Michael Praetorius 
Lutheran Cantiones Sacrae 

Hermann Schein 

Samuel Scheidt 

Heinrich Schütz 


The Reform of Church and Liturgy 
Puritan Attacks 

Persistence of the Catholic Rites 

The Jacobean and Caroline Ritualists 
Their Musical ‘Innovations’ 

Organs and Other Instruments 

The End of an Era 

Last Years of the Sarum Rite: Mass and Antiphon 
Magnificat, Respond, and Hymn 

Other Ritual Forms 

Psalms 

Latin Music after 1559: Tallis and Byrd 
Byrd's Cantiones and Masses 

The Gradualia 

Ferrabosco, Morley, and Others 

The Earliest Music for the English Liturgy 
Metrical Psalters 


Elizabethan Sacred Music, and Byrd's 1611 Psalmes 


The Jacobean Revival 


Performance of Jacobean and Caroline Church Music 


Tomkins 


X. EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC. By H. F. REDLICH 


Baroque Characteristics 
The Role of Instruments : 
Monteverdi's Vespro 
Venetian Influence in Rome 
Ecclesiastical Monody 
Viadana's Followers 


438 


CONTENTS 


Monteverdi and the Sacred Monody 
Monteverdi’s Disciples 

The Change of Style in Germany 
The Progressives 

Michael Praetorius 


XI. CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC. By ERNST H. 
MEYER, Professor of Musicology, Humboldt University, Berlin 


The Growth of Instrumental Music 
Music for Voices or Instruments 
Purely Instrumental Music 

Dance Forms 

Pairs of Dances 

Free Instrumental Forms 

Ricercari and Fantasias 

Other Free Forms 

Number of Parts 

Ortiz’s Tratado 

The English Fancy and ‘In Nomine’ 
Interaction of Dance and Free Forms 
The Rise of Italian Instrumental Music 
The Instrumental Canzon 

Giovanni Gabrieli 

The Sonata 

Confusion of Categories 

Gabrieli’s Followers 

Instrumental Monody 

Origin of the Trio Sonata 

Formal Developments 

Instrumental Characteristics 

Italian Experimentation 

Chamber Music in England 

France 

The Netherlands 

Germany 

Poland and Bohemia 


XII. SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC By wiLLI APEL, Pro- 
fessor of Musicology, University of Indiana 


The Younger Cavazzoni 

Andrea Gabrieli 

Claudio Merulo 

Giovanni Gabrieli 

Minor Italians of the Cinquecento 
Cabezón 


ху 


538 
542 
544 
544 
546 


550 
550 
550 
552 
553 
554 
556 
557 
559 
559 
560 
561 
564 
564 
565 
566 
569 
571 
572 
574 
575 
576 
578 
580 
581 
591 
592 
593 
598 


602 
602 
605 
608 
610 
611 
612 


xvi CONTENTS 


Minor Spanish Composers 616 
German Keyboard Music 617 
The Mulliner Book 619 
The Virginal Books 626 
English Keyboard Variations 628 
Dances in the Virginal Books 631 
Farnaby and the Genre-Piece 634 
Sweelinck 635 
The Neapolitan School 641 
Italian Dance Music 644 
Frescobaldi 646 
The South German Organists 657 
North German Organists 662 
Samuel Scheidt 666 
Heinrich Scheidemann 671 
Jean Titelouze 672 
Minor French Composers 675 
Spanish Composers after Cabezón 677 
Aguilera de Heredia 679 
Coelho 680 
Correa de Arauxo 681 
Spanish Lute Music 682 
Lute Variations 684 
Alonso de Mudarra 686 
Valderrábano 687 
Diego Pisador 689 
Miguel de Fuenllana 690 
Italian Lute Music 690 
Bacfarc and Gintzler 694 
French Lute Music 695 
German Lute Music 698 
English Lute Music. By THURSTON DART, Professor of Music, 
University of London 701 
Solo Music for Other Instruments 704 


XIII. INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION, 


By GERALD HAYES 709 
Introductory 709 
The Viols 709 
The Violone 713 
Bows and Bowing 713 
The Viol as Solo Instrument 714 
The Lyras 715 
The Tromba Marina 717 


Rebec, Hurdy-Gurdy, and Crwth 717 


CONTENTS xvii 


The Violin Family 718 
The Lute 72 
Vihuela and Guitar 724 
The Cittern Family 725 
The Harp 727 
Types of Organ 728 
Organ Pedals 729 
Pitch 731 
Positive and Regals 733 
The Clavichord 734 
Virginals 734 
The Shawm 736 
Hautbois and Treble Shawm 739 
The Krummhorn 740 
The Bassanello 741 
The Cornamuse 742 
Bagpipes 742 
The Phagotum 743 
Fagotto and Curtal 744 
Sordone, Doppione, and Courtaut 746 
Table of Reed Nomenclature 747 
Rackett 747 
Tone-Quality of Reed Instruments 748 
The Flute Family 750 
Recorders 750 
Other Fipple-Flutes 752 
Transverse Flute 753 
Trumpets and Horns 755 
Sackbut 759 
The Cornett Family 760 
Serpent 763 
Drums 765 
Bells 766 
Cymbals 767 
Minor Instruments 767 
Instrumental Combinations 770 
Tablature 773 
Tuning 716 
Guitar and Wind Tablatures 719 
Keyboard Tablatures 780 


XIV. MUSIC AND DRAMA. By EDWARD J. DENT, revised, with 
additional matter, by F. W. STERNFELD, Lecturer in Music, 


University of Oxford 784 
The New Style 784 
785 


Renaissance Drama 


xviii 


XV. EARLY ITALIAN OPERA. By SIMON TOWNELEY, formerly 
Lecturer in Music, Worcester College, Oxford 


CONTENTS 


The Intermedii 

Venetian Festive Music 

The Camerata in an Intermedio 
Festive Music in Germany 

Jesuit and Protestant School Dramas 
Schütz's Daphne 

Seelewig 

English Comedians in Germany 
Religious and Secular Drama in Spain 
The Mascarade in France 

Influence of Baif's Academy 

Le Balet comique de la Royne 

Later Ballets de cour 

Continental Influences in England 
The Masque 

Music in the English Theatre 


Architecture and Stage Design 
The Florentine Camerata 
Dafne 

Peri's and Caccini's Euridice 
Marco da Gagliano 
Monteverdi 

Cavalieri's Rappresentazione 
Later Roman Operas 

The Aesthetics of Opera 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


CONTENTS OF THE HISTORY OF MUSIC IN 


SOUND, VOLUME IV 


INDEX 


781 
792 
793 
796 
797 
798 
799 
800 
800 
804 
805 
806 
811 
812 
813 
817 


821 
821 
822 
824 
826 
830 
832 
835 
837 
842 


845 


911 


913 


п. 


III. 


IV. 


VII. 


VII. 


Ix. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


THE BALLET POLONAIS OF 1573 (see p. 805) Frontispiece 


A detail of the tapestry in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence. By courtesy of 
Fratelli Alinari, Florence 


(a) eure page of Libro III of Mudarra's Tres libros de müsica (Seville, 


(b) The first page of piece No. 12 from Francesco da Milano's Intavolatura 
de Lauto Libro primo (Venice, 1546). See pp. 691 (Ex. 348(i)) and 778. 
In this tablature the lowest line represents the highest string 


‘AWAKE, SWEET LOVE’, A FOUR-PART AYRE FROM 
DOWLAND: THE FIRST BOOKE OF SONGES (London, 1597). 


(See Ex. 76.) By courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum 


THE TWO SIDE-PANELS OF THE ORGAN CASE IN THE 
ANNAKIRCHE AT AUGSBURG 


Showing in the left-hand picture Heinrich Isaac (marking the notes of the 
hexachord), and in the right-hand picture Ludwig Senfl (pointing to /a) 


INSTRUMENTS FROM MERSENNE: HARMONIE UNI- 
VERSELLE (Paris, 1636) 

(a) Spinet. (b) Bass Lyra. (c) Sackbut. By courtesy of the Trustees of the 
British Museum 


. THE TEATRO OLIMPICO AT VICENZA 
. A FRENCH BALLET DE COUR 


Taken from Dorat: Magnificentissimi spectaculi . . . a regina . . . descriptio 
(1573). By courtesy of the Bibliothéque nationale, Paris 


STAGE SETS FROM ARCHITETTURA DI SEBASTIANO 
SERLIO: LIBRO SECONDO 


(a) Comedy. (b) Tragedy. (c) Pastoral. Reproduced from the Venice 
edition of 1551. By courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum 


THE HALL OF MIRRORS IN THE DUCAL PALACE AT 
MANTUA. 


By courtesy of Fratelli Alinari, Florence 


STAGE SET BY BERNINI FROM ROSSI’S ERMINIA 


Reproduced from the score of 1637. By courtesy of the Trustees of the 
British Museum 


. TABLATURES facing p. 129 


202 


255 


716 


788 
804 


822 


832 


838 


I 
THE FRENCH CHANSON 


By CHARLES VAN DEN BORREN 


ORIGINS OF THE CHANSON 


THE French polyphonic chanson of the Renaissance was a highly ori- 
ginal form which in its day enjoyed unprecedented fame throughout 
Europe. Its influence in Italy led to the creation of the canzon francese, 
a favourite instrumental form which in turn was the original of the 
seventeenth-century sonata da chiesa. 

In French-speaking countries the word chanson had for centuries 
been used in a general way to describe any kind of monodic or poly- 
phonic song composed on a vernacular text. From the thirteenth 
century onwards, however, when the words of vocal music were first 
treated contrapuntally, pieces composed in this manner were also 
known by the names of the poetic forms, rondeaux, ballades, and 
virelais, used as texts by musicians.! These terms are used to describe 
the great majority of the secular chansons, both polyphonic and 
monodic, dating from the periods of Machaut and Dufay. The main 
feature of these pieces is that their musical form was determined by 
the poetic form; the same musical phrases were used for different lines 
according to a pre-established scheme of repetitions. This scheme 
varied according to the lines set, but it allowed no kind of develop- 
ment. Such technical restrictions in the manner of setting words to 
music apply similarly to the madrigals and ballate of the Italian 
fourteenth-century ars nova, and also to the frottole, strambotti? and 
other Italian forms of the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the 
sixteenth centuries.? 

The publication at Venice in 1501 of the collection of chansons 
known as the Odhecaton shows that the early years of the sixteenth 
century were a transitional period in which, though the ties with the 
past were still strong—the Odhecaton contains a large number of 
rondeaux—the more forward-looking musicians were beginning to 
abandon the rigid medieval forms. Freer forms inspired by the realism 

1 See Vol. II, Chap. VII. 


? See Vol. III, Chap. II. 
3 Ibid., Chap. XI. 


2 THE FRENCH CHANSON 


of popular poetry rather than by the conventional urbanities of the 
preceding generation began to take the place of the staid rondeaux, 
ballades, and virelais. The new spirit was expressed even in the old 
fixed forms by such composers as Loyset Compére! (d. 1518) who 
cultivated a light contrapuntal style and whose lively rhythms were 
calculated to convey a suggestion of humour quite unknown to the 
traditional courtly art. A similar tendency is noticeable in the Italian 
forms of this period, the frottole, villotte, and canti carnascialeschi; 
and doubtless there were reciprocal influences. 

An exceptional place was held in this transitional period by Josquin 
des Prez? (d. 1521), in that he was a precursor endowed with genius 
in all the forms. His French chansons and Italian frottole are touch- 
stones, as indeed are his Masses and motets, revealing all that the 
sixteenth century owes to the wealth and range of his inventive mind. 
Josquin's vast technique and rare sensibility are illustrated in a wide 
variety of chansons, from the powerfully constructed examples in five 
or six parts with their blossoming of free counterpoint over a two- 
part canon in the bass, to the delicate pavane ‘Mille regretz’ and 
such light transparent trifles as ' Basiez-moi', ‘Bergette savoyéne’, 
‘El grillo", and ‘Scaramella’. And so it came about that the new 
French chanson which began to appear just before 1530 was naturally 
inspired by the secular works of Josquin and especially by those in 
which the composer, having broken away from the complexities of 
Flemish counterpoint, had cultivated a.simpler and more humble art 
designed to match the lucidity of the poctic texts. 

The earliest collections of French chansons were püblished in Paris 
by Pierre Attaingnant: Chansons nouvelles en musique a quatre parties? 
(1528), Trente et quatre chansons musicales a quatre parties (1529), 
Quarante et deux chansons musicales a troys parties (1529), Trente et 
une chansons musicales a quatre parties (1529), and the succeeding 
volumes. Of these collections, the Trente et une chansons* is the easiest 
to study; it contains examples by various composers. The most gifted 
were genuine Frenchmen. Cadéac, Claudin de Sermisy (represented 
in this collection by no fewer than eleven pieces), Gascongne, and 
Janequin (five pieces) form a group whose work in this field repre- 

1 See Vol. III, p. 291. 

* Ibid., pp. 270-2, and Howard M. Brown, ‘The Genesis of a Style: The 
Parisian Chanson, 1500-1530', in Chanson and Madrigal 1480-1530, ed. James Haar 
(Cambridge, Mass., 1964). 

. .* See Maurice Cauchie, ‘Les deux plus anciens recueils de chansons polyphoniques 
imprimés en France', Revue de musicologie, v (1924), p. 72. 


* Republished by Henry Expert as vol. v of Les Maftres musiciens de la Renaissance 
francaise (Paris, 1897). 


ORIGINS OF THE CHANSON 3 


sents the French tradition of precision, grace, and vivacity, and dis- 
plays a sense of texture quite different from that of works in this 
form by their Flemish contemporaries. 


CHARACTERISTICS OFSTYLE 


Looking at the main features of the earlier chansons, one may say 
that they are for the most part completely free in form. There are no 
signs of any tenor or canto fermo in the old, strict sense, though there 
are occasional borrowings from earlier melodies. Imitation is not 
unknown, but is used less frequently than in the motets and Masses, 
and imitations are woven into the robust rhythmic patterns charac- 
teristic of these chansons—patterns which are essentially opposed to 
the more ethereal style of contemporary church music. This homo- 
rhythmic sense is most strikingly displayed in vertical writing, in 
ornamented or slightly ornamented chord-progressions, and is highly 
symptomatic of the separation of the secular from the sacred style. 
It is a feature in complete accord with the spirit of the Renaissance, 
and originated mainly in the Italian frottole of c. 1500. 

The French chansons of 1529 are not concerned with musical 
development for its own sake. They therefore make only a restricted 
use of repetitions of words and phrases. Repetition generally occurs 
at the end of pieces, so as to provide a gradual, discreet close with no 
pretension to lyricism. On the other hand, purely musical repetitions 
often occur at the beginning of chansons, recalling the earlier ballades 
with their two pedes.! 

In short, in freeing itself from the age-long servitude to poetic struc- 
ture, the French chanson did not submit to any kind of arbitrary 
form. Details of the form vary according to circumstances, though in 
the main the chansons follow certain general schemes of which the 
most common may be roughly set out as follows: A A (different texts) 
B C C (same text). This holds good not only for the chansons of 1529, 
but for the greater number of the chansons of the Renaissance. Other 
distinctive features are: (1) a comparatively rare use of da capo; 
(2) the replacing of poems with refrain by various forms of rondeaux 
à couplets; and (3) the use for many chansons, at any rate up to the 
middle of the century, of dance forms, particularly the pavane. From 
all of this it will be seen that from first to last the French chanson 
conformed to structural concepts which perfectly corresponded to its 
particular needs. 

The grace and lightness of touch of so many of the chansons may in 

1 See Vol. III, p. 14. 


4 THE FRENCH CHANSON 


the last analysis be said to derive from the use of rapid melismata 
which are either unfurled on a single syllable or act as support to an 
animated declamation in which each note corresponds to a syllable 
of the text. In the latter, when the syllabic declamation, instead of 
following the free curves of musical arabesque, consists of the repeti- 
tion of one and the same note, the result is a quasi parlando style, fore- 
shadowed in Compére’s ‘Et dont revenez vous’, and sometimes rather 
like the recitative of opera buffa. 


THE ‘THIRTY-ONE CHANSONS’ 


Among the lighter of the Trente et une chansons those by Claudin 
de Sermisy and Clément Janequin are specially conspicuous by reason 
of their vivacity, gaiety, and picturesque effects. The fashion at this 
period was to set to music poems in which licentious humour was 
sometimes frankly revealed, sometimes disguised by ambiguities per- 
fectly familiar to the contemporaries of Francis I. Of this type are 
pieces such as ‘En entrant en ung jardin’ by Claudin de Sermisy— 
characterized by homorhythmic writing almost devoid of any kind of 
figuration, by buoyant syllabic declamation and by little symmetrical 
repetitions more or less analogous to those of dance forms—and 
Janequin’s ‘Au joly jeu du pousse avant’, a piece that admirably 
displays this composer’s inventive genius, with its expressive imitative 
stretti, its division of the voices in pairs according to Josquin’s prin- 
ciple, and the regularity of a form ideally conceived to underline the 
salient features of the text. Less bawdy, and artistically no less ac- 
complished, are Janequin’s rustic chansons ‘Ce moys de may’ and 
‘Au verd boys’. The first of these is a sort of homorhythmic villanella 
with no trace of figuration, in which trochees in triple time fleetingly 
alternate with iambics, with the most charming effect; the second is 
a fresh and naive ronde in which Janequin shows the extraordinary 
grace with which he was able to manipulate his peculiar melodic gifts. 
To the same vein belongs Claudin’s Bacchic chanson ‘Hau, hau, hau 
le boys’, the nimble counterpoint and free rhythms of which belong 
to the tradition of Josquin and Compére while at the same time fore- 
shadowing the style of Lassus. 

But while high spirits, sometimes expressed with Rabelaisian frank- 
ness, are brilliantly represented in the Trente et une chansons, the more 
serious side of life is by no means neglected. Sohier’s authentically 
French miniature ‘J’ay cause de moy contenter’ expresses the rapture 
of love in a delightful polyphony built from the imitative play of 
serene and intimately happy melismata. In melancholy vein such 


THE ‘THIRTY-ONE CHANSONS’ 5 


songs as Cadéac's ‘Je suis désheritée' (sometimes attributed to Lupi),! 
Gascongne's ‘Mon povre coeur’ and ‘Je ny scaurois’, Claudin de 
Sermisy's ‘Au joly bois’ and ‘C’est une dure départie’—describe 
love's deceptions or the pangs of separation in a musical language 
unparalleled in nobility and expressive intensity. The French com- 
posers of the time of Francis I possessed the very rare gift of ability 
to express elementary feelings with the maximum simplicity and 
concentration. 

It is noteworthy that several of these chansons, especially those of 
Sermisy, are composed in the rhythm and form of pavanes. The 
pavana dolorosa and the pavana lachrymae, dear to Dowland, have 
in fact antecedents here, showing how apt was this grave, ceremonious 
court dance to express the emotions of pain, grief, and resignation. 
The pavane was, moreover, quite frequently used up to the middle 
of the century not only in France but in the Netherlands, where feel- 
ings of this kind had to be expressed. It was often used, too, for the 
setting of moralizing texts or others whose emotional content was not 
particularly inspiring, where the insignificance of the poem was some- 
times compensated by the purely musical value of the setting. 

No sooner had the chanson francaise been published and made 
known in the Attaingnant editions than arrangements appeared, 
showing the liberties allowed to performers at this period in the matter 
of interpretation. The Tres breve et familiere introduction,’ printed in 
October 1529 by the same publisher, gives transcriptions for solo 
voice and lute of chansons by Claudin de Sermisy and a number of 
anonymous pieces, all of which appeared in their original vocal forms 
in the Attaingnant collections of 1529 and 1530.3 We need not dwell 
on these arrangements, which are discussed in a later chapter; they 
perpetuate a practice which had been common for many years. We 
need only note here that such arrangement was facilitated by a ‘ verti- 
cal’ style of writing which throws into relief the highest voice while 
the remaining parts are confined to the role of accompaniment. 

Sermisy was the composer of most of the chansons of this collection 
and the poet who most often and most happily inspired him was 


1 As in Das Chorwerk, xv, p. 22. * See Vol. IH, p. 450, n. 2. 

3 One of these songs by Sermisy, ‘Il me suffit’ (reprinted by La Laurencie, Mairy, and 
Thibault, Chansons au luth (Paris, 1934), p. 35, had a particularly eventful future. 
Clemens non Papa used the melody for his setting of Psalm 128 in the Souterliedekens 
(see p.230) (Antwerp, 1557); it became popular in Germany to the secular words ' Beschaf- 
fens Glück' and provided the model for a parody-Mass by Lassus (pub. 1574); in 1572 
Joachim Magdeburg published it in his Christeliche und Tróstliche Tischgesenge to the 
words * Was mein Gott will, das gscheh alzeit', with which it passed into the Protestant 
chorale-repertory and was employed by Schein, Schütz, J. S. Bach, and many others. 


6 THE FRENCH CHANSON 


Clément Marot, above all in ‘Tant que vivray en age florissant’,! a 
miracle of elegance in the expression of amorous gallantry. 


THE DESCRIPTIVE CHANSON 


The French chanson of this period was generally written in four 
parts, more rarely in three. The ideal balance of this combination 
answers perfectly to the demands of an intimate art devoid of all 
grandiosity or solemnity. Aware of this, the French composers re- 
sorted only exceptionally to a larger number of parts, and were thus 
able to maintain the essentially modest and intimate style of the 
chanson throughout the whole period of its development. 

There was, however, one particular type in which they abandoned 
this ideal. This was the descriptive chanson, of which the supreme 
master was Janequin. "La guerre’, "Le chant des oyseaux', ‘La 
Chasse? —the hunt of the stag and not of the hare, as has erroneously 
been stated L'alouette', ‘Le caquet des femmes’, ‘Les cris de 
Paris’ 3 such are the titles of these pieces, composed throughout the 
reign of Francis I and even later. With their predilection for the 
picturesque in music, exemplified again and again in the later Middle 
Ages, the French during the Renaissance transformed what had been 
mere miniatures into highly developed musical frescoes which have 
nothing in common with the classical conception of the chanson 
except a tendency to gracefulness, to ‘highly seasoned’ diversion. The 
enlargement of the form of the chanson was not always to its advan- 
tage. There are no modulations and the monotony of the harmony is 
hardly compensated by the onomatopoeic effects and by the singers' 
opportunities to hold the listener's attention by the lively rendering 
of the amusing mosaic constructed from these little tricks (drum-rolls, 
military or hunting fanfares, the chirping of birds, and so on). 
Janequin’s ‘La guerre’ was written to celebrate Francis Ps victory at 
Marignano in 1515. It has a pendant in the ‘Battaglia italiana’? in 
which the Flemish maestro di cappella of Milan Cathedral, Matthias 


1 Recorded in The History of Music in Sound (H.M.V.), iv; Sermisy's ‘Vivray-je 
tousjours en soucy?’ in the version for voice and lute is also recorded in the same volume. 

з All three, with ‘Chant de l’alouette’.and ‘Las povre cceur’, printed by Attaingnant 
in Chansons de maistre Clement Janequin (15287: cf. Cauchie, op. cit.), which Expert 
reprinted in Les Maítres musiciens de la Renaissance francaise, vii (Paris, 1898). There are 
a number of modern editions of ‘La guerre’. 

з *[ 'alouette' is given in Davison and Apel, Historical Anthology of Music (London, 
1946), i, p. 109, and ‘Les cris de Paris’ in Expert, Florilége du concert vocal de la Renais- 
sance, iii (Paris, 1928). Complete edition of Janequin's chansons, ed. Francois Lesure and 
A. T. Merritt (Paris, 1965-  ). 

1 Published by Tirabassi (Brussels, 1931). 


THE DESCRIPTIVE CHANSON 7 


Hermann Werrecoren, depicted in no less appropriate manner the 
various episodes of a defeat of the French king—perhaps at Pavia in 
1525.1 

Janequin's descriptive pieces enjoyed a brilliant success, as one 
gathers from the numerous editions which appeared up to 1559 not 
only in France, at Paris and Lyons, but at Venice and Antwerp, and 
from the instrumental transcriptions and various adaptations of them 
made by distinguished composers. Among the last are the five-part 
version of *La guerre' made by Philippe Verdelot and the three-part 
version of "Le chant des oyseaux' by Nicolas Gombert. The latter is 
particularly interesting because of Gombert's double contraction of 
the original score: the number of bars is reduced from 209 to 178 and 
the number of voices from four to three; the musical texture is thus 
made much lighter and much more appropriate to the effect one 
might expect from a concert of birds. (Despite the contrary opinion 
of Michel Brenet,? the Janequin version must beearlier than the Gom- 
bert.) Mention may also be made here of the two ‘Chasses du liévre’ 
(‘Or escoutez, gentilz veneurs’) published by Susato at Antwerp in 
1545, the first anonymous and the second under the name of Gombert. 
Both composers used the same text, but with certain modifications in 
the second which point to the fact that the first was written in France 
for a French public and the second in the Netherlands, possibly for 
the Court of Charles. V. It seems extremely likely that the anonymous 
composer of the first version was none other than Janequin, for one 
cannot imagine who else in France at that time could have written 
such lively and realistic music (notably the setting of the disconnected 
conversation between the huntsmen). The following passage is speci- 
ally characteristic: 

Ex.1 


[7-2] 


As ~ sem-blons nous,gen-tilz ve-neurs, par a-mour je vous pri- e, ` 


Bu- vons 
1 On this ‘Battaglia’, see Rudolf Gläsel, Zur Geschichte der Battaglia (Leipzig Diss., 
1931), pp. 48, 86-87, and 115-16. But the identification of Werrecoren with Matthieu Le 
Maistre is erroneous: see Grove's Dictionary (2nd ed., 1910), article * Werrecore'. 
з Musique et musiciens de la vieille France (Paris, 1911), p. 175. 


8 THE FRENCH CHANSON 


Bu-vons d’au - tant, me-nons chas - 


lièvre est pris et ri - e jus. 


(Come, good huntsmen, I pray you. Let’s drink our fill. Lead on, keepers, 
sound the curée. . . .) 


Less light-hearted and witty, Gombert's piece is none the less 
remarkable for its ingenuity of detail—a quality often found in the 
work of this incomparable melodist. 

The descriptive chanson of Janequin and his contemporaries at- 
tracts one first and foremost by its picturesque qualities. But it is 
equally notable for its well-balanced form. Sometimes the introduc- 
tion, with its formal expression of joyousness, is recalled in the course 
of the work or at the end like the refrain of a rondo; sometimes the 
whole piece is divided into two, three, or four sections. Clearly the 
composers were striving toward an ideal of symmetry as a means of 


THE DESCRIPTIVE CHANSON 9 


avoiding the dangers of a purely rhapsodic conception. There was no 
question of such dangers in the smaller forms, such as the ‘Guerre de 
Кешу”! in which Janequin recalled the victory of Henry II over 
Charles V at Renty on 13 August 1554. In this work of his old age, 
in which the onomatopoeic element is hardly perceptible, Janequin 
is at his best from beginning to end, though chiefly in the introduction 
(^ Croisez vos piques, soldats") and in the conclusion, a beautiful and 
peculiarly arresting prayer. 


LATER CHANSON COLLECTIONS 


The immediate success of the chanson encouraged publishers in 
France and later in the Netherlands to multiply collections. Attaing- 
nant himself set an example by printing several dozen books of 
chansons between 1529 and 1549. He was followed by other French 
publishers, notably Jacques Moderne at Lyons and Nicholas du 
Chemin in Paris, and in 1543 he found an important rivalin the person 
of Tielman Susato, an Antwerp publisher who issued an imposing 
series of collections over a period of about ten years. In Paris 
Attaingnant had founded a tradition carried on during the second 
half of the century by Adrian Le Roy in association with Robert 
Ballard; while after Susato's death (c. 1550) the firm of Phalése, 
established first at Louvain (from 1551) and later at Antwerp (under 
the name of Phalése et Bellére), produced numerous collections of 
chansons unmistakably showing the vogue of the form long after its 
first appearance. The Répertoire international des sources musicales—- 
Recueils imprimés, XVI*-XVII* siècles, i (Paris, 1960), shows that the 
main publishers brought out thousands of chansons, to say nothing 
of the numerous editions of minor firms. 

The Attaingnant editions from 1530 onwards reveal, as one can see 
from the numerous extracts published by Eitner,? Henry Expert, 
Maurice Cauchie,* Francois Lesure,? and others, an astonishingly 
varied range of chansons which persistently maintain the original 
tradition. All that has been said regarding the form, spirit, and 
technique of the original form equally applies to the chanson of the 
following twenty years. Reticence, concision, and polished form are 


1 Modern edition by Vincent d'Indy (Rouart, Lerolle & Cie.) 

* Publikation álterer praktischer und theoretischer Musikwerke, xxiii (Leipzig, 1899). 

3 In the series Les Maîtres musiciens de la Renaissance francaise and Florilège du con- 
cert vocal de la Renaissance, and separate numbers (Collection Henry Expert and Antho- 
logie chorale). 

* Quinze chansons francaises du XVI* siécle (Paris, 1926). 

5 Anthologie de la chanson parisienne du XVI* siècle (Monaco, 1953). 


10 THE FRENCH CHANSON 


the main features of the vast number of chansons which appeared 
between 1530 and 1550. 

Very often the pavane provided the minor masters not only with 
a ready-made pattern but with an idiom suitable for the dignified, 
sometimes even profound, expression of mournful sentiments or 
grave thoughts of more abstract origin. Composers such as Jacotin 
(‘Mon triste cur’), Mittantier (‘Tel en mesdit’), Sandrin (‘Doulce 
memoire’,! ‘Voyez le tort’, and ‘Puisque de vous’),? P. de Villiers (‘Je 
n’oserays le penser’) rival Claudin de Sermisy (‘Qui se pourrait plus 
désoler’, ‘Vous perdez temps’) in the art of adapting the ceremonial 
rhythm and inherent melancholy of the pavane for such expressive 
purposes. 


THE LEADING COMPOSERS 


Among the major composers who successfully cultivated the serious 
or semi-serious chanson must be mentioned Pierre de la Rue.? Al- 
though he died in 1518 he is represented in the collections printed in 
the second quarter of the sixteenth century by pieces which show him 
—if the attributions to him are correct—to have been a real precursor. 
Thus ‘Au feu d'amour" is almost the classic type of the future French 
chanson in its more tender and graceful aspects: and 'Ma mére, hélas, 
mariez moi' discloses beneath the simplicity of its ternary homo- 
rhythm a disturbing mixture of sadness, sweet emotion, and intimate 
happiness. No less appealing in both emotional and musical qualities 
are the chansons of the Cambrai composer Jobannes Lupi (‘Il n'est 
trésor’,® “Reviens vers тоу”, ‘Plus revenir") where the most delicate 
harmonic refinements are accompanied by a breath of archaism which 
takes one back to the days of Josquin. Less severe, Arcadelt® is seen 
in his chansons ‘Quand je me trouve auprés de ma maitresse’ and 
*Quand je vous ayme ardentement' (on a poem by Marot) to be the 
same suave melodist as in his Italian madrigals. A little-known 
musician, Bourguignon, reaches in * Continuer je veux’ the perfection 
of grace and delicacy, slightly tinged with melancholy. Another minor 
master, Passereau, cultivates the vein of popular humour with aston- 
ishing verve and sense of comedy in ‘Il est bel et bon’,® while his ‘Au 
joly son du sansonnet’ is notable for the delightfully childlike fresh- 
ness and grace of its contrapuntal devices. 


1 See Ex. 143. з Cauchie, Quinze chansons françaises, no. 5. 
3 See Vol. III, p. 289. 5 Eitner, Publikation, p. 68. 

5 Hans Albrecht, Johannes Lupi: Zehn weltliche Lieder (Das Chorwerk, xv), p. 8. 
* The Chansons of Arcadelt, i, ed. Everett B. Helm (Northampton, Mass., 1942). 

7 See Chap. II, pp. 39 and 41 ff. 

* Recorded in The History of Music in Sound, iv. 


THE LEADING COMPOSERS 


But the composer who brought the chanson to its highest stage of 


development was undoubtedly Janequin, who turned out master- 


“This tendril is so sweet a thing"), the 


pieces with almost inexhaustible fecundity and spontaneity. ‘Au joly 
mois de may’ with its da capo is a model of gaiety and childlike grace. 


‘Ce tendron est si doulce’ ( 


is a completely successful combina- 


tion of rhythmic variety with polyphonic facility: 


Ех. 2 


> 


opening of which may be quoted 


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(This tendril is so sweet that it almost makes me lose my senses. It is red as 


) 


arose.. 


12 THE FRENCH CHANSON 


‘Petite nymphe folastre’ is a model of the Renaissance chanson, the 
fineness of its touch prompting a comparison with the paintings of the 
Fontainebleau school. In ‘Si j'ay esté vostre amy' the most charming 
sense of freedom is ideally matched by the invention of happily 
devised detail. ‘Il n'est plaisir ne passe temps’ evokes with exquisite 
skill the mood of lovers who enjoy ‘en chantant, dansant, riant’ the 
happiness of being together "por boys et par champs’. And the beauti- 
fully finished ‘ Du beau tétin’ might have been monotonous on account 
of its length, but for the freedom of the writing, in syllabic chords in 
diverse rhythms: a perfect medium for the interpretation of the frank 
but piquant audacity of Marot's verses. 

This last piece is an example of the licence which appears so dis- 
concertingly in the Attaingnant collections. Renaissance listeners, ac- 
customed as they were to pungent language, would not have been 
offended and apparently the poets felt themselves able to take even 
greater licence under cover of a musical setting. The interesting point 
is that while the words are generally coarse enough, their musical 
translation is by no means so; from which we may conclude that the 
composers, who included ecclesiastics, found in these puantises 
(as they were called in 1576) sources of inspiration in the directions of 
gaiety, humour, and satire but not of sensuality. Indeed, we find 
unknown or little-known composers displaying in this inferior form 
of the chanson imagination of a high order: Jean Courtois in ‘ Faisons 
un coup' with its piquant effects of quick repeated notes; Garnier in 
his delightful aubade, * Réveillez-moi, mon bel ami’ in rondo form; 
Pierre Hesdin in ‘Ramonez-moy ma cheminée" in which a da capo 
brings back, with insistent stretti, unbelievably pretty themes; René 
in *Gros Jehan', a narrative chanson in which the racy language 
mingles with a tragic element that neither poet nor musician seems 
to have taken very seriously, however. All these pieces have many 
features in common with the contemporary Italian villanella, though 
the contrapuntal refinements of the French school were not known 
to the Italians until later. 

Side by side with these minor composers appear better-known 
figures such as Pierre Certon whose ‘Ung bon vieillard’ and ‘La, la, 
je ne lose dire”? are characterized by homorhythm—rather heavy, 
though appropriate to the subjects; the Netherlander Jachet Berchem, 
who in his gay, bustling *Jehan de Lagny' also approached the style 


1 Ener, Publikation, р. 55. 

3 Ibid., p. 28, and Einstein, A Short History of Music (London, 5th ed., 1948), 
p. 228. Ten other chansons by Certon have been edited by Albert Seay, Das Chorwerk, 
Ixxxii (Wolfenbüttel, 1962). ` 


THE LEADING COMPOSERS 13 


of the villanella; and Clemens non Papa who found in ‘ Une fillete bien 
gorriére' and ‘Frisque et gaillard'! unparalleled pretexts for the dis- 
play of both Rabelaisian humour and contrapuntal virtuosity. 


SUSATO'S COLLECTIONS: THE LARGER PIECES 


The Brussels Conservatoire Library possesses modern manuscript 
scores? of the thirteen books of chansons published at Antwerp by 
Susato between 1543 and 1550. These manuscript scores make it easy 
to study a repertory of chansons which, in addition to those by 
Josquin to whom the seventh book is devoted, contains no fewer than 
342 examples, very few of which duplicate those available in modern 
publications. Obviously, the Antwerp publisher was in closest con- 
tact with composers whose main field of activity was the Netherlands, 
as distinct from the Parisians around Attaingnant. Composers such 
as Certon, Sandrin, and Sermisy are included but have a subordinate 
place in these collections, just as—conversely—important Netherland 
composers have in the Attaingnant collections. 

Particularly striking in the Susato collections is the considerable 
number of compositions in more than four parts, mainly in five and 
six. The Flemish musicians had undergone a more severe training in 
the complexities and refinements of counterpoint than the French 
and it was only natural that they should be inclined to exploit to the 
extreme limit their own technical resources. In this they were, how- 
ever, not always successful. The over-elaborate settings of *D'amour 
me plans" and * Tant seulement’ in eight real parts by Jean Guyot 
(known as Castileti)? are out of proportion with the unpretentious 
poems. Writing in six and particularly in five parts is less exposed 
to this danger, especially when it is handled by major masters. The 
most prominent of these was Charles V's Master of the Choristers, 
Nicolas Gombert (d. c. 1556), the supreme virtuoso of the imitative 
syntactic style and, all in all, with Willaert and Rore, the greatest 
musician of the generation between Josquin's and that of Lassus and 
Palestrina. Gombert's five- and six-part chansons show us in all their 
plenitude his gift for the invention of original plastic melodies and 
his skill in treating them polyphonically so as to deploy their expres- 
sive powers to the full. Five-part pieces such as ‘Le berger et la bergère’ 
and *Quand je suis auprez de ma mye’ in gay or playful vein, the five- 
part ‘Souffrir me convient’ and the six-part ‘Tous les regretz’ in 

1 Eitner, Publikation, p. 33. * Made by Wotquenne. 


* On this composer see E. Wauters, Jean Guyot de Chátelet, musicien de la Renaissance; 
sa vie et son œuvre (Brussels, 1944). 


14 THE FRENCH CHANSON 


austere style, are among the most precious jewels that have come down 
to us from the second quarter of the sixteenth century. A fragment 
(Ex. 3 on opposite page) from ‘Souffrir me convient’ will give an 
idea of this spacious and by no means superficial style. 

Quite different from the aristocratic Gombert, Clemens non Papa 
was at his best able to combine somewhat boisterous popular verve 
with unusual inventive power. His talent is equally evident in the 
amusing and the severe. Examples of his five- and six-part chansons 
are ‘Sans lever le pied’, in which wantonness is expressed with 
malicious and racy naiveté; ‘Languir me fais’, in which the highest 
voice amplifies the corresponding part of the setting of the same 
words by Sermisy; and ‘C’est à grand tort’, a solidly constructed 
piece in popular style by a master in the handling of materials.! 

This trio of Netherlanders is completed by Charles V's later maítre 
de chapelle, Thomas Créquillon (d. c. 1557), a composer of great sensi- 
bility and elegance, whose chansons are peculiarly fascinating. He is 
at his best in his four-part pieces, such as *Puis que vous ayme', of 
which the opening is reprinted in the Oxford History of Music, ii 
(Oxford, 1905), p. 284, but there are also some charming examples 
among those in five and six parts: for instance, the five-part ‘Belle, 
donne-moi un regard’, an exquisite essay in the light style, and the six- 
part ‘Si me tenes tant de rigueur’, a sort of large-scale villanella, in a 
galant style, graceful and spontaneous. 

Among other famous musicians represented by five- and six-part 
pieces in the Susato collections is Adrian Willaert (d. 1562), who 
delights in using canons in the manner of Josquin in pieces of vast 
dimensions, such as the six-part ‘De retourner, mon ami, je te prie’, 
‘Mon coeur, mon corps’, and others, in which his impeccable tech- 
nique is displayed in sound-fabrics of the purest crystal. Nearer per- 
haps to the spirit of the French chanson is the six-part *Qui veut 
aymer’, though the influence of the Italian frottola and the villanella 
may easily be discerned through the mesh of this light polyphony with 
its firm balance and its quite new sense of harmony. 

Finally a few anonymous pieces in five and six parts must be 
mentioned, some of which are worthy of the greatest masters: for 
instance ‘Si vous n'avez ma dame’ (à 5), remarkable for its sense of 
line and development; ‘Verdure le bois’ (4 6), popular in style, in 
which repeated stretti on fragments of scale in the form of rapid 
syllabic declamation produce a most amusing effect; and ‘Mon petit 


1 Reprinted in Jacobus Clemens non Papa: Opera Omnia, x (American Institute of 
Musicology, 1962), pp. 113, 130, and 135. 


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16 THE FRENCH CHANSON 


caur’ (à 6), in which the charming poem is set with refinement and 
sensibility to a polyphony that is lightened and aerated by ingenious 
division and distribution of groups of voices. 

A number of the chansons in more than four parts published by 
Susato were written by secondary figures, though they show qualities 
far above the average. Thus, treating a galant subject with an under- 
current of melancholy in ‘Je prends en gré la dure mort’ (à 6), 
Josquin Baston shows his technical prowess by introducing a mirror 
canon into what is essentially a charming and graceful piece. Bene- 
dictus Appenzeller, Master of the Choristers of Mary of Hungary, 
though uneven in achievement, occasionally shows admirable refine- 
ment and expressive precision, as in ‘Fors vous n'entends jamais’ (à 
6), ‘Je perds espoir’ (à 5, with canon), ‘Si je me plains’ (à 5, with note- 
worthy intertwinings between threetenors anda baritone), and' Peineet 
travail’ (à 6). The resigned grace associated with the key of F is happily 
exploited by Eustatius Barbion in his * Adieu celle que j'ay servi' (д 5). 


SUSATO'S FOUR-PART BOOKS 


The greater number of the Susato chansons are, however, in the 
traditional four parts. Of the thirteen books, seven contain only 
pieces in this category, two being devoted to single composers, the 
Third to Créquillon and the Ninth to Pierre de Manchicourt (d. 
1564). In general the composers of the Susato publications, mostly 
Netherlanders, conform to the models of the Attaingnant composers. 
Though often hampered by very poor poems, an unfortunate heritage 
of the decadent rhetoric of the preceding age, they got out of the 
difficulty by setting these verses in ready-made musical forms, chief 
among which was the pavane. Susato's collections contain a great 
number of these vocal pavanes, which as the titles indicate— 
‘Chansons . . . convenables tant à la voix comme aux instruments'— 
could be performed instrumentally if so desired. Among the very 
beautiful examples are the anonymous ‘Je prends en gré la dure mort’ 
(First Book, No. 24), the themes of which were used by Josquin Baston 
in his 6-part setting, and ‘Si pas souffrir’ (Fourth Book, No. 12). 
Composers of the second rank, such as Susato himself, were often able 
to use the noble pavane as a happy means of escape from the colour- 
less platitudes in which they were inclined to indulge when imitating 
French models,whose witand naturalelegance were beyond their reach. 

It is impossible to examine here, however summarily, all the four- 
part chansons in the Susato collections. But those of Créquillon and 
Manchicourt, by their numerical importance, demand a general con- 


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18 THE FRENCH CHANSON 


sideration. Créquillon was a master of refinement in every sense of 
the word, equally successful in dealing with tender emotions, with the 
elegiac, and with Gallic wit. He usually practised what the Germans 
call Kleinarbeit, but with an elegance, lightness, and moderation that 
exclude excessive complication. His pieces in pavane form (‘Par 
trop souffrir’, ‘Pour plaisir’, ‘Toutes les nuits") are models of their 
kind, and he was also an admirable interpreter of the humour of such 
pieces as ‘Ung gay bergier’ and ‘Alix avait aux dents’, In the galant 
vein he shows a delicacy of touch recalling the suavity of the madrigal, 
notably in ‘Si pour aimer’ and ‘Petite fleur cointe et jolie’, the open- 
ing of which is shown in Ex. 4. 

Though not as original as Créquillon's, Manchicourt's best 
achievements—notable for their tenderness and melancholy—include 
such delightful little things as ‘Pourquoy mes tu tant ennemie’, 
‘Voyant souffrir celle’, *D'amour me vient’, and ‘Un doux regard’. 
In more playful vein, inclining to satire or bawdiness, as in ‘Jeune 
galant qui d'envieux effort' and ' Celle qui a fácheux mari', he excels 
in syllabic declamation to quick notes, with light and fluent counter- 
point, in the authentic French manner. 

Of the other well-known composers whose four-part chansons 
appear in the Susato collections, Gombert and Clemens non Papa are 
outstanding; some of their pieces rank with the finest examples in this 
genre. One need only mention Gombert's ‘Or suis-je prins’ in which, 
by the novelty and boldness of his themes and his contrapuntal skill, 
he shows himself a true precursor of Lassus. Unlike Créquillon and 
Gombert, Clemens was not remarkable for delicacy of touch, but he 
was unsurpassed in the expression of broad humour. Pieces such as 
*Entre vous, filles de quinze ans’, the Bacchic song ‘La, la, la, 
Maitre Pierre’, and the chanson de table ‘Jouons, jouons beau jeu’ 
are unsurpassed models of the latter kind. 

In a less popular vein Clemens has moments of inspiration sur- 
prising in such an interpreter of bawdy realism. An exquisite fresh- 
ness inspires his evocation of spring in ‘Rossignolet qui chantez’ 
which opens thus: 


Ex.5 Ros - si- gno-let quichan-tez au vert bois, 


si- gno-let qui chan - tez 


Ros - 


SUSATO’S FOUR-PART BOOKS 19 


А 
LM L1 A 
[ARE EE 
LEN 

*, 


-si- gno-let № 


(Nightingale singing in the greenwood) 


Again, in ‘Pour une, las, j'endure', ‘Coeur langoureulx’, ‘Incessam- 
ment suis triste’, and ‘Mais languirai-je toujours’ elegiac sentiment is 
expressed with a naturalness and intensity free from every kind of 
conventional formula. 

Beside these princes of music Susato also found room in his 
anthologies for a number of lesser nobles, room which they well 
deserve for the taste with which they handle the musical miniature. 
Among them is Guyot (Castileti) whose four-part pieces 'L'arbre 
d’amour’, ‘Je l'ayme bien’, *Joyeusement', ‘Je suis amour" are 
marked by a real originality due largely to a mosaic-like counter- 
point, singularly rich in charming effects. Corneille Canis resembles 
Créquillon both in technical accomplishment and in aristocratic 
refinement. He was equally successful with serious subjects such as 
* Malet souci’ and ‘ Pour vous seule la mort m'assault', where he some- 


20 THE FRENCH CHANSON 


times seems to stand in the line of Josquin and Pierre de la Rue, with 
pieces of lighter character (‘En désirant que je vous voie", ‘Quand je 
suis où les aultres sont’, ‘Coeur prisonnier), and with songs in 
humorous or popular style (‘Il estait une fillette"; ‘Ma mie a eu de 
Dieu’; * Mariez-moi, mon père’), the verve of which recalls Clemens. 
Jean Lecocq (known also as Gallus) does not reach this level, though 
such a piece as ‘Si tu voulais' shows that he was capable of great 
delicacy, and ‘Las me faut-il’ is the work of a man who had mastered 
every secret of craftsmanship. 

Antoine Barbé provides a fine example of the animated, picturesque 
style in his narrative song with refrain, *Ung capitaine'. Josquin 
Baston contributes pieces in a noble and refined style, such as ‘Si 
loyal amour’, ‘Fors seulement rigueur’, ‘C’est à grand tort’, and the 
beautiful pavane ‘Si mon languir’. Christian Hollander sounds 
a somewhat severe, archaic note—but with fine effect—in the elegy 
‘Plaisir n'ay plus’. In the exquisite little piece ‘On a mal dit de mon 
ami’, Jean de Hollande provides the musical equivalent, in light, 
transparent counterpoint with delightful imitations, of an excep- 
tionally good poem. And Rocourt gives us in the elegiac note of 
* Plaindre ne vaut’ an unrivalled miniature of unpretentious delicacy. 

Just as Attaingnant had almost from the first published chansons 
arranged for solo voice and lute, so Phalése issued at Louvain in 
1553, in the second part of the Hortus Musarum, a collection of 
similar arrangements containing pieces by the most popular com- 
posers, chief among whom were Créquillon and Clemens non Papa." 


THE CHANSON IN THE LATER SIXTEENTH CENTURY 


It is clear from the foregoing that the French chanson enjoyed 
a remarkable efflorescence between 1530 and 1550. During the second 
half of the century this development was slowed down and the style 
became rather less individual: partly because of the influence of the 
Italian madrigal, partly by reason of the appeal of poems of a dif- 
ferent nature from those which had inspired the composers of the 
earlier period. The latter had not usually been very happy in their 
choice of words; apart from Clément Marot,? most of their poets were 
inferior writers. Only the texts of the bawdy or popular chansons, 
while of no great literary distinction, were at any rate less trite. 
Bawdiness was to persist for some time in the French chanson, as 


1 See Chap. IV, p. 185. 
? On settings of Marot see Jean Rollin, Les Chansons de Clément Marot (Paris, 1951). 


THE CHANSON IN THE LATER SIXTEENTH CENTURY 21 


we shall see from the secular works of Roland de Lassus, though 
Lassus clearly preferred subtly humorous poems to crudely realistic 
ones. But this was in accordance with a general tendency to set poems 
of greater distinction. It was Ronsard, the poets of the Pléiade, and 
later Desportes, who now inspired the chanson composers. The winds 
of humanism blew among them; their literary taste grew more and 
more. refined. 

This greater refinement coincided with an Italian influence deriving 
from the madrigal—a form which avoided all crudity, every tendency 
to vulgarity. In striking opposition to the French chanson, the Italian 
madrigal developed a harmonic and melodic style founded on 
suavity and contemplative lyricism. On the other hand, the madrigal 
in the course of its evolution developed those devices, known to 
musicologists as ‘madrigalisms’, which before long proliferated in 
innumerable forms to produce an idiom of hitherto unsuspected 
musical and expressive richness. 

Like the chanson, the Italian madrigal had at first utilized no more 
than four voices, but soon enlarged its scope to five. During the first 
twenty-five to thirty years of their common existence chanson and 
madrigal followed parallel lines of evolution without any obvious 
influence of the Italian on the French form.! It was only during the 
last thirty years of the century that the chanson became in many 
instances practically indistinguishable from the madrigal. 


THE CONTRIBUTION OF LASSUS 


Under the influence of the madrigal, the chanson undoubtedly lost 
some of the characteristics it had possessed during the second third 
of the sixteenth century. On the other hand, it acquired a new lease 
of life, as is evident from the chansons of Lassus (1532-94) whose vast 
production consists of one chanson in three parts, 67 in four, 55 in 
five, 5 in six, and 5 in eight.? Here, as in the motet and madrigal, 
Lassus assimilated all extraneous influences and created a world 
entirely his own. In sheer originality none of his contemporaries can 


1 See, however, Daniel Heartz, * Les Goüts Réunis, or the Worlds of the Madrigal and 
the Chanson Confronted', in Haar, op. cit. 

2 Most of these were originally published by Susato in Le Premier livre de chansons 
à quatre parties (Antwerp, 1564), or by Le Roy of Paris in the Livre de chansons 
nouvelles à cincq parties (1571), Les Meslanges d’Orlande de Lassus (1576), (reprinted by 
Expert in Les Maítres musiciens de la Renaissance francaise, i (Paris, 1894), and the Con- 
tinuation du Mellange (1584). These are printed complete by Sandberger in the Sämtliche 
Werke, xii, xiv, and xvi (Leipzig, n.d.). Further chansons, overlooked by Sandberger, are 
published by Wolfgang Boetticher in Orlando di Lasso: Sämtliche Werke, i (Kassel and 
Basle, 1956). ` 


22 THE FRENCH CHANSON 


be compared with him; he reconciles extreme variety of detail with 
the spirit of synthesis which characterizes the work of genius. 

We need not dwell on questions of form. Here Lassus took over 
the framework used by his predecessors, only filling it with ampler 
total conceptions, with a greater wealth of melodic, rhythmic, and 
harmonic invention. Absolute master of his craft, he employs in his 
chansons for more than four voices a polyphony the lightness and clarity 
of which derive from delicately adjusted distribution of voices and 
judicious alternation of true counterpoint with homorhythmic 
passages. He makes little use of chromaticism in his chansons, though 
some of them give an impression of striking modernity, especially 
those in a major key such as ‘Un jeune moine", ‘ Beau le cristal’, and 
‘Gallans qui par terre’, all in four parts and all written after 1570. 

Like Dufay, Lassus throughout his life wrote chansons which, al- 
though they reflect the successive stages of his career, in no way sug- 
gest a steady ascent towards an ideal perfection. The most one can 
say is that his most brilliant work in this field dates from between 
1560 and 1575, notably in the two great collections of 1564 and 1571. 
Yet as early as 1555, the year when his first chansons appeared,’ the 
four-part ‘Las voulez-vous qu'une personne chante’? sums up all that 
is best in the elegiac style at that period. The master's personality is 
fully revealed in this little piece despite the affinity of its inspiration 
with the ethos of Johannes Lupi and its technical affinity (in the 
division of the voices) with Josquin. The imitative vocalizations on 
the word "chanter" and the uncommon modulation in the passage 
‘Et me laissez’ show Lassus’s forward-looking mind. 

These early works foreshadow all the main features of his later 
evolution, which branches out in three directions. There are the 
chansons in which the traditional spirit persists unchanged; those in 
which it is renewed and enriched by elements from the madrigal; and 
those in which it is completely superseded by the spirit of the madrigal. 
Obviously the traditional form was best suited to the lighter type of 
chanson, whether bawdy or semi-serious. ‘Quand mon mari vient de 
dehors’ and ‘ Un jour je vis un foulon’ (both à 4)* are typical examples 
of the vitality and boldly stylized realism displayed by Lassus in 
dealing with subjects of this order. In the interpretation of licentious 
humour, bordering on profanity in ‘Il estoit une religieuse’ (à 4) and 
on bawdiness іп ‘Si par souhait’ (à 4),5 he hesitated at nothing. In the 


ı Sämtliche Werke, xii, pp. 89, 94, and xvi, p. 111. 

* In the volume of Madrigali, Villanesche, Canzoni francesi, e Motetti a quattro voci 
published at Antwerp by Susato. 3 Werke, xii, p. 3. 

4 Ibid., pp. 23, 39. 5 Ibid., pp. 74, 12. 


THE CONTRIBUTION OF LASSUS 23 


semi-serious vein he piled masterpiece upon masterpiece: ' Bonjour 
mon coeur' (d 4) is anexquisite homorhythmic rendering of Ronsard's 
poem, while ‘Et d’où venez-vous, madame’ (2 5)! is based on melodic 
motives of an originality of which Lassus alone was capable. The five- 
part ‘Bon jour et puis quelle nouvelle’,? on a rondeau by Marot, 
bathes the words ‘bon vespre, bonne nuit, bon soir’ in an atmosphere 
of quasi-impressionistic vesperal poetry produced by vocal grouping 
and unexpected modulations for which it would be difficult to find 
parallels at this period. The quodlibet, *Las je n'iray plus jouer au 
bois’,® in free rondo form captivates at once by its dotted rhythms 
and delicate, interlaced counterpoint. 

The spirit of the chanson is happily mated with the technique of the 
madrigal in a number of instances, above all in ‘En un chasteau, 
madame” (à 4) where the licentious humour is lightly tinged with 
humanism. In ‘Quand un cordier’ (a four-part setting of a poem by 
Alain Chartier)’ the rope-maker's long strands are suggested by 
means of thread-like arabesques, in the true madrigal style. Other 
examples of this fusion of madrigal and chanson include the five-part 
‘Mon coeur ravi d’amour’,® a passage from whichis given on page 24. 
*Le rossignol', a most sensitive and elegant piece, belongs to the 
same category, as does ‘Hélas, j'ay sans merci’? where the charm- 
ing turns of phrase and harmonic progressions suggested by the 
various flowers are almost Schubertian in their freshness and 
spontaneity. 

Among the French chansons which are completely madrigalian in 
style may be mentioned ‘Si je suis brun’ (à 4), where the parody of 
the Song of Songs ( Nigra sum") explains and justifies this tendency; 
‘La nuit froide et sombre’ (a four-part setting of a poem by Joachim 
du Bellay), another impressionistic essay, bathed in an atmosphere in 
full accord with the cosmic naturism of the words; ‘J’endure un 
tourment’ (à 5), depicting with great harmonic subtlety the pangs of 
secret love; ‘Je ne veux plus que chanter de tristesse’ (à 5), in which 
the lyrical intensity of the music throws into relief a poem of almost 
romantic qualities; and ‘Paisible domaine’,® which celebrates Renais- 
sance Paris in an atmosphere of dreamy serenity and with such per- 
fection of style that one is almost tempted to place this music in 
a class by itself high above both chanson and madrigal. The same may 


1 Ibid. xii, p. 100, and xiv, p. 68. 2 Ibid. xvi, p. 53. 
3 Ibid. xvi, p. 126. * Ibid. xii, p. 14. 
5 Ibid. xii, p. 108. * Ibid. xiv, p. 22. 


? Ibid. xiv, р. 107, and xvi, p. 132. 
* Ibid. xii, pp. 30, 34, xiv, pp. 38, 88, and xvi, p. 50. 


THE FRENCH CHANSON 


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THE CONTRIBUTION OF LASSUS 25 


be said of the dialogue for double quartet (à 8) ‘Que dis-tu, que fais- 
tu’ (on a poem by Ronsard)! where the turtle-dove, deprived of its 
mate by a cruel bird-catcher, mourns its loss in tones of other-worldly 
tenderness. ‘Hélas, mon dieu’ (à 5) owes much of its effect to the 
Phrygian mode, an appropriate choice for the contemplative expres- 
sion of the poem's Petrarchan pessimism; while 'O, faible esprit’ 
(text by du Bellay)? describes the torments of love in a madrigal-like 
style, divorced from all earthly associations. 


FLEMISH CONTEMPORARIES OF LASSUS 


Lassus eclipses all his French and Flemish contemporaries in this 
genre. Several other figures among the Flemish composers certainly 
deserve consideration, but so far as our knowledge of their work goes 
at present, it is far below the level of that thresor de musicque which 
Lassus accumulated. The relatively small number of chansons by 
Philippe de Monte (1521-1603) is itself an indication that this master 
of church music and the madrigal was not particularly attracted to 
the form. Essentially of a meditative disposition, he was able to work 
with ease in this sphere only when he came upon a text peculiarly 
suited to his temperament, such as ‘Sortez regrets” (à 4); indeed, he 
was so possessed by the spirit of the madrigal that none of his chan- 
sons preserves anything of the usual conception of the form. Never- 
theless his ‘Comme la tourterelle’ (à 5)* and ‘Que me servent mes 
vers' (a five-part setting of Ronsard) are, of their kind, models of 
noble suavity; and "La déesse Venus’ (à 5),5 a long piece in three 
sections, displays the beauties of the madrigal manner in purest 
Renaissance style. 

Hubert Waelrant (1517-95) shows his alert mind in a piece of 
advice to musicians, ‘Musiciens qui chantez’ (à 5)* which is a lively 
and attractive synthesis of chanson and madrigal. The five-part chan- 
sons of André Pevernage (1543-91), so far as one can judge from 
Maldeghem’s transcriptions,’ with their unfortunate travesties of the 
texts, show his deficiencies in piquancy and sense of the picturesque; 
serious-minded and highly skilled, he had less affinity with the chanson 
style than with those of the motet and madrigal. 


! Werke, xiv, p. 142. 3 Ibid. xvi, pp. 46, 34. 
3 Reprinted by G. Van Doorslaer, Philippe de Monte: Opera, xx (Malines, 1932), 
p.9 


* Reprinted by Henri Lammers, Collection de musique ancienne, i (Paris, 1948), p. 10. 
5 Opera, xx, p. 66. 
© Reprinted by Barclay Squire, Ausgewählte Madrigale, ii (Leipzig, n.d.). 
* Trésor musical: Musique profane, vols. of 1865, 1869, 1870, 1871, 1872, and 1886 
(Brussels). 


26 THE FRENCH CHANSON 


There is no need to dwell on that fertile composer Jean de Castro, 
except to mention his Sonnets, chansons à deux parties, published at 
Antwerp in 1610. They are strange pieces, these bicinia, with their 
platitudinous and affected texts set to facile, rather dry music marked 
by an endiess flow of madrigalisms. Yet the archives of the Antwerp 
publisher, Plantin, reveal that at the beginning of the seventeenth 
century Jean de Castro was, with Lassus, his best-selling composer. 


GUILLAUME COSTELEY 


Having considered the Flemish contribution, we must now turn to 
the purely French musicians who maintained the chanson tradition 
during the second half of the sixteenth century. Here there was a 
most interesting late flowering which took on various aspects, all 
characterized by an aristocratic tendency which contrasts with both 
the realism and the poetic melancholy of the earlier chansons. Even 
where traces of the tradition of the 1530—50 period persist, the popular 
vein is coloured with delicate pastel shades which soften its harshness 
without harming its freshness and spontaneity, as may be seen, for 
example, in such a piece as de Bussy’s ‘La rose fleurie’,! a little 
masterpiece of rustic naivety without a trace of sophistication in its 
melodic inspiration. But the outstanding chanson composer under the 
last of the Valois was Guillaume Costeley (born c. 1530-1). 

Costeley's four-part chansons? are not all of the highest quality; but 
his three books contain a certain number of pieces which are among 
the most precious jewels of the second half of the sixteenth century. 
In the exquisitely delicate ‘Mignonne, allons voir si la rose”? Costeley 
finds the perfect musical counterpart of the three stanzas of Ron- 
sard's poem; ‘Allons au vert boccage” is a delightful May song, a 
model of its kind; the imaginative ‘Las, je n'iray plus jouer au boys” 
is in every way the equal of the setting of the same words by Lassus; 
‘Je voy des glissantes eaux’ uses the technique of homorhythm for 
the controlled expression of unhappy love; and ‘Puisque ce beau 
mai" is another May song in which the melodic inspiration an- 
ticipates, in 1570, the merriment of the English madrigalists of the 


1 Published by Cauchie, Quinze chansons françaises. | 

з Most of them published by Le Roy and Ballard in Musique de Guillaume de Costeley 
(Paris, 1570); republished by Expert in Les Maîtres musiciens de la Renaissance française, 
iii, xviii, and xix (Paris, 1896-1904). 

з Expert, op. cit. iii, p. 75. 

* Ibid, xviii, p. 19; recorded in The History of Music in Sound, iv. 

5 Tbid. xviii, p. 1. 

* Ibid., p. 56. 

? Ibid. iii, p. 85. 


GUILLAUME COSTELEY 27 


end of the century—the Batesons and Morleys—-as may be seen from 
this excerpt: 


Ex.7 que rendray content mon a-my tant gay 


(which will please my gay lover) 


THE INSPIRATION OF RONSARD 


We have seen that from the middle of the sixteenth century on- 
wards the poems of Ronsard (1524-85) were frequently used as texts 
for chansons. Ronsard loved music and sang its praises in prose and 
verse,! so it is not surprising that many of his poems were composed 
by his contemporaries. Ronsard settings by Janequin, Lassus, 
Philippe de Monte, and Costeley have already been mentioned. Nor 
were these the only composers attracted to Ronsard. The serious- 
minded Goudimel, famous for his Psalms, wrote masterly settings of 
the sonnet ‘Quand j’appergoy ton beau chef jaunissant' (à 4) and of 
the ode to Michel de 1’Hospital, * Errant par les champs de la grace’, 
deeply felt pieces in every way worthy of the poet's graceful images or 
lofty thought. Nicolas de La Grotte's settings are better known in the 
solo versions with lute, described in a later chapter.? Ronsard's reputa- 
tion was such that his name often figured prominently in the titles of 
publications containing only a few of his pieces, such as Sonetz de P. 
de Ronsard mis en musique . . . par Philippe de Monte (Paris, 1575) and 
Poésies de P. de Ronsard et autres Poétes mis en musigue par M. 
Frangois Regnard (Paris, 1579). 

The general level of the four-part chansons of Regnard? is not high. 
Among his settings of Ronsard, ‘Je suis plus aise que les dieux’ 
shows, however, that he was not devoid of subtlety in a style more 
akin to the madrigal than to the chanson. Ronsard's vogue was such 
that even a large part of his Les Amours was set to music by such 
composers as Jehan de Maletty, Guillaume Boni, and Anthoine de 
Bertrand, and published by Le Roy and Ballard (Paris, 1578). 


1 See infra, p. 184. 3 Sce infra, p. 186. 
3 Published by Expert in Les Maîtres musiciens de la Renaissance francaise. 


28 THE FRENCH CHANSON 


We may form some judgement of the stature of Anthoine de 
Bertrand from the modern edition of his four-part pieces. This 
composer of gentle birth, from Auvergne, certainly showed some 
temerity in approaching Ronsard. Not only are most of the poems of 
Les Amours hardly suitable for music; their lack of variety and the 
preciosity that characterizes many of them must make their setting 
all the more difficult. All the same, one cannot deny the refinement of 
Anthoine de Bertrand's sixty little pieces, which one almost hesitates 
to describe as chansons; they are so much more nearly madrigals—yet 
French, not Italian, in their discretion and understatement and the 
moderation with which the composer employs Italian chromaticism. 
Considered as a complete cycle, these settings of Les Amours may be 
monotonous; yet one or two pieces are worth singling out, par- 
ticularly ‘Je suis tellement amoureux’, the end of which is remarkable 
for the use of ad libitum microtones to modify the chromatic texture 
in the manner advocated by Nicola Vicentino in his L'antica musica 
ridotta alla moderna (Rome, 1555): 


Ex. 8 Et 


si mon coeur ne peut sar - mer Con- 


tre l'œil qui le  navre à tort, Car plus 


il luy доп - ne la mort, Plus il est con- traint de 


1 Edited by Expert, Monuments de la musique française au temps de la Renaissance, 
iv-v (Paris, 1926-7). 


THE INSPIRATION OF RONSARD 29 


l'ay - mer, plus il est con - traint de l'ay - mer. 


[The crosses show where microtones may be introduced.] 


(And so my heart is defenceless against the eye that playfully wounds it, for 
the more mortal the wound, the more it is obliged to love.) 


There is a real sensitiveness in the details of ‘Plus que jamais je 
veux aymer’; while ‘Je meurs, hélas’, ‘Las, sans espoir’, and ‘Douce 
beauté’ show uncommon intelligence in the employment of the sim- 
plest means to match Ronsard's verses with adequate music. It is in 
his third Livre de chansons, however, that de Bertrand gives over- 
whelming proof of his innate artistic sense. Here, unconstrained by a 
somewhat unvaried cycle of poems, he was able to give much freer 
rein to his inspiration. In this book ‘Cest humeur vient de mon oeil’, 
‘Las, 6 pauvre Didon’, “О doux plaisir’, and ‘Pucelle, en qui la 
triple grace’ with its pendant " Devant les yeux’ are among the most 
polished and significant examples of this particular phase in the 
development of the French chanson, the phase of marked affinity 
with the madrigal and villanella. 


VERS MESURÉS 


The new manner of Ronsard and the Pléiade was not the only in- 
fluence which diverted the French chanson from the course on which 
it had been set in the days of Francis I. The vers mesurés in the style 
of classical antiquity brought into fashion by the poets of the Aca- 
démie du Palais (founded by Jean-Antoine de Baif) awakened the 
lively interest of musicians, who experimented with settings in the 
same sense.! Claude Le Jeune was the most prominent of the com- 
posers who occupied themselves with this poetico-musical idea. It is 
questionable whether the principle of quantity is suited to the French 
language, but there is no denying that the poets and musicians who 
championed it—despite the ultimate sterility of their experiment— 
produced a body of work which occupies a by no means insignificant 


1 On the rather similar German settings of Horatian odes earlier in the century, see 
Vol. III, pp. 370-1. On Baif's Academy, see infra, p. 805. 


30 THE FRENCH CHANSON 


place in the history of the music of the Renaissance. Indeed, according 
to the plausible theory of Henry Pruniéres,! the canto alla francese 
which inspired Monteverdi to write his Scherzi musicali of 1607 was 
none other than this musique mesurée à l'antique of Le Jeune, Mauduit, 
and du Caurroy. 

Le Jeune also wrote chansons of the ordinary kind in addition to his 
experiments with musique mesurée. The four-part songs in the Livre de 
mélanges (1585)? are rather unequal in value. A variety of subjects is 
dealt with in refined and intelligent—perhaps too intelligent-—music. 
Despite this suggestion of artificiality, some of them are undoubtedly 
charming and original: for instance the aristocratic ‘Si dessus vos 
lévres de rose’, the virginal grace of which is brought out by the key of 
F, and * Villageoise de Gascogne’ (the text of which is in dialect) with 
its dotted rhythm suggesting a gigue or a morisque, a particularly 
successful essay in the style of popular dance music. 

The musique mesurée à l'antique was bound to remain very simple. 
Obliged by its very nature to renounce the devices of counterpoint, it 
consisted essentially of simple successions of chords. But in order to 
avoid monotony certain figurations of the chords were allowed on 
condition that each syllable of the text was sung simultaneously by 
all the voices. Such restrictions could be counterbalanced only by 
outstanding melodic invention or by exquisite taste in the con- 
trivance of melismatic figuration, and it is astonishing to see what 
Le Jeune was able to accomplish with such limited resources in both 
his secular pieces and his French Psalms in vers mesuré. Here we are 
concerned only with the former category,? which are all contained in 
the posthumous collection of 2-, 3-, 4-, 5-, 6-, 7-, and 8-part pieces 
entitled Le Printemps, published by Ballard in 1603.* Reading through 
the whole collection, one cannot escape a feeling of monotony, despite 
the constant changes of metrical schemes and the variety in the number 
of voices. Moreover Le Jeune's inspiration, fettered by his system, 
seems to flag after the earlier pieces, reviving only when he comes 
upon a particularly stimulating text. 

Le Printemps opens with a piece in vers rimés, ‘Voicy du gay 
printems' (on a poem by Desportes), a delightful synthesis of the 
suavity of the madrigal with the polish and concision of the chanson. 
Next comes the first mesuré piece, * Revecy venir du Printans', with a 


1 La Vie et l'euvre de Claudio Monteverdi (Paris, 1924; English translation, London, 
1926), pp. 46 ff. of the English edition. 

3 Partially republished by Expert, Les Maîtres musiciens, xvi. 

3 For Le Jeune's Psalms, see p. 446. 

* Reprinted by Expert, Les Maítres musiciens, xii-xiv (Paris, 1900). 


VERS MESURES 31 


five-part rechant (refrain) between the repeats of which are couplets 
for 2, 3, and 4 voices respectively. The total effect is delightful, thanks 
to the grace and verve of the melody and the simple charm of the 
figurative ornamentation: 


Ex:9 Rechant à 6 


Re-ve-cy venir duPrin-ans |L'amoureuz' 


(See, Spring comes again, season of beauty and love) 


But such dainty miniatures are rare in this collection; other examples 
worth attention are ' Cigne je suis de candeur’ (no. 17), "La brune- 
lette violette’ (no. 26), and ‘Pastourelles jolietes’ (no. 29), in which 
Le Jeune’s very distinctive melodic inspiration is fully manifest. 

We need not linger over the Chansonettes mesurées à l'antique 
(twenty-three four-part settings of poems by Baif) by Jacques Mau- 
duit (Paris, 1586), though ‘Vous me tuez si doucement’ (no. 1), 
*Voicy le verd et beau may’ (no. 5), and ‘Vostre tarin je voudrois 
estre’ (no. 9) are the work of a delightful musician worthy of an 
honourable place alongside Le Jeune. The same may be said of 
Eustache du Caurroy, whose Meslanges (Paris, 1610)? include eight 
pieces mesurés à l’antique. Of these, ‘Déliette mignonette' (4 4) is 
memorable for the graceful line of a superius already heavily indebted 
to the accompanied monody.® 


SWEELINCK 


This survey of the French polyphonic chanson would be incomplete 
without mention of the contributions of the Dutch master J. P. 
Sweelinck (1562-1620). A truly international figure, Sweelinck 
derives his fame mainly from historic importance in the evolution of 
organ music.* Though he has no such claim to pre-eminence in the 
field of vocal music, he nevertheless stands out at the end of the 
sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth centuries as one of those 
superior minds who were able to turn to personal ends everything 


! Ibid., x. ? Tbid. xvii. 
* See Chap. IV. 4 See pp. 635 ff. 


32 THE FRENCH CHANSON 


acquired by their vast knowledge and exceptional powers of assimila- 
tion. In his Chansons a cinc parties! he showed what he had learned 
from the simultaneous study of chanson and madrigal. There is 
nothing very original in this first collection; but some years later, in 
his five-part ‘Tu as tout seul, Jan, Jan’ (text by Marot) (published in 
a collection Le Rossignol Musical, Antwerp, 1597) he produced a 
masterpiece of light-hearted good humour, highly accomplished and 
full of interesting detail. His Rimes frangoises et italiennes (Leyden, 
1612)? conclude with a four-part piece in four sections, ' Rozette, 
pour un peu d'absence' (poem by Desportes), in the true tradition of 
the French chanson with many felicitous touches and employing all 
the resources of the polyphonic technique of the late sixteenth cen- 
tury. In sharp contrast with the spontaneity of these two chansons, 
the two- and three-part Rimes francoises*—all, with one exception, on 
poems by Desportes—show Sweelinck's ‘madrigalizing’ tendency: 
they are beautifully wrought pieces and extremely ingenious, but 
more cerebral than inspired and calculated to please the mind and the 
eyes rather than to satisfy the ear and the heart. 


1 The date ‘En Anuero ce XXVIII de May 1584’ in Phalése's preface led even Van 
Sigtenhorst Meyer to believe in an edition of that date, but no copy is known and 1584 
may well be a misprint for 1594 (see Äke Davidsson, Musikbibliographische Beiträge 
(Upsala, 1954), p. 17). The edition of 1594 is the basis of Seiffert's reprint, Werken van 
J. P. Sweelinck, vii (The Hague and Leipzig, 1899), and was probably the first. 

3 Reprinted by Seiffert, ibid., viii (1900). 

2 Ibid. 


П 


THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY 
MADRIGAL 


By E. J. DENT 


CARNIVAL SONGS AND FROTTOLE 


The secular music of the Italian Renaissance may be said to begin 
with the canti carnascialeschi of Florence.! Considered as music, 
these are not very attractive. Their melodies, such as they are, are 
curiously primitive, and it is sometimes difficult to guess whether the 
tune is in the uppermost part or in the tenor. Their chief interest lies 
in the words, which are extremely amusing and characteristic of 
popular life. They are all strophic, generally with a refrain. The music 
is mainly homophonic and in four parts, sometimes with a middle 
section for two voices which is more contrapuntal. We must imagine 
them bawled in the streets with riotous gusto. Popular they certainly 
were, for a great many of them were adapted to religious words and 
sung as laudi spirituali; the collections of these are most valuable 
sources for popular Italian song.? 

It is difficult for us to realize now the extraordinary delight that 
singers of the Renaissance derived from the mere sound of the simplest 
block harmony in four parts. We catch a glimpse ofit in the macaronic 
poems of Teofilo Folengo, known as Merlinus Coccaius (1496-1544). 
Folengo was educated at the University of Bologna and became a 
Benedictine, but he left his monastery in 1524 for the life of a wander- 
ing goliard, returning to the order ten years later. His mock epic 
Baldus, first published in 1517, as well as his other poems, contains 
many allusions to music and paints the peasant life of the period in 
vivid colours. He describes (canto xx) Baldus and his three friends 
singing together as they ride on a journey: 

Quattuor in voce post haec cantare comenzant. 
Arripit ut gracili sopranum voce Rubinus,? 
Falchetti firmum suscepit bocca tenorem, 

Gorga tridans notulas prorumpit Cingaris altum, 
Trat contrabassum extra calcanea Baldus. 
Quattuor hi varios pergunt cantando sonettos. 


1 See Vol. III, Chap. XI. 
4 See Vol. HI, p. 389. 
* Rubinus would have sung in falsetto, 


34 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 

Plus auscultantum sopranus captat orecchias. 

Sed tenor est vocum rector, vel guida tonorum. 

Altus Apollineum carmen depingit et ornat, 

Bassus alit voces, ingrassat, firmat et auget. 

Cantus Italicos, Francesos atque Spagnolos 

Cantabant, nam sic facientes tempora passant. 
They would appear to be improvising their harmony, judging from 
lines not quoted here, but their methods are much the same as those 
laid down later by Zarlino,! who compares the four voices to the 
four elements—the bass being earth, the tenor water, counter-tenor 
or alto air, and soprano or canto fire. The tenor sings the subject, 
which decides the mode; the bass proceeds in slower notes—‘it 
nourishes and fattens the music'—the alto decorates the subject with 
more movement and the soprano is the most active voice and the one 
which owing to its penetrating quality reaches the ear first. Zarlino 
actually quotes the lines of Folengo as a final illustration. Zarlino was 
a priest writing mainly for church composers, and his views are con- 
servative; but he cannot have failed to see that by the beginning of the 
century the leading melody, at any rate in secular music, had shifted 
from the tenor to the uppermost voice. 

The carnival songs were succeeded by the frottole, of which 
eleven books were printed by Petrucci (1504-14). The original home 
of the frottola was Mantua, where the court of the Gonzagas carried 
on a peaceful and highly cultivated lifé under the aegis of the Duchess 
Isabella d'Este, whose copious correspondence shows her to have 
been passionately devoted to music and poetry; she was herself a 
performer on the clavichord or spinet. (Tromboncino and Marchetto 
Cara were her favourite composers.) But the vogue of the frottola 
spread very soon from Mantua to Ferrara, Florence, and Venice. 
Venice had already established itself as the great centre of music- 
printing. Tromboncino seems to have died there about 1535, but by 
that date the frottola had gone completely out of fashion; its place was 
being taken by the new madrigal, and the first composers of madrigals 
were nearly all Netherlanders. Musicians from France and the Low 
Countries had found employment in large numbers all over Europe 
from Lisbon to Warsaw, and, just as the Italians did in the eighteenth 
century, they pushed the native composers into obscurity. Every 
Italian prince made a point of securing a Netherlander for the direc- 
tion of his chapel, and in this the princes followed the example of the 
Pope. 


1 Gioseffo Zarlino, Le istitutioni harmoniche (Venice, 1562), pp. 238 ff. 
3 See Vol. III, pp. 390-405. 


FROTTOLA AND MADRIGAL 35 


FROTTOLA AND MADRIGAL 


The new madrigal of the sixteenth century, which has no connexion 
with the Italian madrigal of the fourteenth, emerged fröm the contact 
of Netherland composers with Italian poets. It is impossible to ascribe 
it to any one composer. The words frottola and madrigale were 
originally names for clearly defined forms of versification, like sestina, 
canzone, ottava, sonetto, &c. but after about 1500 they become 
musical terms and lose their literary sense. Petrucci's eleven books 
of frottole include many different verse-forms, even sonnets among 
them; the *madrigal' as set to music became equally various. Petrarch, 
the favourite poet of the madrigalists, wrote actually very few ma- 
drigali, and though his sonnets and other poems were set to music 
over and over again, his real madrigals were never set at all. 

The fundamental difference between the frottola and the madrigal 
was that the frottola was a strophic song in several verses, while the 
madrigal was a short poem seldom exceeding twelve lines and gener- 
ally content with less. The frottola therefore had a straightforward 
tune with an accompaniment; it seems that although it was printed 
in four separate parts on facing pages, it was more often sung by a 
solo voice to the accompaniment of the lute.! The bass part moves 
in slow notes and merely supports the harmony all the way through; 
the two middle parts (which cross frequently) often look contrapuntal, 
but are in reality mere filling up. The written and printed lute tran- 
scriptions generally leave out one of them. The singers of frottole 
were sometimes the composers as well, but in any case hired pro- 
fessionals; they would no doubt perform from memory and would 
have no need to look at the music-book. 

Contemporary pictures often show three or more people singing 
and playing from one single book of this type; one can only wonder 
how they ever managed it. In 1525 Pierre Hautin of Paris invented 
the method of printing music in one impression; a few years later this 
method was adopted by the Venetian printers, who at the same time 
began the issue of part-music in separate part-books which made 
reading much easier and the production much cheaper. Moreover, 
notes could be more widely spaced than in the tightly packed pages 
of Petrucci, and words could be printed under them with more ac- 
curate adjustment. Madrigal-singing could not become a practical 
possibility until this had been accomplished. 

The transition from frottola to madrigal must have begun with the 


1 See Vol. IIT, p. 398. 


36 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


practice, however awkward and uncomfortable it may have been, of 
performing frottole by a quartet of voices. We have already noted in 
Folengo's Baldus the new pleasure which this gave to the singers. The 
solo singer to the lute was not by any means ousted, although the 
frottola died out altogether and was considered quite old-fashioned 
by about 1530. Many madrigals could be sung, and undoubtedly were 
sung, in this way,! but the composers intended them mainly, if not 
always, for voices either unaccompanied or doubled by melodic in- 
struments, and for that reason each part was regarded as of equal 
importance. The madrigals, except those intended for ceremonial 
occasions, were composed for the enjoyment of the singers, for their 
enjoyment both of music and of poetry; each singer had to feel that 
he was contributing his part to the intensification of the poet's words, 
and that is the real reason for the elaborate contrapuntal treatment of 
them. As the madrigals became more and more elaborate, complaints 
were made by critical writers of the ‘laceration of poetry' brought 
about by this entangled polyphony. But what killed the madrigal at 
the end of the sixteenth century was not the exaggeration of counter- 
point and chromatic harmony, but the general spread of musical 
enjoyment and appreciation to a public which had learned to want to 
listen to music rather than to sing it themselves. The finest of the 
madrigals, the most sensitive and artistic, were composed for a 
limited élite, the numerous ‘academies’ of highly cultivated amateur 
singers; a larger and more middle-class public had by this timelearned 
to read music at sight and wanted entertainment of a more frivolous 
type, and simultaneously there developed a class of virtuoso singers 
who found their true vocation in the opera of the following century. 
It is therefore not so paradoxical as it may seem that the expres- 
sion of words, the ideal which first inspired the madrigal, led to its 
destruction. 


THE LITERARY LANGUAGE OF THE MADRIGAL 


The transition from frottola to madrigal coincided with the new 
literary movement in Italy of which Pietro Bembo was the leader and 


1 In which case the solo part might be ornamented by improvised coloratura. Ernest 
Ferand gives ‘diminutions’ of the highest part of Rore's, ‘Signor mio caro’ from 
Girolamo dalla Casa’s Il vero Modo di diminuir (Venice, 1584) and Bassano’s Ricercate, 
passaggi et cadentie (Venice, 1585) in Die Improvisation (Cologne, 1956), p. 63; parallel 
diminutions of Palestrina's ' Vestiva i colli' are given by Robert Haas in Aufführungs- 
praxis der Musik (Potsdam, 1934), p. 117. Another example from Bassano, with diminu- 
tions of the tenor of Rore's ‘Quando signor’ is priated by Max Kuhn, Die Verzierungs- 
kunst in der Gesangsmusik des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts (1535—1650) (Leipzig, 1902), 
p. 110. On similar ornamentation of church music, see infra, p. 332. 


THE LITERARY LANGUAGE OF THE MADRIGAL 37 


dictator. Spoken Italian was then (as indeed it is still to a large ex- 
tent) a large number of local dialects often quite unintelligible to 
Italians outside their own area. Dante, early in the fourteenth century, 
had stressed the necessity of a uniform vernacular for cultivated 
intercourse and literary employment that should be understood 
throughout the peninsula, and at that date it indeed needed all 
Dante’s faith and courage to defend the vernacular against the claims 
of Latin for serious prose and poetry. Petrarch himself thought that 
his Latin epic Africa was far superior to the Italian poems which 
have made his name immortal. Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio, being 
all Tuscans, wrote in their own Tuscan dialect and thereby estab- 
lished Tuscan as the basis of standard Italian; it is in fact the dialect 
which comes nearest to Latin. But the revival of learning which 
marked the early Renaissance gave a new impetus to Latin owing to 
the new study of the great classical authors and the beginnings of real 
classical scholarship. Bembo again took up the defence of Italian, 
but had to admit that the Tuscan of Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio 
was by now archaic and not practicable for the usage of his own time. 
He was a poet himself, though not a great one, and perhaps more 
interested in poetry than in prose; he decided that for poetry the 
infallible model was Petrarch, and his followers not only imitated 
Petrarch but borrowed lines from him openly and unashamedly. 
A knowledge of Petrarch is thus indispensable to all students of the 
Italian madrigal. Petrarch is the poet of introspection and sensibility ; 
he requires to be studied intimately and savoured line by line, word 
by word; it is with this intention and method that the madrigal has 
to be approached, for this lingering enjoyment of the beauty of words 
and thoughts accounts at once for the unhurried leisureliness of both 
the simplest and the most sophisticated musical settings of his poems. 

How far Bembo was interested in music is uncertain, but there 
must have been some contact between the musicians and the members 
of his circle. We must not suppose that the composers of that time 
chose their own texts; Isabella d'Este would obtain a poem from 
someone and would then ask Tromboncino to set it to music. All 
music was written to order. The Netherlanders dominated the music 
of both the courts and the churches; in the Pope's chapel there was 
only one Italian, Costanzo Festa, and he is also the only Italian of 
distinction among the first group of madrigalists. It may seem aston- 
ishing to us today that there is no evidence of the slightest jealousy 
or chauvinism on the part of the Italian musicians; they accepted the 
music of the Netherlanders, admired it cordially, and in many cases 


38 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


were on terms of personal friendship with the composers. But another 
question arises in connexion with the madrigals: how much Italian 
did those Netherlanders really know? In our own times many 
foreigners have made their home in England; but legal naturalization 
does not confer a full knowledge of the adopted language. Poetry is 
the test; some can learn to write quite correct English prose, but only 
rarely good English poetry. Only a few acquire a really good English 
accent in speaking, and though they may have a keen appreciation 
of English poetry, they betray themselves when they set it to music. 
Was that the case with the Netherland composers of Italian madri- 
gals? We have to remember that even for the Italians their language 
had not yet acquired the background of a long-established classical 
style, which in our case goes back to Shakespeare and the English 
Bible; but we cannot follow the course of the sixteenth century with- 
out noticing that the madrigals acquire a new fluidity of movement 
and sensitivity of expression as soon as Italians themselves take 
complete possession of them. 


THE EARLIEST MADRIGAL-COMPOSERS 


It is uncertain whether Costanzo Festa or Philippe Verdelot is to be 
regarded as the first composer of madrigals; in any case Festa stands 
by himself among a crowd of Netherlanders. Verdelot was not a 
Netherlander by birth but a Frenchman from the south of France, 
possibly from Carpentras. He may have been born about 1490 or 
even later; Attaingnant printed two motets by him in 1529 under the 
name of Philippe Deslouges, and the name Verdelot was possibly a 
pseudonym. From about 1525 onwards he appears to have divided 
his time between Florence and Venice and to have died (probably at 
Florence) about 1538. His career as a madrigalist was therefore a 
very short one. 

Costanzo Festa must have been about the same age. He came from 
the diocese of Turin and was a member of the papal chapel under 
Leo X. He died at Rome in 1545, but although chiefly working in 
Rome he seems to have had some contact with Florence. He is men- 
tioned with great admiration by various contemporaries, including 
Folengo in Baldus, where he is placed on a level with Josquin himself.! 


! Macaronea vigesima: 
O Josquine Deo gratissime, nascere mundo 
Compositure diu, quem clamat Musica patrem, 
Iannus motonus, Petrus de robore, Festa 
Constans, Iosquinus qui saepe putabitur esse. 


THE EARLIEST MADRIGAL-COMPOSERS 39 


The date of Jacques Arcadelt’s birth is often given as about 1514, 
but was more probably earlier; in any case he was some years junior 
to Verdelot and Festa. He is mentioned as ‘Flandrus’ as a member of 
the Cappella Giulia in Rome in 1539; for some time previously he 
had lived in Florence, and there is some evidence for a stay in Venice 
even earlier, though in the early prints it is often very uncertain 
whether madrigals are attributed to their true composer. In 1557 he 
was in Paris as a member of the royal chapel; he is mentioned by 
Rabelais along with Janequin and Claudin, and is supposed to have 
died in Paris some time later. 


BEGINNINGS OF THE MADRIGAL STYLE 


The earlier madrigalists approached their new task with some 
timidity. The madrigal was intended to be a reaction against the 
frivolity of the frottola; its texts, though still mainly amorous, were 
more decorous and more sentimental. But it continued the style of the 
frottola! in having a recognizable ‘tune’ in the uppermost voice, and 
it was a long time before this principle was discarded. The tune 
created the main shape of the madrigal; the lower voices were for a 
long time merely an accompaniment in block harmony, though en- 
livened by short passages of free imitation here and there. This 
technique was adopted from the earlier French chanson. In the in- 
terval between the short vogue of the frottola and the first emergence 
of the new madrigal, Attaingnant had published collections of the new 
type of French chanson? represented most conspicuously by Janequin, 
and these soon crossed the frontier into Italy and influenced the 
madrigalists in various ways, notably by the habit of beginning a 
four-part chanson with a double canon. Strict canon is quite foreign to 
the general madrigal technique, though it occurs occasionally, as with 
Arcadelt. What the first madrigalists, both Flemish and Italian, did 
was to start with two voices together followed by a repetition of the 
phrase by the other two; as the first pair rested at the end of the phrase 
determined by the sense of the words, the canon became more ob- 
vious to the ear, but it was not continued systematically and gave 
place to block harmony and fragmentary free imitations. The middle 
parts of the frottole had been generally contrapuntal, but not imita- 
tive; the madrigal preferred imitation, because it was definitely vocal 
and thus each voice could contribute to the expression of the words, 


1 In the transition from frottola to madrigal, see further Claudio Gallico, Un can- 
zionere musicale italiano del cinquecento (Florence, 1961). 3 See p. 2. 


40 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


though at first large portions were in simultaneous harmony. These 
early madrigals are agreeable and interesting to sing because the 
chords formed are almost all common chords in root position, there- 
by compelling the composer to make his parts move. In the later 
madrigals of Marenzio and others, where the most extraordinary 
chromatic chords appear, sometimes going through the entire 
circle of keys, this strong preference for root positions is very 
remarkable. 

The close affinity to the frottola which still persisted is shown by the 
fact that in 1536 Willaert arranged twenty-two of Verdelot's madri- 
gals for solo voice with lute accompaniment. But we may note a 
small difference in the short codas which almost invariably conclude 
these madrigals. After the uppermost voice has made its last cadence, 
the final note is held for two or three bars (as we should now say) 
while the Jower voices sing little imitations before coming to rest 
altogether with a cadence which is invariably plagal. The frottole have 
similar codas, obviously instrumental, and very often plagal endings 
too; but these, codas have a natural function because they are inter- 
ludes between the stanzas of the song. The words of the madrigal are 
often no longer than one stanza of a frottola, though the imitations 
may make them longer to sing; but the madrigal is self-contained and 
not repeated for several stanzas. The music ought to be complete in 
itself, and in fact is so in most of the later madrigals. The plagal- 
ending coda is a mannerism of church music; in *modal harmony' 
(if this is not a contradiction in terms) general tonality was so vague 
that an extension of the last note was a necessity, to show that this 
was the real end of the piece. Even when a madrigal begins and ends 
on the same chord and ends with a dominant cadence, the inter- 
mediate tonality is still quite vague and there is no strong sense of 
finality. One may often wonder whether even the most accomplished 
of the madrigalists ever started to write a madrigal with a definite 
conception of how it was going to end. 

In reading these early madrigals we must beware of supposing that 
the notation in white notes, with the minim as unit of the beat, neces- 
sarily implies a slow tempo. Very soon the crotchet was adopted as 
the unit in general practice with the time-signature C instead of ¢ 
(while the church music continued a//a breve), but it made little 
difference to the actual speed of performance, which in the last resort 
always depended on the sense of the words. Whether singers in prac- 
tice employed any sort of rubato, rallentando, or accelerando we do 
not know; but they are never indicated, and any change of pace, or 


BEGINNINGS OF THE MADRIGAL STYLE 4 


pause, takes place automatically according to the lengths of the notes 
and rests themselves, the beat remaining the same. The words are 
paramount; all depends on them. 


RISE OF THE FIVE-PART MADRIGAL 


The four-part madrigal was soon superseded by that in five parts, 
which became the standard arrangement for the most elaborate and 
consciously artistic style, but four and three parts were by no means 
abandoned altogether, and for ceremonial occasions the five parts 
were increased, sometimes to quite large numbers. Ceremonial 
madrigals can almost always be identified with certainty from the 
words; they may have been needed for weddings (the poetic allusions 
to places, rivers, armorial bearings, and so forth often give clues to 
the families concerned), receptions, and elegies on deceased persons, as 
well as incidental music to plays. The last category appears quite early 
and generally in four-part block harmony. They are not anticipations 
of opera, butsimply prologues, entr'actes, and epilogues, in which it is 
essential that the words should be understood as clearly as possible; 
we find examples by Arcadelt and Corteccia at Florence about 1538-9. 
One by Arcadelt, evidently for an old Latin comedy, shows us in- 
cidentally that in these plays the female parts were acted by men— 

Et quest’ in gonna 
Fu si leggiadra donna 
Ch'ancor molti di qua par ch'inamori. 

(This man in a skirt was such a pretty lady that many fell in love with 
hím.) 

This also shows that the actors, presumably students, were able to 
sing too. 

Verdelot composed several madrigals in five parts; Arcadelt pre- 
ferred four, as in the well-known ‘Il bianco e dolce cigno’,! a good 
example of the elegantly erotic text. The advantages of the five-part 
texture were many. It provided a richer harmonic sonority and a 
more widely extended compass, although sometimes for male voices 
only; it enabled the composer to break up the ensemble into smaller 
sections of two or more generally three voices, which was useful in 
madrigals suggesting a dialogue. In such cases the middle voice 
(generally the quintus) was kept at work all the time as he had to do 
duty in both groups; the quintus is a tiresome problem for modern 
madrigal groups, as it can be solved only by a counter-tenor. To 


1 Published in his Primo libro di madrigali (Venice, 1539) and reprinted by Barclay 
Squire in his Ausgewählte Madrigale (Leipzig, n.d.), no. 22. 


42 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


what extent the upper parts were sung by women it is difficult to say: 
in some cases perhaps boys sang them, and in later years we know that 
they were sung by women who were highly trained professional singers, 
generally of the meretrix honesta class. The moral dangers of musical 
studies for young women of good family were a matter of common 
knowledge and comment down to quite modern times, above all in 
Italy. 

Festa preferred four parts and even three;! before writing his 
madrigals he had also composed several three-part motets. His three- 
part writing is masterly in its clarity, and in four parts he is more 
melodious and airy in texture than Verdelot, whose melody moves 
within a narrower range and with shorter phrases. Verdelot seldom 
uses melismata except at a cadence, and they are generally no more 
than an ascending or descending scale of about five notes:? 


-ver-si puo mag -|gior 


ve- der con- su - mar - -. - mi, con - - 


ı For afive-part example by Festa, see Das Chorwerk, lviii (Wolfenbüttel, 1956), p. 13. 
? Primo libro de Madrigali (Venice, 1537); reprinted in Einstein, The Italian Madrigal, 
iii, p. 21 (Princeton, 1949). 


RISE OF THE FIVE-PART MADRIGAL 43 


- - su - mar- mia po- coa po - - co. 
(My lady, what stronger evidence could you have of my fire than to see me 
consume myself little by little.) 
Festa shows more invention and his melody has more movement, 
suggesting that he is more at his ease in the setting of Italian poetry: 


Ex. п 


-mor con che mi 
-cen-dia- mor 


che min-cen-dia- mor con che mi le - ghi 
(So pleasant is the fireand sweet the knot with which love burns and binds me.): 


1 First printed in Arcadelt's Quarto libro di Madrigali (Venice, 1539); reprinted in 
Einstein, op. cit., p. 36. 


44 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


Arcadelt also wrote mainly in four parts; the most famous of all his 
madrigals is the already mentioned ‘Il bianco e dolce cigno’ to words 
by Alfonso d’Avalos, often reprinted in the sixteenth century. We 
associate it at once with ‘The silver swan’ of Gibbons, as it has the 
same utter simplicity of harmony; but Gibbons’s madrigal is a 
cynical epigram, whereas Arcadelt’s is a sentimental love-song. Yet it 
has no perceptible passion in its music; it simply clothes the words 
with agreeable sound, and at this time that was what the poets, the 
singers, and their audience wanted— what they meant by their favour- 
ite words dolcezza e soavitd. 


THE MADRIGAL POEMS 

The madrigal (as a poetical form) is a short composition, and so 
are the sestina and the ottava which also become ‘madrigals’ in the 
musical sense; but composers now began to attempt much longer 
works, choosing for this purpose the canzoni of Petrarch, the best- 
known of which is ‘Chiare, fresche e dolci acque’ (no. 27 in vita di 
Madonna Laura). 'The canzone is a long poem in several stanzas, and 
all canzoni end with the commiato, a coda of three lines. The stanzas 
are variable in metrical scheme, though uniform for any one canzone; 
each stanza is in fact a madrigal, free in its number of lines—some 
have six; others twenty (‘Chiare Pesche" has thirteen)—and the lines 
are a mixture of eleven or seven syllables, but each stanza ends with 
two rhyming lines. The musicians set them as a sequence of madrigals, 
with different music to each stanza, generally obtaining variety by 
alternating between five, four, and three voices, and alternating 
time-signatures also. Arcadelt was the first to adopt this plan and 
was followed by many others. 

These developments point to the growth of a new attitude towards 
the madrigal; it was no longer written for one occasion only, but for 
circles of persons who appreciated it as a work of art in its own right. 
Groups, sometimes dignified by the name of academies, were formed 
in various places, notably at Venice and Verona, of highly cultivated 
amateurs who met regularly for the study of madrigals. An audience 
may have been present or not, but the madrigals were written prim- 
arily for the enjoyment of those who sang them. Such persons were 
doubtless thoroughly familiar. with the poetry of Petrarch and 
Ariosto, to say nothing of other poets, before they began to sing the 
musical settings; there would be no singing through the notes first 
and then puzzling out the words (or not) afterwards, and it thus 
follows that the natural and effortless recitation of the words would 


THE MADRIGAL POEMS 45 


dictate the shaping of the musical phrases—a condition most im- 
portant for singers who read from single part-books without bar- 
lines and without a conductor. The frequent cross-rhythms and 
syncopations, indicated in some modern editions by bars of varying 
lengths, would fall into place quite spontaneously and the music 
would sound much less stiff and more elastic than it looks in a printed 
score. Modern singers are easily tempted to put a sharp accent on the 
first beat of each bar, but it may be doubted whether the old Italian 
singers ever made sharp accents of this kind unless the words com- 
pelled it. A sharp accent is unnatural to the voice altogether; that 
style of performance must have come into music gradually through 
instrumental music and through association with an initial up-beat. 
An initial short up-beat is extremely rare in serious madrigals; even 
when the words are iambic, the first note, whether for one voice or 
more, is always a long one, as if the singer required a little time to 
make sure of it. 


THE WORK OF WILLAERT 


Few musicians of this period received so much admiration as 
Adrian Willaert, both during his lifetime and after his death.t Born at 
Roulers about 1490, he was trained in Paris under Jean Mouton; 
shortly before 1520 he went to Italy and in that year entered the 
service of Ercole I, Duke of Ferrara. In 1527 he succeeded a French- 
man as maestro di cappella at St. Mark's in Venice, where he remained 
until his death in 1562. In what year he began composing madrigals is 
uncertain; the earliest is doubtfully ascribed to 1536,? but this seems a 
late date, for we must not assume that madrigals were always pub- 
lished as soon as they were written. He continues the style of Verde- 
lot, of whom he was a devoted admirer, but from the first he shows 
more breadth of treatment and a more elaborately contrapuntal 
style. He makes a point of setting long poems, among them several 
sonnets of Petrarch which he divides into two movements each, qua- 
trains and sestet, with a definite pause between them—a practice 
followed by all the later composers. 

A general characteristic of Willaert is his leisurely treatment of the 
words, which are spaced out with rests of some length between the 
phrases in all the voices; this adds considerably to the expressiveness, 


1 Einstein quotes several of these eulogies, both in prose and in verse, op. cit., i, 
p. 323. 

? Announced by Marcolini in the preface to Francesco da Milano's Intavolatura di 
Liuto in that year; if published, no copy is known to survive. 


46 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


because the texture thereby becomes much more translucent and 
each voice gets the chance of being heard separately. At the same 
time this treatment adds a good deal to the length of the madrigal; 
another cause of length is his partiality for semibreves (he always 
uses the white-note alla breve notation), and crotchets are quite 
rare, The monotony which we cannot escape feeling in these early 
madrigals is due not to the white notes as units of time but to the 
fact that practically not more than two kinds of time-value are 
employed at all, whereas in the following generations we shall find 
time-values ranging from the semibreve to the semiquaver, with the 
crotchet as main time-unit. 


THE ADVENT OF CHROMATICISM 


In the four-part madrigal ‘Amor mi fa morire"! we notice a good 
many accidentals, some original, some suggested by the editor on the 
principles of musica ficta. If we try the experiment of singing this 
madrigal through, first without the accidentals and then with them 
all, we shall at once notice a complete change of general feeling. To 
anyone moderately at home in madrigal-singing—and we cannot be 
even moderately at home in madrigals without singing in them our- 
selves—the diatonic version may seem a little archaic, but not un- 
pleasantly so, but the chromatic version will bring us at once into a 
new and almost Mendelssohnian world of expression, though we can 
have little doubt that some contemporary singers did sing the work 
like that: it is no abominable anachronism of style. Chromaticizing of 
that kind was simply a matter of individual taste; conservative minds 
preferred modalism, progressive ones inclined towards tonal harmony, 
though they certainly had no idea then of the direction in which they 
were moving. We have reached the moment when the appearance of 
the word ‘chromatic’ indicates a new emotional attitude to music in 
general. 

The word cromatico, which now begins to appear frequently on 
title-pages, bears two quite separate meanings. Croma and biscroma 
are the Italian names for quaver and semiquaver; in many cases 
madrigali cromatici simply means madrigals with a liberal use of 
these time-values. But it may also mean the use of chromatic intervals, 
and here we must distinguish three different usages. First, there is the 
common sharpening of the leading note at a cadence, and then of any 
note whichis a temporary leading note in any key whether at a cadence 


1 From Madrigali a quattro voci (Venice, 1563); reprinted in Einstein, op. cit., iii, p. 59 
(see also i, pp. 326-7.) 


THE ADVENT OF CHROMATICISM 47 


or not; the same principle applies to the use of a flat analogously to 
the medieval b molle in any key. Secondly, there is the use of melodic 
steps by semitone either upwards or downwards, whether the melody 
takes one step only or as many as a dozen, producing a complete 
chromatic scale. Thirdly, there is the employment of chromatic notes 
taken by leap as well as by step for the purpose of what we should 
now call modulation to new keys and leading eventually to a practical, 
if not theoretical, recognition of the complete *circle of fifths'. These 
three forms of chromaticism need to be considered separately. 

Musica ficta is generally supposed to have begun as an instinctive 
or even subconscious act on the part of singers. The writings of the 
medieval theorists are here irrelevant, except for giving a more or less 
definite guarantee for the official recognition of this practice and in- 
deed for many others; the theorists may allow or forbid this and that, 
but they merely codify what composers and singers (generally the 
same persons) have been doing for some time and they do not ex- 
plain what inward urge induced these men to do it. It may be sug- 
gested that even the very first instinctive practical use of a sharp or a 
flat had for the singer some faintly emotional or expressive value. 
This seems to be corroborated by the terms alzar la voce and abbassar 
la voce used by a rather later composer, Francesco Orso,! in the sense 
of sharpening or flattening a note; for although voce here certainly 
means ‘note’ the two expressions can equally well mean singing 
louder or softer, and Kroyer? suggests that some of these chroma- 
ticisms did imply a slight crescendo and diminuendo? 

The melodic use of the chromatic scale in melody, at first for only a 
few notes, is certainly expressive in intention and suggested by the 
sense of the words. Church music as a rule avoided it, as it did the 
notation in black notes—though Rore wrote a Missa a note negre.* 
The church authorities were always hostile to innovations and re- 
garded chromatics as effeminate and immoral. Yet in the madrigal 
period the semitone does not seem to have had systematically erotic 
associations. As an element in harmony it produced a leading-note 
(or its converse) moving towards a new key, sharp-wards or flat- 
wards, and it also emphasized the contrast between major and 
minor. We associate these now mainly with cheerfulness or melan- 
choly, but in Purcell's time they are ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’, 

1 [n the dedication of his Primo libro de Madrigali (Venice, 1567). 


3 T. Kroyer, Die Anfünge der Chromatik im italienischen Madrigal des XVI. Jahr- 


hunderts (Leipzig, 1902), pp. 83-84. 
з As perhaps in Luzzaschi's ‘Quivi sospiri’ (Secondo libro, Venice, 1576), recorded in 
The History of Music in Sound (H.M.V.), iv. * See pp. 288 and 290, 


48 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


military and amorous, /a gloire and l'amour; this attitude, however, 
became possible only after the quite definite establishment of the key- 
system. Chromatic fugue-subjects and ground basses, too, needed 
a firm sense of general tonality to make them safe; in the sixteenth 
century chromatics were a tentative and perhaps dangerous explora- 
tion of unknown country. The revival of Greek learning led a few 
musicians to futile speculations on the ancient diatonic, chromatic, 
and enharmonic genera, but their musical experiments were of no 
practical value. The keyboard, stabilized in its present form by about 
1470, was no doubt a further stimulus to chromatic exploration; as 
late as 1603 G. M. Trabaci of Naples was still fumbling about for 
consonanze stravaganti, as he called them.! 


CIPRIANO DE RORE 

The chromatic movement in the madrigal begins with Willaert, but 
he did not go very far, though he probably suggested the idea to his 
pupils, notably Cipriano de Rore. Rore was born c. 1516, probably 
of poor parents at Antwerp; nothing is known of his early life until 
he brought out a book of five-part madrigals at Venice in 1542.* 

Rore's reputation as a chromatic innovator rests mainly on a 
curious composition for four bass voices to Latin words by some 
humanist imitator of Catullus, *Calami sonum ferentes', printed in 
1555 as the last item in a collection of madrigals and other songs, 
Italian and French, by Lassus at Antwerp. Lassus also contributed 
to this the Latin chromatic madrigal ‘Alma Nemes' which was ob- 
viously an answer to the challenge of Rore. Both works? were prob- 
ably written for some learned academy, though Lassus's is for a 
normal group of S.A.T.B. They are too accomplished to be called 
experimental; we must regard them as demonstrations of the chro- 
matic principle. 

Despite this reputation of a chromatic innovator, Rore's madri- 
gals on the whole are not particularly chromatic. Einstein prints* a 
sonnet of Petrarch, ‘Per mezz' i boschi', which he curiously calls 
‘a direct anticipation of the Prelude to the third act of Parsifal’; it 


1 See p. 642. 

* For biographical particulars, see p. 286. The first two books of Rore's five-part 
madrigals are reprinted in his Opera Omnia (American Institute of Musicology, 
1959- ), i, ed. Bernhard Meier, the Third Book, ibid. iii. 

з They are both printed in full by Burney, General History of Music, iii, pp. 317-20. 
See also Kroyer, op. cit., pp. 66-72; R. von Ficker, ‘Beiträge zur Chromatik des 14. 
bis 16. Jahrhunderts’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, ii (Leipzig and Vienna, 1914), pp. 
28-29; and Einstein, op. cit., i, pp. 414-15. 

* Op. cit. iii, p. 92; from the 1562 edition of Rore's Madrigali cromatici a cinque voci. 

s Ibid. i, p. 398. 


CIPRIANO DE RORE 49 


is much longer than that Prelude, 155 bars, and contains hardly a 
single accidental. It is in the key of F and only rarely demands a B 
natural or an E flat. The interest of it is sustained first by the poem 
itself, which dictates its form, and secondly by the beauty and expres- 
siveness of its unusually long vocal phrases. There is variety of rhythm, 
following the sense of the words, but no conspicuous contrasts; the 
madrigal is contrapuntal all the way through, with no sign of those 
marked alternations of counterpoint and block harmony characteristic 
of later madrigalists. Themes enter in imitation, but the imitation is 
quite loose and never more than barely indicated for a bar or two, 
though each voice has a very melodious part and every opportunity 
of enjoying the language of the poet. Rore is not much concerned 
with metrical form, but aims always at the most intense expression of 
words and ideas. 

In his later years Rore is certainly chromatic in a new way; he 
modulates to strange keys to express gloomy and painful words, as in 
this passage from ‘О morte, eterno fin’: 


1 From Il quarto libro di Madrigali a cinque voci (Venice, 1557); reprinted in Einstein, 
The Golden Age of the Madrigal (New York, 1942), p. 13. 


50 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


- chi e mi se - ri mor-ta li, 


(Haven of blind and wretched mortals.) 


In these cases he is mainly homophonic and uses the chromatic chords 
nearly always in root positions. 


NEW TENDENCIES AFTER THE MID-CENTURY 


About 1550-70 we come across a large number of minor composers 
—Pietro Taglia, Francesco Manara, Hettore Vidue, and many others 
—experimenting with chromatics, some of them perhaps noble ama- 
teurs. Modern theorists are often much puzzled by the various nota- 
tions and technical terms which they employ;! obviously each man 
was trying to find his own method. It is curious that it took so many 
years for composers and printers to discover the practical advantage 
of what we now call the ‘natural’, a sign no less useful in music than 
the nought in arithmetic. 

Another device which now begins to make its appearance gradually 
is rhythm and syncopation as a means of passionate expression, often 
misunderstood by modern scholars. Reacting rightly and violently 
against the nineteenth-century 'tyranny of the bar-line' and the habit 
of assuming a thump on the first beat of every bar, they were led to an 
odd extreme of mixing (in modern reprints) bars of three, four, five, 
or six crotchets helter-skelter, and even one part barred differently 
from another. The old composers did not print bar-lines in their 
separate parts, but they expected singers to count silently, or with 
a touch of finger and thumb, “one two one two’, and it is quite clear 
that they had a definite sense of syncopation, i.e. the entry of a note 
or sometimes a full chord a beat before it is expected, suggesting 
some emotional excitement. Madrigal-singers are thoroughly familiar 
with the syncopation always associated with 'sighing', and it is by no 
means confined to that one idea, either in English or in Italian. For 


1 Ficker, op. cit., pp. 15 ff. should be read as a corrective to Kroyer on chromatic nota- 
tion. 


NEW TENDENCIES AFTER THE MID-CENTURY 51 


modern singers regular four-beat barring is a positive help, provided 
that they sing without a separate conductor and that they know the 
words (whether English or Italian) thoroughly from the very first 
reading, as the Italians of those days must have known their Petrarch 
and Ariosto. It is this sense of conscious syncopation that gives a new 
vitality to the madrigals of about 1550 onwards as contrasted with 
the pedestrian monotony of Verdelot and Arcadelt. Einstein quotes! 
various passages from madrigals by Pietro Taglia of Milan; his com- 
ment on one of them is: 


Harmonically and metrically, this piece seems in a state of wild disorder, 
yet there is order just the same; on the rhythmic side, too, Taglia is con- 
stantly alternating between rest and motion, yet in the end he is always 
careful to even out this fluctuation. 


The following extract shows a bold and original use of chromatic 
harmony, but its vitality and excitement arise mainly from syncopa- 
tion, intensified, as always, by the contrapuntal movement of the 
parts producing syncopations that are not simultaneous: 


Ех.13 П mal mi рге-те il malmi pre - me, 


ИИИ БОЕ ПЕНА НИ ИР ЛИНЕ АРНО П НВИМ Е ПАА АНЬ 


е mi зѕра-ҹеп- 


1 The Italian Madrigal, і, pp. 426-8. Bernhard Meier has reprinted two оѓ Taglia’s 
madrigals in Das Chorwerk, lxxxviii (Wolfenbüttel, 1962). 


52 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


- ven- tal peg - gio; e mi spa-ven-tal Peg - gio 


Al qual veg - gio 
(Evil oppresses me and I fear the worst.) 


A lively and outspokenly amorous little madrigal by Jachet Berchem 
(1555) printed by Einstein in full! amusingly illustrates the contrast 
between syncopated and ‘straight’ declamation of the words. 


THE VILLANELLA AND KINDRED FORMS 


At this time a considerable invigoration of the madrigal by the 
infusion of fresh blood from popular sources is noticeable. The 
madrigal was no longer the music of a small group of intellectuals and 
experimenters; it had become an established musical form like the con- 
certo and the sonata in later centuries through its appeal to much wider 
circles, especially in Venice, where music of all kinds was in constant 
demand. The Netherlanders still continued to be the chief providers of 
madrigals and the occupants of the most lucrative posts under the 
Venetian Republic and at the princely courts of Italy, for which they 
had to supply church music as well as music for entertainment; but 
from Willaert onwards they began more and more to enter into the 
appreciation of what had originally been the art of the humbler 
classes. Parallel with the frottola of north Italy there appeared the 
canzone villanesca or villanella at Naples, the popularity of which soon 
spread to the north as well. The exact dates at which collections of 

1 The Italian Madrigal, iti, p. 123. 


THE VILLANELLA AND KINDRED FORMS 53 


these were printed is of little importance, as we may be sure that the 
actual composition dates much further back; it suffices to say that 
they belong to the first half of the century. (The vogue of the nearly 
related canzonetta came later, from c. 1565 onward.)! The leading 
composers of Neapolitan villanelle were Giovan Tommaso di Maio? 
and Gian Domenico da Nola. The villanella is generally in three parts 
and homophonic; its main characteristic is plentiful use of consecu- 
tive triads. Scholars have speculated variously on the origin of this 
most unorthodox harmony in consecutive fifths, as indeed they have 
speculated on the reasons for their prohibition in serious music. The 
most sensible explanation would seem to be that singing in fifths, 
with or without an intermediate third, comes naturally to uneducated 
singers, as may be heard sometimes in the streets of London at the 
present day; it was probably forbidden simply because it was vulgar, 
and its reappearance in the ‘art-music’ of modern composers has been 
intended as a deliberate (and salutary) gibe at conventional good 
taste. The same thing took place in the sixteenth century; the villanelle 
and their analogous forms in north Italy were taken up by the serious 
composers as a reaction against the pedantic orthodoxy of the 
Petrarchistic madrigal. It may be suggested that the classical madrigal 
eventually died of an indigestion of Petrarch and the petrarchisti ; the 
exaggerated cult of Petrarch in the sixteenth century was an out-of- 
date, unnatural and constipating diet. 

The popular forms, which, it is needless to say, were as keenly 
enjoyed by the highly cultivated classes of society as by those from 
which they sprang—we may compare the aristocratic success of The 
Beggar's Opera in Hogarth's England—spoke the plain language of 
their local dialects instead of the affected speech of the petrarchisti; 
we might call it *dialectical materialism’. Such a passage as this 


Ex.14 le - de-rao la - can - to, le - de-rao la- 


1 See Einstein, Italian Madrigal, ii, pp. 582 ff. 

? Two examples are printed in ibid. iii, pp. 78-79. 

з Two examples, ibid. pp. 80 and 86; others, with villanesche by other composers in 
Erich Hertzmann, Volkstümliche italienische Lieder (Das Chorwerk, viii) (Wolfenbüttel, 
1930). 


54 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


tron - - - - co ie - de-rao la- 


(and like the ivy or the acanthus to the trunk) 


from Marenzio’s wedding madrigal ‘Scendi dal Paradiso” shows that 
the most accomplished masters thoroughly enjoyed the effect of con- 
secutive fifths even when they ingeniously evaded a technical breach 
of rule. Similar examples can be found in Monteverdi, who also 
emphasizes the fifths by the same dancing and obviously accentuated 
rhythm. In the three-part villanelle there was no need for hypocritical 
evasions. The fundamental popularity of singing in fifths can be seen 
too in thecollections of laudi spirituali right into the following century.” 

A more vital stimulus to artistic composition was provided by the 
dance-rhythms of the popular forms, for square-cut dance-rhythms 
inevitably led to the emancipation of music from the tradition of the 
medieval modes so reverently perpetuated by the theorists and the 
church composers and so cheerfully disregarded by the practitioners 
of secular music. Folksong in fifths naturally emphasized the medieval 
habit of juxtaposing scales a tone apart,? which survives in many 
British folksongs, and in popular dance-music of the sixteenth century 
we can find this combined (in one and the same piece of music) with 
an unmistakably clear definition of diatonic harmony. 

Interesting and attractive oddities among these three-part popular 
songs are the Venetian giustiniane, the name of which is derived from 
the Venetian patrician poet Leonardo Giustiniani,* but which in the 
period under discussion are grotesque presentations of the aged and 
senile Venetian patrician in general, the type symbolized by Pantalone 
of the commedia dell'arte with his characteristic stammer. Venetian, 
too, are the greghesche, with words mainly by Antonio Molino 

1 From his fourth book of Madrigali a cinque voci (Venice, 1584). Printed complete 
in W. Barclay Squire's Ausgewählte Madrigale, no. 16, Einstein's Publikationen älterer 
Musik, vi (Leipzig, 1931), p. 12, and Lavinio Vergili's Madrigalisti italiani, i (Rome, 
1952); recorded in The History of Music in Sound, iv. 

3 See Edward J. Dent, ‘The Laudi spirituali in the XVIth and XVIIth centuries’, 
Proceedings of the Musical Association, xliii (1917). 


з See W. Н. Frere, ‘Key-relationship in early mediaeval music’, ibid. xxxvii 


(1911). 
4 See Hermann Springer, ‘Zu Leonardo Giustiniani und den Giustinianen', Sammel- 


bände der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, xi (1909-10), p. 25. 


THE VILLANELLA AND KINDRED FORMS 55 


(Manoli Blessi), merchant, poet, and composer too, in a comical 
mixture of Venetian, Istrian, and Greek (as then spoken); another 
product of both Venice and Naples was the moresca, caricaturing the 
negro slaves (generally female) imported from Africa. It is difficult to 
separate all these from the mascherate composed to be sung by people 
dressed up in various costumes, always in groups of three, who (as 
we learn from contemporary documents) appeared at banquets and 
other festivities to entertain the guests; they resemble the canti 
carnascialeschi of Florence in that they nearly always begin by saying 
‘we are’ this or that and proceeding to address the spectators with the 
usual obscene impertinences.! The admission of the villanelle to polite 
society is oddly illustrated by the practice of such Netherland com- 
posers as Willaert and Lassus, who took soprano parts from Nola and 
set them for four voices instead of three with Nola's melody in the 
tenor, which completely destroys their primitive charm even when 
some of the consecutive fifths are retained :? 


GEN o dol - ce О  dol-ce vi-ta mia, o 


1 Einstein prints a copious and linguistically fascinating anthology of villotte, moresche, 
and so on, /talian Madrigal, iii, pp. 78-91. 2 Ibid., pp. 86 and 88. 


Ze THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


(O my sweet life that has brought you to me) 


THE TRANSALPINE MADRIGAL 

In the last quarter of the century the Italian madrigal became 
widely popular beyond the Alps. It was much cultivated at the court 
of Bavaria and by the wealthy Fugger family at Augsburg; Italian 
madrigals were printed at Lyons and Paris and above all at Antwerp 
and Louvain by the publisher Pierre Phalése from 1574 onwards. 
Madrigals had reached England some years earlier. The ambiguously 
titled Musica Transalpina was published by Nicholas Yonge in 1588, 
but this was a collection of Italian madrigals translated into English. 

The two great Netherlanders of this period, Roland de Lassus! and 
Philippe de Monte, came to Italy in their youth and attained their 
musical maturity there, but most of their later life was spent in the 
service of German princes—Lassus at Munich, de Monte at Prague 
and Vienna. Lassus's life is a distressing story. He was taken to 
Naples at the age of sixteen and became choirmaster at the Lateran in 
Rome soon after he was twenty; he was called back to Antwerp 
almost immediately, visited England, and in 1556 entered the 
choir of Duke Albrecht V at Munich, where he remained until his 
death in 1594. He paid several visits to Italy during these years, and 
seems always to have regarded Italy as his spiritual home, but al- 
though his first publication (Antwerp, 1555) included lively villanesche 
as well as madrigals, French chansons, and Latin motets, the last of 
which is ‘Alma Nemes’ followed by its model Rore's ‘Calami sonum 


1 Asa supplement to Einstein's study of Lassus’s madrigals, op. cit. ii, p. 477, consult 
Wolfgang Boetticher, ‘Uber einige neue Werke aus Orlando di Lassos mittlerer Madrigal- 
und Motettkomposition (1567-1569)’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, xxii (1965), p. 12. 


THE TRANSALPINE MADRIGAL 57 


ferentes’, he came under the gloomy influences of the Counter-Refor- 
mation and ultimately under those of the Jesuits in Munich, and his 
last years were overclouded by an ever-deepening melancholia. His 
last work, published after his death at Munich was the Lagrime di 
San Pietro, a cycle of twenty madrigali spirituali! by Luigi Tansillo, 
a poet who had followed the same path from exuberant lasciviousness 
to morbid religiosity. Lassus's favourite poet throughout his career 
was Petrarch, and Petrarch led very naturally to the madrigali spir- 
ituali of the religious petrarchisti such as Gabriele Fiamma, a canon 
at the Lateran. He ignored the pastoral poets of the new generation, 
such as Tasso and Guarini, but his court duties obliged him to write 
a certain number of ceremonial madrigals for weddings and state 
occasions, and as late as 1581 he published (with an apologetic 
preface) a collection of villanelle, moresche, and other items which 
was printed in Paris. This set contains two very well-known and still 
popular pieces, *Matona mia cara' and ‘O la che bon echo’. A curious 
episode took place in 1568 when on the occasion of the marriage of 
Albrecht's son, Duke Wilhelm, it was suddenly decided during the 
festivities to improvise an amateur commedia dell'arte performance in 
which Lassus took the part of Pantalone; Massimo Trojano's descrip- 
tion of it in his Discorsi is actually the first definite record of any such 
play, although it was given outside Italy and by amateurs, not by the 
professional comedians from whom the commedia took its name (arte 
meaning the trade guild of actors). 

As compared with Rore, Lassus is much more concise and energetic. 
He prefers short motives for imitative treatment rather than long 
melodies; beauty of melody such as we find in Marenzio and others is 
indeed conspicuous by its absence. He is keenly concerned to express 
the sense of the words, yet at the same time often awkward in the 
declamation of them; he possesses all the Netherland skill in counter- 
point, but for expression he tends to rely more on harmony and is 
a much more ‘vertical-minded’ composer than most of his contem- 
poraries. At the same time he shows no sense of tonal harmony and 
prefers the modal system; he understands chromaticism but makes 
very little use of it. His most attractive pieces are his villanelle and 
moresche; he had an abundant sense of humour which was liable to 
break through in his copious correspondence even at a time when his 
melancholia hypochondriaca, as his friend Dr. Mermann called it, led 
him into penitence and pessimism. 


1 Reprinted by Н. J. Therstappen, Das Chorwerk, xxxiv, xxxvii, and xli (Wolfenbüttel, 
1935-6). 


58 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


De Monte was ten years older than Lassus and lived ten years 
longer; the first half of his productive life was spent in various Italian 
cities, the second at Vienna and Prague. The mere fact that he wrote 
well over a thousand madrigals makes him the representative com- 
poser of his age! and that perhaps more for the outside world than for 
Italy. His music is accomplished, well-mannered, and agreeable—the 
typical conventional classical madrigal; it often has great melodic 
charm but more good taste than originality or intensity of feeling. 
He was particularly successful with the madrigale spirituale, a typical 
product of the Counter-Reformation, approximating to the motet, 
but always remaining a madrigal in style because it is set to Italian 
poetry and not to Latin prose; it was in fact a derivation from 
Petrarch and his Rime in morte di Madonna Laura. A typical example 
is the third madrigal from the first six-part book: 


Ex.16 Ver - gi-ne pu - ra 


amr 

>. E, а] 
LEES 

ЗЗД BM ` Km 


1 See Einstein, The Italian Madrigal, ii, pp. 498 ff. 

2 See P. Nuten, De ‘Madrigali Spirituali” van Filip de Monte (1521-1603) (Brussels, 
1958) with appended re-editions of the first book of Madrigali Spirituali a cinque voci 
(Venice, 1581) and the second book a sei & sette voci (Venice, 1589). The Primo Libro de 
madrigali spirituali a sei voci (Venice, 1583), has been reprinted by Georges Van Doorslaer 
(Bruges, 1928). 


THE TRANSALPINE MADRIGAL 59 


` deraggiar-den - ti Del 


-ter- no gior - . - - no 


ve - ro 
~ter - no gior - 


4 
Sr 
Léi 


ae 
LAM? 


nd 
у Én 
E 
NNLLA 


(Pure virgin, may you enjoy eternal day from the warm rays of the true sun) 


De Monte’s later books of madrigals were not reprinted and he him- 
self began to realize that he was being left behind. At the age of 
sixty-five he made a final effort to rejuvenate his style in a collection 
dedicated to Count Mario Bevilacqua,! the famous and enthusiastic 
patron of music at Verona, and turned from Petrarch and Bembo to 
the elegant and voluptuous pastorals of Tasso and Guarini. 

The transition to the new style is still more apparent in Giaches de 
Wert, another Netherlander associated with Mantua and Ferrara. He 
isadmirably represented by ‘Chi salirà per me’, toa stanza of Ariosto:? 


Ex.17 Chi sa  -- li-rà per те ma - donn’ 


1 L’undecimo Libro delli Madrigali à cinque voci (Venice, 1586). 
2 From 17 Primo Libro de Madrigali a quattro voci (Venice, 1562); reprinted in Barclay 
Squire’s Ausgewählte Madrigale, no. 19. 


60 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 
in cie - D - - - - - 


(Who will ascend for me into heaven, my lady, to bring back my lost wits ?) 


and by ‘Io non son peró morto’;! both of them exhibit a gaiety and 
charm of melody seldom achieved by the earlier Netherlanders. 


PALESTRINA AND THE MADRIGAL 


Palestrina, as a composer of madrigals, is of very minor importance. 
He is always conservative in outlook; his early madrigals, mostly 
settings of Petrarch and his imitators, are mainly homophonic, de- 
claiming the words with great care, but with no feeling either for 
melody or for musical expression. He is scrupulous in the accuracy 
of his imitative counterpoint, monotonously conjunct in melodic 
motion with an unfailing sense for beauty of mere vocal sound. 
In the dedications of his motets he twice repudiates his madrigals, 


ı From L’Ottavo Libro de Madrigali a cinque voci (Venice, 1586); reprinted in Ein- 
stein, Italian Madrigal, iii, p. 301. Wert's first five books of five-part madrigals are 
reprinted in his Opera Omnia (American Institute of Musicology, 1961- ), i-v, ed. 
Carol MacClintock. 


PALESTRINA AND THE MADRIGAL 61 


saying that he regrets them and blushes for them, though as a matter 
of fact his amorous madrigals have very innocent words—‘unschuldige 
Mondschein-Poesie’, as his devout editor Haberl calls it. Einstein 
frankly accuses him of hypocrisy. In 1584 he published his motets 
on the Song of Solomon with the penitential dedication to Pope 
Gregory XIII; Gregory died in April 1585 and in 1586 Palestrina 
brought out another collection of madrigals. In 1592 he contributed 
to Л Trionfo di Dori, a collection of madrigals by various hands which 
was the prototype of the English Triumphs of Oriana. As one might 
expect, his ceremonial madrigals, in which he exploits his masterly 
skill in handling large masses in plain chords and extended sonorities, 
are his best works in the secular style. He naturally cultivated the 
madrigale spirituale.? 


FIN DE SIÉCLE TENDENCIES 


During the last quarter of the century the output of madrigals, 
including minor forms, such as the balletti of the Mantuan composer 
Gastoldi,? becomes enormous, especially in Venice, where music was 
always in demand both for the academies of connoisseurs and for 
festivities of every kind. The composers were now all of them Italians; 
the Netherlanders gradually died out and were not replaced by a 
younger generation. As a result the madrigal music of this period 
(which some scholars have called the decadence of the madrigal) 
acquires a new freedom of technique and expression; both poets and 
musicians show a new sensibility and variety of styles associated with 
a much more subtle and intimate understanding, on the part of the 
composers, for all aspects of the Italian language. In the first half of 
the century we see Netherlanders setting poems mostly of a serious 
cast to the order of courtly patrons; in the second the social circle has 
been greatly widened, and the musician has become so important 
a personage that poetry is now written for the express purpose of 


1 A variety cultivated with outstanding success by the Venetians, notably Andrea and 
Giovanni Gabrieli: for instance, such magnificent double-choral pieces as Andrea's 
* A le guancie di rose’ and his nephew's ‘Lieto godea’, both originally published by 
Gardano in a volume of Concerti (Venice, 1587) and both reprinted by Torchi, L'arte 
musicale in Italia, ii (Milan, 1897), pp. 129 and 193. 

2 His two books of five-part spiritual madrigals (Venice, 1581, and Rome, 1594) have 
been reprinted by Franz Xaver Haberl, P. da Palestrina's Werke, xxix (Leipzig, 1883) and 
R. Casimiri, G. P. da Palestrina: Le opere complete, ix and xxii (Rome, 1940 and 1957). 

3 Balletti a cinque voci, con li suoi versi per cantare sonare et ballare (Venice, 1591). 
Examples reprinted in Einstein, Italian Madrigal, iii, p. 246; Einstein, A Short History of 
Music (Sth ed., with music), (London, 1948), p. 243; Johannes Wolf, Music of Earlier 
Times (New York, 1946), p. 105; Davison and Apel, Historical Anthology of Music, i 
(Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1947), p. 179. Some of Gastoldi's three-part balletti 
have been reprinted by W. Herrmann (Berlin, 1927). 


62 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


musical setting. Music has become the predominant partner, but it 
still follows both the form and the sense of the words with ever more 
elaborate intensity and subtlety of interpretation; the poetry may sink 
to triviality and commonplace, but it is always respected. There is 
a great variety of poetic forms, but a general tendency to assimilation 
in musical style; rhythmical figures from the more frivolous types 
find their way into serious madrigals, and sentimental phrases into 
the villanelle and canzonette. Music thus acquires a huge vocabulary 
of conventional clichés, and poetry does the same, but we find exactly 
the same situation in the days of Handel, Mozart, Cherubini, and 
Beethoven, who all operate with conventional material and yet create 
works of supreme greatness. 

We are indebted to Einstein! for pointing out a new factor in 
musical style at this date which was to lead eventually to important 
developments in the following century after the true madrigal had 
practically ceased to exist. At the court of Ferrara there were three 
ladies whose vocal accomplishment was equalled only by their per- 
sonal beauty and their accomplishment in the arts of love, Tarquinia 
Molza, Laura Peperara, and Lucrezia Bendidio,? for whom several 
composers wrote madrigals in which the three sopranos could show 
off their virtuosity to the accompaniment of two or more lower 
voices which sang quite subordinate parts. Luzzasco Luzzaschi went 
even further and wrote duets and trios for them? which he caused to 
be engraved, not type-set, with a fully written-out accompaniment for 
the harpsichord. These look forward at once to the duet-cantatas of 
Alessandro Scarlatti and Handel, and many of the duet-cantatas of 
the seventeenth century are actually entitled madrigali. The three 
ladies named were probably not the only ones who could sing such 
music, for we find vocal virtuosity, especially in soprano parts, 
anticipated in many madrigals of this period. 


LUCA MARENZIO 


The outstanding master of the madrigal is Luca Marenzio (1553- 
99), perhaps the greatest Italian composer of the century,‘ and 
indeed the greatest in Europe with the possible exception of William 
Byrd. He possesses all the techniques, contrapuntal, rhythmical, and 


1 Italian Madrigal, ii, p. 825. * See p. 144. 

3 Madrigali . . . per cantare et sonare a uno, e doi, e tre soprani (Rome, 1601). See 
pp. 144-6 and Kinkeldey's study in Sammelbände der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, 
ix (1908), pp. 144-6. A complete example is reprinted in Schering, Geschichte der Musik 
in Beispielen (Leipzig, 1931), p. 176; for an excerpt from it see Ex. 52. 

* On Marenzio generally, see Hans Engel, Luca Marenzio (Florence, 1956) and Denis 
Arnold, Marenzio (London, 1965). 


LUCA MARENZIO 63 


chromatic, and knows exactly how to use them; there is nothing 
tentative or experimental about his work. His most immediate attrac- 
tion lies in his invention of melody arising from his recognition 
of the complete major scale and the interval of the octave which is 
a frequent feature, as at the beginning of the wedding madrigal 
*Scendi dal Paradiso’, mentioned on p. 54. 

Another characteristic is his variety of rhythm, ranging in the 
course of a single madrigal from semibreves to semiquavers. His 
melodic line is sometimes curiously instrumental especially in his bass 
parts, and we see that although he is always scrupulously attentive to 
the sense and rhythm of words he gradually comes more and more to 
regard a madrigal as a purely musical composition, no longer sub- 
servient to a poetic form. In this passage from ‘Il vago e bello Armillo” 


Ехл8 e di- ce - - - а: о be- а - 


о be - а - 


(and said: О blessed waves that mirror so much glorious beauty . . .) 
1 From H Nono libro de madrigali a 5 voci (Venice, 1599); reprinted Torchi, op. cit., ii, 
p. 215. 


64 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


note how ingeniously the burst of emotion (Armillo is standing on 
a high rock contemplating the sea) is obtained by the delayed and 
syncopated entry of all five voices in harmony, with a high A at the 
top—a note used only once before to suggest the ‘cima’ (top) of the 
rock—then by the clear declamation of ‘beate’ and the picture of 
the sea with its almost Handelian waves, alternating again as the 
passage settles down to the entry of the next musical motive. 

How syncopated rhythm combined with quickly rising fifths and 
octaves can contribute to intensify emotion may be seen in ‘Giunto 
alla tomba’! (Tancredi at the tomb of Clorinda, from Tasso’s 
Gerusalemme Liberata): 

Ex.19 


pren- di, pren- di, pren - di, 
(Take these kisses) 
As an example of Marenzio's chromatic entanglements we may 
take this from ‘O voi che sospirate’:? 


Ex.20 


Mu-tiu-na vol-ta quel suoan- ti - 


(Change once that old style of yours) 


1 From H Quarto Libro de Madrigali a cinque voci (Venice, 1584). 
2 From Il Secondo Libro de Madrigali a cinque voci (Venice, 1581). 


LUCA MARENZIO 65 


which in modern notation is perfectly simple: 
Ex. 21 


The consummate art of Marenzio is best seen in ‘Solo e pensoso' 
(1599), a complete sonnet of Petrarch.! It falls into two parts, the 
quatrains beginning in G and ending in D, the tercets beginning on 
A and ending in G again. The soprano leads off with a chromatic 
scale of semibreves from G to high A and down again to D against 
imitations of a descending triad in crotchets; the harmony is really 
quite simple and logical. When the soprano descends, the harmony is 
in semibreves too. Philip Heseltine? rightly praises ‘the magnificent 
shape and structure of the whole passage which illustrates with such 
perfection the spirit of the words which inspired it’: 
Solo e pensoso i più deserti campi 
Vò misurando a passi tardi e lenti. 
(Alone and thoughtful, I pace the empty fields with slow and loitering steps.) 


Marenzio's madrigals, like those of every other Italian composer 
except perhaps the few amateurs, were all written to order, whether 
ceremonial or not. Even the most advanced and elaborate ones such 
as *Solo e pensoso' were written for private academies like that of 
Count Bevilacqua at Verona, where musica reservata was understood 
and appreciated. Scholars have made many attempts to define this 
curious technical term, but Einstein makes it clear that it signified 
simply *music for connoisseurs' Composers may have had their 


1 From I Nono libro de madrigali a 5 voci (Venice, 1599); reprinted in Torchi, op. cit., 
p. 228, in Virgili, op. cit. i, p. 20, and in Schering, op. cit., p. 174. 

* Cecil Gray and Philip Heseltine, Carlo Gesualdo, Musician and Murderer (London, 
1926), p. 115. 

з Italian Madrigal, і, p. 228; but see also infra, p. 348, n. 3. 


66 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


personal preferences for certain poets, but we have no right to regard 
their madrigals as the expression of private feelings. There is, how- 
ever, one madrigal of Marenzio, and a ceremonial one too, which 
seems to hint at a more personal emotion, ‘Filli, l'acerbo caso’,! an 
elegy on a girl who met with a violent death ata tenderage;somuch we 
learn from the words of the poem, but to her identity we have no clue, 
nor to the occasion of the first performance, which cannot have been 
in the course of a church service as there is no allusion in the poem to 
any religious idea. Two extracts from the second half of it may be given: 


1 From the Libro quarto de madrigali a cinque voci (Venice, 1584). 


LUCA MARENZIO 67 


(i) (Thou, dying innocent . . A 
(ii) (Nor did thy death extinguish all its glory) 


Note in (i) the choking sob of the rest after ‘Tu’ and the beautiful 
long line of the soprano to the half-close, imitated in all the voices, 
and in (ii) the treatment of the words ‘ogni sua gloria estinse'. The 
madrigal would have been sung by male voices with a falsetto alto for 
the canto or soprano. A Netherlander would have brought the elegy 
to a quasi-religious end with an elaborated plagal cadence in full 
harmony. Marenzio knows that for such griefs there are no consola- 
tions; the mourners just go away without formality and the music is 
‘extinguished’. 


GESUALDO DA VENOSA 
The private life of Carlo Gesualdo, Prince of Venosa (1560 ?-1615) 
does not concern us; his madrigals! are enough to tell us that he was 
a man of violent passions and it is obvious that he composed for his 
own pleasure, and presumably for the expression of his own private 
emotions. His technique is based on that of Marenzio and Luzzaschi. 
He cannot be called an inventor or a pioneer; he does no more than 
push to extremes devices that are already available as part of the 
common stock. We notice them with more of a shock because he prefers 


1 See Ferdinand Keiner, Die Madrigale Gesualdos von Venosa (Leipzig, 1914) and 
Einstein, Italian Madrigal, ii, pp. 688 ff. The six books of five-part madrigals have been 
republished by Francesco Vatielli and Annibale Bizzelli (Rome, 1942-58); there are a 
number of separate modern reprints. A complete edition of Gesualdo by Wilhelm 
Weismann and Glenn Watkins is in progress (Hamburg, 1957- A 


68 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


short poems and a compressed treatment ofthem instead of spreading 
his music over the length of a Petrarch sonnet. The originality of 
Gesualdo lies in his rhythms, not in his harmony. His discords are due 
sometimes to mere clumsiness of part-writing, more often to double 
suspensions and to the expressive value of chromatic intervals which 
in contrapuntal movement lead to the augmented triad, e.g. G B D 
sharp, already frequent in Rore and Lassus. A short example from his 
Libro VI (Genoa, 1611) will show some of his characteristics. 


Ex. 23 


(Cease to vex me, cruel and false thought) 


Gesualdo often begins an entry with a syncopation as if choking 
with rage against frustration. The chromatic chord on the second 
syllable of *noia' is the inevitable common chord harmonization of 
the rising semitone of the melody, but also intensifies its ‘annoyance’. 
This rising semitone was a characteristic of French singing too, some- 
times called plainte, but indicated at most by a sign, as an ornament; 
we can find it in Verdi's Falstaff, too, though sometimes exceeding 
a semitone. In several of Gesualdo's madrigals these passages of close 
harmony and strange chords are alternated with sudden bursts of 
quick contrapuntal writing. Marenzio works on the same principle of 
alternating harmony and counterpoint, but the one glides gently into 
the other and the alternations are spread over long continuous move- 
ment. Gesualdo's themes are short, chopped up by rests, and he 
makes his contrasts as violent as possible; his passion pours itself out 


1 Theodore Gerold, L’Art du chant en France au XVII siècle (Strasbourg, 1921). 


GESUALDO DA VENOSA 69 


in torrents of semiquavers and even of demisemiquavers which require 
very accomplished singers to execute them. 

Gesualdo is a pathological case—the first Romantic. Along with 
Claudio Monteverdi he marks the end of the madrigal as a standard 
form, though madrigals continued to be written down to the days of 
Alessandro Scarlatti and Lotti. Who sang them and where we do not 
know; perhaps they were composed as academic exercises. We may 
note that G. B. Martini in his Saggio di contrappunto (Bologna, 
1774-6) analyses madrigals of various composers with evident admira- 
tion, but treats them exclusively as studies in counterpoint and fugue. 


MONTEVERDI 


Monteverdi! hardly belongs to the sixteenth century at all; he was 
violently attacked in 1600 by Artusi? for his improper use of dis- 
sonance in ‘Anima mia, perdona’ and ‘Che se tu se'il cor mio’, later 
published in his IV Libro dei Madrigali (Venice, 1603) and ‘Cruda 
Amarilli’ and “О Mirtillo’ (later printed in the Fifth Book, 1605); one 
of the passages to which Artusi took exception was the end of ' Anima 


, 


mia : 


(of thy own sorrow.) 


Monteverdi's early madrigals? follow the example of Marenzio; with 
Gesualdo he seems to have had no contact. What is notable in these 
is not so much the free treatment of dissonance which shocked Artusi, 
but a further development of certain expressive devices already anti- 
cipated by Marenzio and Giaches de Wert. Verdelot and Arcadelt had 


1 This section, left unfinished by Professor Dent, has been completed by the Editor. 

2 L’Artusi, ovvero delle Imperfettioni della musica moderna (Venice, 1600; 2nd part, 
1603). The relevant chapter is translated in full in Oliver Strunk, Source Readings in 
Music History (London, 1952), pp. 393-404, where it is followed by a translation of 
Monteverdi's reply—in the form of a ‘declaration’ by his brother, appended to the 
Scherzi musicali (Venice, 1607). 

3 His first four books were published in 1587, 1590, 1592, and 1603 respectively. 


70 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


never expected professional singers, least of all professional female 
singers; anyone would suffice who could read their notes in time and 
in tune. The ladies of Ferrara, as we can see from the madrigals 
written for them, were not solely coloratura singers, as we should now 
call them; they knew how to make music sound passionate. Wert in 
his ‘Cruda Amarilli'* made them leap up a tenth to a high note to 
illustrate ‘i monti’; Monteverdi frequently gives his voices exclama- 
tory themes in which we foresee the style of the opera, as in the 
opening of * Vattene pur crudel' from the Third Book: 


Ex. 25 


Vat - te-ne |pur cru-del 


(Go then, cruel one, with such peace [of mind] as you leave me) 


Another favourite device is the recitation of a phrase on one note, 
sometimes in one voice, sometimes in imitation and also chordally, 
like the intoning of a psalm, as in the famous opening of ‘Sfogava con 
le stelle’ in the Fourth Book: 


1 From his L’Undecimo Libro (Venice, 1595). 


MONTEVERDI 71 


Ех.26 Unin-fer - no dà-mo - re 


Sfogava con le |stel - le Unin-fer - 


422 


il suodo- lo - - re 


(The lover in his agony cried out to the stars, under the night sky, telling of his 
SOITOW) 
In all these devices Monteverdi is guided by the principle stated in 
his brother's Dichiaratione: that in what he calls the ‘Second Prac- 
tice, or Perfection of modern music', initiated by Rore and fol- 
lowed by Gesualdo, Cavalieri, Ingegneri, Marenzio, Wert, Luzzaschi, 
Peri, Caccini, and others whom he names, ‘the words are the mistress 
of the harmony'—as opposed to the prima prattica of the Nether- 
landers, ‘finally perfected by Messer Adriano [Willaert] with actual 
composition and by the most excellent Zarlino with most judicious 
rules’, in which music is ‘not the servant but the mistress of the words’. 

Besides boldly dissonant harmony and declamatory vocal writing, 
other significant tendencies are perceptible in the Fourth Book. One 
may not agree with Pruniéres! that whereas ‘the most revolutionary 
madrigals of Gesualdo or Marenzio are written for voices, it seems 
that from the Fourth Book onward Monteverdi composed for strings. 
. . . Such madrigals as “‘Sfogava con le stelle” or “А un giro sol” 
suggest fantasias for viols such as Giovanni Gabrieli might have 
written rather than madrigals to be sung by human voices’; yet there 
are many passages whose intonation is very difficult without instru- 
mental support.? ‘A un giro sol’ opens with duetting upper parts and 
a purely harmonic bass, and is quite instrumental in feeling: 


1 Monteverdi (Paris, 1924), p. 34. 
* When in 1615 Phalése republished the Third and Fourth Books at Antwerp, he pro- 
vided them with basso continuo parts. 


DH D 

EI = 

Leg — 

IP - 

д 5 

о о 

' 1 

о о 

„© К>] 

— -— 

D t 
wu: 
di d 
hzi 


al 


|. 


no din- tor - no 
(At a single turn of those radiant eyes, the air around smiles) 


tor - 


MONTEVERDI 73 


The five parts are no longer equally important; the highest part, or 
two highest parts, tends to be more important, the bass to become 
a harmonic support. 

In his Fifth Book (Venice, 1605), prefaced by a brief, provisional 
reply to Artusi, Monteverdi took the decisive step of issuing it ‘col 
basso continuo per il Clavicembano, Chitarrone, od altro simile istru- 
mento; fatto particolarmente per li sei ultimi et per li altri a beneplacito* 
(with thorough-bass for the harpsichord, chitarrone or other similar 
instrument, made particularly for the last six pieces and ad libitum for 
the others). The basso continuo had already appeared in other fields of 
composition! and even in the madrigal proper Monteverdi had been 
anticipated by Salomone Rossi in his JI libro de Madrigali a 5 voci 
... con il Basso continuo per sonare in Concerto (Venice, 1602), to say 
nothing of Luzzaschi's already mentioned Madrigali per cantare et 
sonare with written-out keyboard accompaniments.? Of the six pieces 
with obbligato continuo, the most striking pointers to the future are 
‘Ahi come a un vago sol’ and ‘Questi vaghi concenti’: the first 
essentially a duet for tenor and quinto, with the line * Ah che piaga 
d'amor non sana mai’ set as a refrain and all five voices used together 
only at the end, the second with nine voices treated as antiphonal 
choirs in canon and introduced and interrupted by nine-part 
instrumental symphoniae, all very much in the style of Giovanni 
Gabrieli. 

Four more libri de madrigali by Monteverdi were published in 1614, 
1619, 1638, and 1651, the last posthumously, as well as the two 
volumes of Scherzi musicali (1607 and 1632). He did not at once for- 
sake the polyphonic madrigal; the Sixth Book, for instance, contains 
the celebrated five-part version (1610) of the monodic 'Lamento 
d'Arianna' (1608); but the true madrigals are exceptions among 
the ‘altri generi de canti’. And these are essentially monodies, 
chamber duets, madrigali concertati, often constructed on ostinato 
basses, often with obbligato instrumental parts; they have nothing 
in common with the classical madrigal. 


THE MADRIGAL COMEDY 

One other type of Italian madrigal flourished towards the end of 
the century, for the most part humorous and sometimes composed 
in sets, which some scholars have classified as ‘dramatic’, regarding 


1 See рр. 149 ff. and 574. 
* See p. 62. 


74 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


them as precursors of comic opera. But we may be quite sure that not 
one of them was written for the stage. The most notable ancestor of 
these is Janequin with his numerous descriptive chansons.! Another 
is the caccia of the trecento;? its music had been long forgotten, but 
the poems had been printed and were available to later composers. 
There are numerous madrigals describing battles, generally for eight 
or more voices, which may have been sung in intermedii or in con- 
nexion with tournaments at court festivities.? | 

In 1567 Alessandro Striggio* published ‘II cicalamento delle donne 
al bucato’, a composition for seven voices in a prologue and four 
Scenes representing the chatter of women at the wash. First the poet 
describes how he came upon them; they begin with greetings and talk 
about their lovers and their mistresses. A kite swoops down and 
carries off a chicken while the women shriek at it; one of them tells 
about a ghost she saw, while the others laugh at her. Another is 
accused of stealing a handkerchief; there ensues a quarrel; finally 
some of the women induce them to make peace and sing a popular 
song, after which they all go home. The music is vivacious and 
realistic and the interwoven popular songs have great charm, 
but the counterpoint is so complicated that it makes little effect as 
a musical whole; it is music for the enjoyment of singers rather than 
for listeners. The same can be said of Striggio’s ‘La Caccia’ (pub- 
lished with the ‘Cicalamento’) and his ‘Gioco di Primiera'.9 Pri- 
miera was a fashionable card game and the singers go through it in 
detail; the same happens in Giovanni Croce's *Gioco dell’ Oca’, 
The ‘goose game’ is probably the original of all games of the ‘race 
game' type played with dice on a map of the course; it is still a 
favourite with Italian children. We can deduce practically all the rules 
of it from Croce's madrigal, which is included in his Triaca musicale 
(Venice, 1595)." Another collection of Croce's is his Mascarate piace- 
vole et ridicolose per il carnevale (Venice, 1590); it is difficult to separ- 

1 See p. 6. 

з See Vol. III, pp. 61 ff. 

3 The fine example in eight parts by Andrea Gabrieli is printed in Benvenuti, Istituzioni 
e monumenti dell'arte musicale italiana, i (Milan, 1931), p. 203, and (second part only) 
in Torchi, L'arte musicale, ii, p. 139. A list of Italian vocal battaglie is given in Rudolf 
Gläsel, Zur Geschichte der Battaglia (Diss. Leipzig, 1931), pp. 91-94. 

* Alessandro Striggio the elder, composer, must be distinguished from his son Ales- 
sandro Striggio the younger, poet and author of the Orfeo set to music by Monteverdi. 

5 Reprinted by Solerti in Rivista musicale italiana, xii (1905) pp. 822-38 and xiii (1906), 
pp. 91-112 and 244-57; practical editions by Perinello (Milan, 1940) and Somma 
(Rome, 1947). 

* Published 1569; reprinted in Einstein, Italian Madrigal, iii, no. 86. 


* Reprinted by Schinelli (Rome, 1942), the *Gioco dell’ Oca’ separately by Torchi, 
Op. cit. ii, p. 245. 


THE MADRIGAL COMEDY 75 


ate the mascherate from the many other types of music written for 
private entertainment. But we can easily distinguish between these and 
the court music; the intermedii were meant for spectators and listeners, 
the others primarily for musical parties at home. The Festino della 
sera del giovedi grasso of Adriano Banchieri (Venice, 1608)! gives us 
a good idea of them; we can imagine the guests arriving to be received 
by a compère with a long humorous discourse (spoken); there follows 
a whole evening of singing, with perhaps other friends to listen too. 
Perhaps some of the singers dressed up for the various parts that they 
represented; but it would all have been more or less impromptu and 
informal, and Banchieri leaves us in no doubt that there was plenty 
to eat and drink. The music of all Banchieri's publications (see pp. 80- 
81) is dull and trivial to a modern reader; the humour turns very 
largely on dialects and the imitation of characters from other coun- 
tries and provinces—we have to put ourselves in the mood for it, feel 
that we belong to Bologna, that we are welcome guests and enjoy 
meeting friends and singing with them; one thing we may be sure of— 
Bologna is a great place for food and wine. 


VECCHI'S AMFIPARNASO 


By far the most original work of this type is the Amfiparnaso of 
Orazio Vecchi (Venice, 1597).? Lassus's last book of villanelle (1581) 
included an eight-part dialogue between Pantalone and his servant 
Zanni, and we remember that in 1568 Lassus had himself played the 
part of Pantalone in an impromptu comedy of masks at the Bavarian 
court; but although this madrigal was probably written long before 
the performance, it cannot possibly have been a quasi-operatic part 
of it on this occasion. It is quite possible, however, that this madrigal 
was known to Vecchi; but what was certainly Vecchi's own and 
completely new idea was to set a whole comedy of masks to music 
in a series of fourteen madrigals. It has been generally assumed that 
Vecchi wrote the words himself; but he seems to have discussed it 
previously with Giulio Cesare Croce, the Bolognese comic poet, and 
their correspondence (in verse) at any rate hints at a collaboration.? 

It is really not a matter of much importance whether Vecchi wrote 
the words of the Amfiparnaso himself or with the help of Croce. 
Much of the text can be traced to Croce's innumerable little 

1 Reprinted by Somma (Rome, 1939). 

2 Carlo Perinello’s edition, 2 vols. (Milan, 1938), gives a facsimile of the original 
edition as well as a transcription. There are a number of other modern editions. 


3 E, J, Dent, ‘Notes on the Amfiparnaso of Orazio Vecchi’, Sammelbände der inter- 
nationalen Musikgesellschaft, xii (1911), p. 330. 


76 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


chapbooks, and probably these are hardly more than transcripts of 
thecommon stock of stereotyped backchat talked by the itinerant en- . 
tertainers of the commedia dell'arte. The Amfiparnaso was preceded 
by the Selva di varia ricreazione (Venice, 1590), a miscellany of 
humorous madrigals for from three to ten voices which includes a 
capriccio (five voices) that is clearly a preliminary study for the Amfi- 
parnaso, Pantalone knocking ‘tich toch’ at the door answered by 
Zanni who is in the kitchen. The Amfiparnaso, which Vecchi calls 
comedia harmonica, is in three acts, preceded by a prologue in which 
he tells us quite plainly that his ‘comedy’ is for the ears alone and not 
for the eyes—that is the novelty of it. The characters are the familiar 
masks, Pantalone, the Doctor, three zanni (comic servants), the 
Spanish Captain Cardon, the conventional lovers Lelio and Nisa, 
Lucio and Isabella, with the courtesan Hortensia; there is also a 
chorus of Jews. (The Jews, numerous and long established in north 
Italy—at Mantua there was a Jewish University, the students of which 
sometimes acted plays before the court—are frequently made fun of in 
Croce's chapbooks.) 

The text of the Amfiparnaso is actually the first existing text, and 
possibly the only one, of a complete commedia dell'arte play; but it 
seems to have been ignored altogether by the historians of the Italian 
theatre. The characters speak their appropriate languages, Venetian, 
Bolognese, Bergamask, Spanish, and mock-Hebrew; the lovers solilo- 
quize or converse in literary Italian. The musical technique through- 
out is that of the dialogue madrigal, the quinto, as always, having to 
do duty for both sexes, and the soprano and alto singing for males as 
well as for females if required. 

The opening scene gives a good idea of the style: 


-— 


ER GES p nn ERE VR 

fëmmen EE D, GN GE GENER ER (OEL... NN Fer 

a ne a en es LL —H-—4g--——3i 
O Pie-ru -|lin, dov’ es es - tu, Pie-ru- 


- lin, Pie-ru-lin, Pie-ru -|lin? 


(9) Me-sir, 


VECCHIS AMFIPARNASO 77 


[—— gi. er eee ee [L— S 
= L—34 — 3 7 we Ee 


che fas-tu 


mim - pulgar - ga- tu de cert 


cu cu cu cu cu cu ru cu 


PANT.: Pierulin, where are you? 

PED.: I can't come, sir. I'm in the kitchen. 

PANr.: Thief! Dog! What are you doing in the kitchen? 

Peb.: I'm stuffing myself with such as used to sing pipiripi cucurucu. 


We note at once the melodic interest as well as the natural vigour 
of the first entry, as Pantalone shouts to his servant Pedrolino, who is 
in the kitchen, stuffing himself, needless to say, with all the food he 
can find—in this case, chickens and pigeons. The zanni are always 
great eaters. How lively and full-blooded it is compared with the 
anaemic recitation of Peri's Euridice! The intonations of the dialects, 


78 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


especially the stuttering Venetian of Pantalone and the curt pomposity 
of the Doctor’s Bolognese are very cleverly brought out. Noises on or 
off the imaginary stage have all to be made by the singers; when 
Francatrippa knocks at the Jews’ door he sings ‘tich tach toch, tiche 
tache toch' and rattles away most realistically. When Hortensia 
empties her slops on Pantalone's head, we hear them fall *plop plop 
plop’ (flo flo flo). The chorus of Jews, who refuse to let Francatrippa 
pawn a diamond because it is the sabbath day, are heard singing 
within while he knocks; it is supposed to be a synagogue service, but 
their ‘Hebrew’ is pure gibberish. Its counterpoint is very complicated 
and one Italian critic has suggested that Vecchi was here satirizing the 
Catholic polyphony of his own time.! 

In another scene Pantalone asks the Doctor to sing a serenade to 
his daughter, whom the Doctor is to marry. The Doctor sings a very 
well-known madrigal by Cipriano de Rore, ‘Ancor che col partire’, 
but he makes complete nonsense of the words which Vecchi's singers 
and audience would no doubt have known by heart. This is in 
four parts, and Rore's soprano is reproduced exactly, apart from 
negligible variants? but the three lower parts are quite different. It 
is obvious from the distorted words that Vecchi must have intended 
some sort of a joke here, but the musical joke is obscure, and it is 
odd that no learned scholar has attempted to elucidate it. The fre- 
quent syncopations and the little scale-passages in quavers bere 
and there might perhaps suggest that Vecchi meant to caricature a 
rather incompetent lutenist improvising the accompaniment of a 
frottola. | 

The Amfiparnaso as a complete work of art stands unique in the 
history of music. We can trace its ancestors and its descendants, but 
the former are primitive and tentative, the latter mere imitations, 
mostly trivial and puerile. It is absurd to call it a precursor of comic 
opera and link it up with Mozart and Rossini; there is no continuous 
line to join them. It is impossible to classify it, except in Einstein's 
very comprehensive category of ‘music in company’. Although no 
more than a series of sketches, as the composer himself said, it is 
a beautifully balanced whole, ending with the ensemble which brings 
all the characters together (except Hortensia) to present wedding 
gifts in turn to Isabella. Nisa brings her a little dog, *to keep her 


1 Gino Roncaglia in Orazio Vecchi, Contributi nel 49 centenario (Modena, 1950). 

3 Rore's madrigal is printed in Einstein, Italian Madrigal, iii, p. 112. 

з But cf. Ferand, *“ Ancor che col partire": Die Schicksale eines berühmten Madri- 
gals’, Festschrift Karl Gustav Fellerer (Ratisbon, 1962), p. 137. 


VECCHTS AMFIPARNASO 
(He’ll bark at thieves and shut his mouth at lovers.) 


Che ai ladri abbaia ed a gli amanti tace. 
Ridiculous as all the offerings are, she acknowledges each in the 


faithful to Lucio'—perhaps with a sly innuendo, for we learn from 
same incomparably gracious phrase: 


other sources that a dog was a favourite wedding present: 


i 


plau-so di man, 


sir) 
Grand’ ap - 
(Great hand-clapping, cries of praise) 


(I thank you, si 


Ex. 30 


80 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


Pantalone says briskly *Entriam hor tutti in casa’ (let us all go in 
now to the wedding breakfast); the company turns to its imaginary 
audience of ‘courteous and illustrious spectators’ to express the hope 
that they have enjoyed the play and to ask for the applause which 
they themselves have to sing (see Ex. 30 on previous page. 

The epilogue and applause balance the introductory prologue and 
bring the entertainment to a brilliant and well-planned conclusion. 
But the audience, even if present, is negligible; if we are to understand 
and enjoy the Amfiparnaso we must sing in it ourselves. 


BANCHIERI AND GUASPARRI TORELLI 

Adriano Banchieri’s Festino has been described above; his La 
Pazzia senile (Venice, 1598)! is a direct imitation of the Amfiparnaso, 
but for three voices only, two tenors and bass; the tenors have 
to sing soprano in falsetto when they represent women. It is all very 
slight and unpretentious, but certainly shows plenty of direct and 
unsubtle humour. Banchieri, like Vecchi, gives us a serenade, paro- 
dying in this case Palestrina's early madrigal ‘Vestiva i colli’; it is 
interesting to see that even at this date it was still evidently a popular 
old favourite. Banchieri frames it in imitations of Jute accompani- 
ment, like the don don don diri diri don of Lassus's drunken German's 
serenade ‘Matona mia cara’. Imitations of musical instruments of all 
kinds, as well as of birds and animals, were a favourite feature of all 
the *music in company'. Banchieri also includes intermedii of street 
cries, which are quite amusing to sing. 

Guasparri Torelli (1600) produced another imitation, I Fidi amanti,? 
for four voices. The story is a pastoral, feebly imitated from Aminta 
and ЛП Pastor Fido, with intermedii for the Magnifico (Pantalone) and 
the Doctor and a Nymph who is something like Hortensia. The work, 
both in its serious and its comic scenes, is tedious and monotonous. 
Banchieri followed up his Pazzia senile with La Prudenza giovenile 
(Milan, 1607), reprinted twenty years later under the title of La 
Saviezza giovenile (Venice, 1628).? He gives some directions as to their 
performance. Before the music begins, one of the singers is to read the 
heading of each scene, the names of the characters represented, and 
the tercet which gives the argument; behind the singers there is to be 
a consort of lutes, harpsichords, or other instruments. The second 
edition has one of Banchieri's sarcastic prefaces pouring scorn on the 
modern atto scenico rappresentativo. ‘Anyone who sticks to the good 


1 There is an unreliable reprint in Torchi, op. cit. iv, p. 281; excerpts, ed. Vatielli, in 
I Classici della musica italiana, ii (Milan, 1919). з Torchi, op. cit. p. 73. 
* Excerpts, ed. Vatielli, in 7 Classici della musica italiana, iii. 


BANCHIERI AND GUASPARRI TORELLI 81 


old rules of counterpoint is now struck off the rolls of the musicians 
and relegated to the antiques. What is atto scenico rappresentativo? 
An old man, a young man, a maidservant, a girl, and such like, some- 
times in soliloquy, sometimes in dialogue, with balletti and mascherate 
in between; such is the music of today. You hear a bass, an aito, 
a tenor, a soprano, and so forth singing alone and together as in 
intermedii, airs, and symphonies, and that is called the modern style; 
and here is a specimen of it so modern that the good school of musical 
lawgivers would never have dreamed of it, and it proves the old adage 

Che il buono non é buono 

Ma buono quel, che piace. 

(That the good is not good, 

but good is whatever pleases.) 

The following Saviezza giovanile (Youthful Wisdom) is also in the 
scenico rappresentativo style. Observe it, gentle reader, and you will 
find the old style coupled with the modern, as many of understanding 
practise, even today ; the design is dramatic and a mixture of grave and 
gay. Be pleased with the one, enjoy the other; sing away merrily and 
good luck to you.’ 

There can be no doubt here that Banchieri is presenting commedia 
dell'arte, but not on the stage; what he calls the * modern' style is the 
reaction against Netherland counterpoint—homophonic declamation; 
and we should note that he addresses his *gentle reader' not as a 
listener but as a singer. All these collections, Croce's Triaca, Vecchi's 
Selva and Veglie di Siena, Banchieri's Barca di Venezia per Padova, 
may be tedious stuff as modern concert music or as illustrations to 
learned lectures—but they are all great fun to sing. Canta allegra- 
mente e vivi felice. 


THE MADRIGAL OUTSIDE ITALY 

The classical madrigal, peculiar to Italy throughout the century, 
was created by the Netherlanders and destroyed by the Italians. Up 
to about 1600 the whole of European music, both sacred and 
secular, was dominated by the Netherlanders; after that date—except 
for Sweelinck—they disappear altogether. The Italians, Marenzio 
and Gesualdo, had perfected the madrigal and transfigured it, but 
its existence depended almost entirely on Petrarch, Ariosto, Tasso, and 
Guarini, poets whom the seventeenth century was content to forget. 
The Petrarchan madrigal was smothered in its Italian undergrowth, 
the jungle of popular music that began with the Neapolitan villanelle. 

By the end of the century northern musicians were travelling to 


82 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


Italy not to teach the Italians but to learn from them. The northern 
publishers at Nuremberg, Antwerp, and other places, were printing 
enormous quantities of Italian music, but it was only in England that 
a native school of real madrigalists was able to develop. The Nether- 
landers had begun to infiltrate into Germany, including Prague and 
Vienna, but (owing probably to the Reformation) they never estab- 
lished themselves in England. It must be remembered that the Nether- 
landers were primarily church musicians, and that the export of 
church music from Italy, whether by Netherlanders or Italians, 
through the northern publishers, far exceeded that of secular music. 
A few madrigals of various types with Italian words were written by 
other non-Italians, but no northern country except England developed 
a real madrigal school based on its own language. 

The main reason for this is that no country except Italy had ever 
possessed a Petrarch. The madrigal was rooted in the Italian language, 
and its style resisted adaptation to any other, even to French. The 
French, as in the subsequent history of opera, never submitted whole- 
heartedly to Italy, and (as we have seen in the previous chapter) the 
polyphonic chanson, though influenced by the madrigal, went its own 
way. The outstanding French madrigalist of the last period, Jean 
(Giovanni) de Macque, lived in Italy and set Italian words.! The 
Spaniards, too, had an indigenous type of polyphonic song in the 
villancico? which continued to flourish throughout the sixteenth 
century? and indeed even in the seventeenth,! making increasing 
use of imitative techniques. The outstanding master of the villancico 
was Juan Vázquez, who published collections of Villancicos y canciones 
and Sonetos y villancicos in 1551, 1559, and 1560;5 his works show no 
traces of madrigalian influence. The Canciones y villanescas espiri- 
tuales(Venice, 1589) of Francisco Guerrero® are more Italianate, and 
by Morales weactually have two Italian madrigals." Mateo Flecha the 


1 Cf. Suzanne Clercx, ‘Jean de Macque et l'évolution du madrigalisme à la fin du XVI* 
siécle', Festschrift: Joseph Schmidt-Görg zum 60. Geburtstag (Bonn, 1957). 

3 See Vol. III, p. 378, and infra, p. 135. 

з See, for instance, the collection of Villancicos de diversos Autores, a dos y a tres y a 
quatro y a cinco bozes (Venice, 1556), reprinted by Mitjana as the Cancionero de Uppsala 
(Uppsala, 1909; fresh transcription by Jesüs Bal y Gay, Mexico, 1944). 

4 Cf. the Cancionero musical y poético del siglo XVII, ed. D. J. Aroca (Madrid, 1916) 
and the Romances y letras a tres vozes transcribed by Miguel Querol (Barcelona, 1956). 

* His collection of 1560 has been republished complete by Higini Anglès in Monu- 
mentos de la müsica espafiola, iv (Barcelona, 1946). 

* Reprinted by Vicente Garcia in Guerrero, Opera Omnia, i (Barcelona, 1955). 

? The opening of ‘Ditemi o si o no’, originally published in Arcadelt's Fourth Book 
of four-part madrigals (Venice, 1539), is printed by Mitjana in Lavignac and La Lauren- 
cie, Encyclopédie de la musique, 1ère partie, iv (Paris, 1920), p. 2003. Cf. also the com- 
ment on Mudarra's canciones, infra, p. 129. 


THE MADRIGAL OUTSIDE ITALY 83 


younger published a book of madrigals at Venice in 1568, including 
one with Spanish text, but he and his uncle are deservedly better 
known for their ensaladas or quodlibets.! Both Spanish and Catalan, 
as well as Italian, texts are set in the Madrigales of Joan Brudieu 
(Barcelona, 1585)? and the Odarum (quas vulgo Madrigales appellamus) 
...Jib. I of Pedro Vila (Barcelona, 1561); it is significant that one 
of Brudieu's poets is Ausias March, one of the leading imitators of 
Petrarch in Spain. Other Spanish madrigalists—such as Sebastiàn 
Raval and Pedro Valenzuela (Valenzola)—published in Italy and 
set only Italian texts? The Parnaso español de madrigales y 
villancicos (Antwerp, 1614) of Pedro Ruimonte, who composed 
Spanish texts in the style of Marenzio and Monteverdi, marks the end 
of the Spanish madrigal. 

Like France and Spain, Germany had its own tradition of secular 
song (which will be discussed in the next chapter) and the only 
German composers of importance as madrigalists were Hans Leo 
Hassler and Heinrich Schütz.* 


THE MADRIGAL IN ENGLAND 

In England conditions were more favourable to the cult of the 
madrigal. England had never had a Petrarch, but it was the moment 
when English literature was absorbing all that it possibly could from 
the Italians. Castiglione's Л Cortegiano (1528) had been translated 
into English in 1561; there appears to have been no German transla- 
tion before 1960.5 England welcomed everything that was Italian; the 
literary friendship between the two countries dates back indeed to 
Chaucer, who was personally acquainted with Petrarch. The earliest 
evidence for the singing of Italian madrigals in England is provided 
by two manuscript collections, the first belonging to the period of 
Verdelot, who is well represented in it; Alfredo Obertello$ suggests 
that it was presented to Henry VIII by Alfonso d'Este, as it contains 
a motet in the king's honour. The second manuscript, dated 1564, is 
in the library of Winchester College, and includes a large number of 
madrigals by Hubert Waelrant, whose works had been published only 
at Antwerp and not in Italy. Tradition makes Elizabeth I the first 


1 Las Ensaladas de Flecha (Prague, 1581); reprinted by Higini Anglés (Barcelona, 
1954); see pp. 407-8. 

? Republished by Pedrell and Anglés (Barcelona, 1921); complete example in André 
Mangeot, “The Madrigals of Joan Brudieu', The Score, no. 7 (1952). 

3 Valenzuela's ‘La verginella’ was republished by Barclay Squire, Ausgewählte Madri- 
gale, no. 36. * See pp. 112 ff. and 119 ff. 

* Translated and annotated by Fritz Baumgart (Bremen, 1960). 

* Madrigali italiani in Inghilterra (Milan, 1949). The manuscript was acquired in 1935 
by the Newberry Library, Chicago. 


84 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


owner of it; the manuscript certainly shows that it was put to much 
practical use. 

Part-singing was quite well known in England at that date. We 
know of the XX Songes of 1530,! and Thomas Whythorne published 
his Songes to three, fower, and five voyces in 1571.? These are all 
mainly homophonic and not very interesting. A typical example of 
this period (not later than 1564) is the well-known ‘In going to my 
naked bed" by Richard Edwards.’ It employs what we may call the inter- 
national Netherland technique of plain harmony with occasional 
little contrapuntal imitations; but if we compare it with Arcadelt's 
*Il bianco e dolce cigno' we shall see at once the difference of style 
due solely to the rhythm produced by the English masculine (mono- 
syllabic) rhymes. 


BYRD AND MUSICA TRANSALPINA 


The year 1588 saw the issue of two important collections—the 
Psalmes, Sonets & songs* for five voices by William Byrd, and Musica 
Transalpina, a collection of Italian madrigals with words translated 
into English (together with one original English madrigal, Byrd's 
"The fair young virgin"). The composer most strongly represented in 
Musica Transalpina is Alfonso Ferrabosco the elder, a competent 
but rather dull and very conservative musician who had served 
at Elizabeth's court from c. 1562 to 1578 and was more highly 
regarded in this country than in his own. From this date onwards 
there was a continuous output of madrigals in English by native 
composers until 1627 when the madrigal school came to an end 
with the Ayres or Fa Las of John Hilton. Byrd's songs of 1588 
are not madrigals at all. He tells us himself in his preface that they 
were composed for a solo voice accompanied by a quartet of viols, 

1 See Vol. III, p. 348. 

* See also p. 200. Twelve of Whythorne's songs were reprinted by Peter Warlock 
(London, 1927). 

3 First printed by Hawkins in his General History of Music (London, 1776); modern 
reprints in Fellowes, The English Madrigal School, xxxvi (London, 1924), and, without 
words, in The Mulliner Book (Musica Britannica, i) (London, 1951), p. 60. Other examples 
of English part-song preserved in Thomas Mulliner’s transcriptions (ibid. i)—e.g. 
Edwards’s ‘By painted words’ CO the silly man’) and ‘When griping griefs', 
Johnson's ‘Defiled is my name’, Tallis's ‘O ye tender babes’, ‘Like as the doleful dove’, 
and ‘When shall my sorrowful sighing slake’, and Sheppard's *O happy dames'—have 
been reconstructed by Denis Stevens and published separately. 

* Reprinted by Fellowes, op. cit. xiv (London, 1920), and The Collected Vocal Works 
of Byrd, xii (London, 1948). See also Dent, ‘William Byrd and the Madrigal' in Fest- 
schrift für Johannes Wolf (Berlin, 1929), p. 24. 

5 Reprinted in Publications of the Musical Antiquarian Society, xiii (London, 1844). 
In discussing the English school it is difficult to avoid using the word ‘madrigal’ in a very 
free sense. 


BYRD AND MUSICA TRANSALPINA 85 


and this is quite evident from their technique. It is further confirmed 
by a manuscript of about 1581 at Christ Church, Oxford,! in which 
words are written in for the ‘first singing part’ (as Byrd calls it in the 
edition of 1588) alone. As with the Italian frottole, we shall see that 
in the English school there was often the same latitude as regards 
vocal or instrumental accompaniment. In Byrd's songs the music of 
the solo voice (not always the uppermost) is clearly cut up into lines 
by rests, and it hardly ever repeats words, whereas the other parts go 
on continuously like instruments and repetition of words becomes 
a necessity. What we note conspicuously is the English rhythm of 
the verse and the strongly tuneful character of the vocal melody; in 
the madrigals of the Netherlanders real tunefulness is a great rarity. 
The constructive principle of the song-tune persists through Byrd's 
second publication, the Songs of Sundry Natures (1589);? the “first 
singing part' is not named, but can almost always be picked out, as it 
generally is the last to enter. The English squareness of the verse 
naturally affects the music, however contrapuntal, and this accounts 
for Byrd's sturdy sense of major or minor tonality. The majority of 
the Songs are strophic, but as Byrd (at this time) never goes in for 
Italian word-painting the music is adequate for all the stanzas, and 
he aims more at expressing the general idea of the whole poem. 
Musica Transalpina was a miscellany, and for that reason the English 
madrigal school was a miscellany too; it had no tradition behind it 
and imitated what it happened to like, struggling at first to reproduce 
Italian rhythms and then going its own way to the natural rhythms of 
English, with its own English sense of humour. Obertello has shown 
that Musica Transalpina was made up out of various Italian miscel- 
lanies for export? and he has also shown that a great many English 
madrigal poems were actually translations, paraphrases, or free 
imitations of Italian originals which he has identified. They can 
generally be recognized by their preponderance of feminine rhymes, 
but there arealso many which have no feminine rhymes at all; English 
translators of the Italian classics have always been forced to abandon 
any attempt to reproduce the normal Italian feminine endings. An- 
other set of Italian Madrigalls Englished followed in 1590, edited 
by Thomas Watson, the large majority being by Marenzio;* it also 
includes two of Byrd's few genuine madrigals, settings à 6 and à 4 of 
*This sweet and merry month of May', of which he republished the 


і Christ Church, 984-8. * The English Madrigal School, xv (London, 1920). 

3 The contents, with their sources, are listed in Joseph Kerman, The Elizabethan 
Madrigal (New York, 1962), pp. 53-55. The Marenzio madrigals have been published 
by R. A. Harman (London, 1955). * Sources listed Kerman, op. cit., p. 59. 


86 ' THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


four-part composition in his Psalmes, Songs, and Sonnets of 1611. 
Nicholas Yonge's sequel to Musica Transalpina did not come out 
until 1597.! As far as the Italian influence was concerned, the elder 
Ferrabosco,? Marenzio, and Gastoldi were the prime favourites with 
the English madrigalists. Obertello, however, suggests that Watson, 
who was something of a poet, chose his Italian madrigals more for 
their poetical than for their musical value. 


THOMAS MORLEY 


The first English madrigal publication after 1588-9 was Thomas 
Morley's Canzonets to three voices (1593), followed by four-part 
madrigals? in 1594, ballets (five voices), and canzonets (two voices) in 
1595; two years later came his canzonets for five and six voices. That 
is the total of Morley's output, of polyphonic song.* Even if we take 
into account his editorship of The Triumphs of Oriana (1601), 
it may seem small reason for regarding him as the unquestioned 
head of the English school, the more since the ballets, always his 
most popular works and those by which he is chiefly remembered, 
are barefaced imitations of Gastoldi’s,* while his canzonets are 
closely modelled on canzonette by Felice Anerio.” But the ballets 
brought something new into English music; they were imitated by 
Morley's followers and given new and original interpretations; 
the ‘fa la’, as it was often called, was combined with the serious 
madrigal and used for serious and ironic ends. The Italian can- 
zonetta was the other form which attracted Morley. His own 
canzonets have a fascinating airiness and gaiety, besides accom- 
plished contrapuntal ingenuity. In this he set the example to his 
compatriots of treating counterpoint as the ideal vehicle for wit and 
grotesque humour. This is very characteristic of the English. The 


1 Sources, Kerman, op. cit., pp. 62-63. 

* On Ferrabosco's madrigals and their influence on the English school, see ibid., 
pp. 78 ff. G. E. P. Arkwright published fifteen of them in his Old English Edition, xi 
and xii (London, 1894). 

* The first English collection actually so called. ‘Ho! who comes here’, from this set, 
is recorded in The History of Music in Sound, iv. 

* Reprinted in The English Madrigal School, i, ii, iii, iv. 

5 The English Madrigal School, xxxii. On this collection, see Kerman, op. cit., pp. 194 ff. 

* See, in particular, Denis Arnold, ‘Gastoldi and the English Ballett’, Monthly Musi- 
cal Record, \xxxvi (1956), р. 44, and Frank Zimmerman. ‘Italian and English traits in 
the music of Thomas Morley', Anuario musical, xiv (1959). 

7 In 1595 Morley published a volume of two-part Italian canzonets with English and 
Italian texts, and in 1597 a volume of Italian canzonets with English words only; he 
himself also set or adapted four of these translated texts. 


THOMAS MORLEY 87 


Italians certainly enjoyed the grotesque, and had the further advan- 
tage of their various dialects (music of this type is always in some 
dialect), but their settings of it were almost invariably homophonic. 
And Morley, like Byrd, has the advantage of English monosyllables, 
with their tendency to square-cut rhythms and vigorous staccato 
utterance, making for firm tonality. 


WEELKES AND WILBYE 

Thomas Weelkes (15752-1623) was not much over twenty when he 
published his first set of madrigals in 1597.! He must have been 
already familiar with the Italian style, though we have no knowledge 
of how he was educated. At this time he was organist of Winchester 
College, and he may have found there other singers of madrigals. 
His knowledge of Marenzio and other Italians could have been 
acquired only by actually singing them, as no scores were then 
available. His melody is smoother than Morley's and his chromatic 
effects, quite unknown to Morley, are very surprising, all the more 
so from their extreme rarity. In no. 3, ‘In black mourn I’, which is in 
plain G major, we suddenly find 


Éx.31 
(My curtall dog that wont to have played) 
plays notat all, plays пої at all but — seemsa - fraid, 


plays not at all, butseemsa-fraid,but seemsa  - fraid, 
No. 6, ‘Cease sorrows now’ ends with a passage which is remark- 
able in many aspects and must be quoted at length: 


Ex.32 Yet whilst I hear the knoll-ing of the 


Yet whilst I hear theknolling of {һе bell,yet whilst I 


1 The English Madrigal School, ix. On Weelkes's madrigals generally, see Kerman, op. 
cit., pp. 223 ff., and Arnold, "Thomas Weelkes and the Madrigal' Music and Letters, 


xxxi (1950), p. 1. 


THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


88 


ing of the bell,of 


the knoll - 


hear 


bell, yet whilst I 


the 


of 


the bell, 
fore 


of 


the knoll-ing 


the 


hear 


die, 


I 


bell, Be 


Ki 


I 


Be- fore 


well, 


faint fare - 


die 


my faint fare - 


sing my faint fare - well, 


sing 


3 


sing my. faint fare- well, IH 


ri 


faint fare- well, 


well 


fare - 


faint 


d 


WEELKES AND WILBYE 89 


We notice first the descriptive ' knolling' of the bell; then the imita- 
tive treatment of a chromatic scale subject and in the fourth bar from 
the end the clash of C sharp and C natural. The same false relation 
(C sharp, C natural, or in one case F sharp, F natural) occurs three 
times more in Weelkes's madrigals, always standing out as an inten- 
tional expression of grief. 

Weelkes's ballets for five voices (1598)! are a great advance on 
those of Morley. The ballet (so Morley suggests) was not actually 
danced in England; it had become simply a musical form in which 
the composers introduced ‘fa le’ episodes alternating with the lines 
of the original poem. These ‘fa las’ are completely free in treatment 
and are often contrapunta!, contrasting with a homophonic and 
sometimes more dance-like setting of the words. Being half-way 
between madrigal and dance the ballet naturally enjoyed great 
popularity. How much Weelkes had learned from Marenzio may be 
seen in the madrigal for five voices, ‘О Care, thou wilt despatch me’.? 
Like many of Marenzio’s (generally sonnets) it is in two sections 
which ought never to be sung separately, though they are numbered 
separately in Weelkes’s publication: a deeply serious work in which 
the poet calls on Music to relieve his misery. Music is here symbolized 
by ‘fa la’ episodes, but they are in a minor key and sometimes sung 
to slow notes. This idea is certainly Weelkes’s own and has no parallel 
in the Italians; but the two chains of slow modulations, the first 
going through flat keys, the second through sharp ones, is a direct 
imitation of Marenzio. The effect is most striking, and the emotional 
conception extremely moving; but it was an experiment which the 
English composer did not repeat, though there are some effective 
chromatic harmonies in ‘The Andalusian merchant’ (the second part 
of ‘Thule, the period of cosmography’, for six voices, 1600) describ- 
ing ‘how strangely Fogo burns’. It must, however, be admitted that 
if we compare the total output of the English and Italian schools in the 
last ten years of the century, the percentage of extreme chromatic 
cases to normal diatonic usage may not be very different. 

John Wilbye (1574-1638) published his first set of madrigals in 
1598 and his second in 1609.? He tries no strange experiments, but on 


1 The English Madrigal School, x. 

? From the set published in 1600, reprinted ibid. xi. ‘O Care’ is recorded in The 
History of Music in Sound, iv. 

® The English Madrigal School, vi and vii. ‘Ye that do live in pleasures’, from the 
second set, is recorded in The History of Music in Sound, iv. On Wilbye’s madrigals 
generally, see Kerman, op. cit., pp. 233 ff., and Hugo Heurich, John Wilbye in seinen 
Madrigalen (Augsburg, 1931). 


90 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


the whole heis the most accomplished and also the most expressive of 
the English madrigalists. He had the advantage of setting poets more 
skilful in language than those of his predecessors; the poems are 
obvious imitations (some identified by Obertello) of Italian ones and 
nearly all in double rhymes. This makes it easier for Wilbye to set 
lines in long phrases, and he escapes, too, the awkwardness involved 
by words which are unstressed but long by quantity. (The interrela- 
tion of stress and quantity in Italian and English poetry is a highly 
important factor in the differentiation of national styles in madrigal 
music, but it is too complicated for discussion here.) It is obvious that 
these two young Englishmen, Weelkes and Wilbye—Weelkes espe- 
cially—absorbed more of the music of the Italian madrigals that they 
sang and studied than of the words and the way they were set. The 
Italian madrigal, early or late, was always dictated by its words, even 
when they were no more than poesía per musica, and at the lowest it 
was always poesia with a certain standard of literary elegance which 
the English poets, caring less for sound than for sense, did not often 
achieve. The English composers, appreciating the Italian madrigal 
mainly as musical sound, did not always grasp the basic principle of 
its composition. Modern singers and listeners, anxious to find some 
native quality in this music, find it most naturally in its rusticity and 
humour. The Italian literary pastoral was classically bucolic but never 
rustic; that was possible only in dialect. 

Weelkes's Ayeres or Phantasticke Spirites (1608)! for three voices 
are what Morley would have called *tavern music’; it is odd that they 
should have been printed as for two trebles and bass, unless intended 
for boys, as they seem much more appropriate for men, though their 
words are quite decent. They are spirited and lively as well as highly 
skilful in humorous counterpoint, with words full of grotesque rhymes. 
These are peculiarly English and quite inconceivable in Italian music. 
Indeed, throughout the English school humour constantly breaks out, 
often in unexpected places. 


BYRD'S PSALMES, SONGS, AND SONNETS 


In 1611 Byrd, after a silence of twenty-two years, published what 
he called his ultimum vale, a miscellany of Psalmes, Songs, and 
Sonnets? probably containing items written much earlier. Byrd was 
always conservative and adapted himself with some effort to the 
madrigal style. The three-part songs which begin the volume may well 


1 The English Madrigal Schocl, xiii. 
2 Ibid., xvi and The Collected Vocal Works of Byrd, xiv. 


BYRD’S PSALMES, SONGS, AND SONNETS 91 


have been written for boys, as they are all on moral texts, rather 
schoolmasterish in diction. More than half the collection is sacred 
and serious; there are also two 'fantazias' for viols, and sacred songs 
accompanied by four and five viols. Very little of this volume can be 
called madrigalian in character; the serious and sacred pieces (Byrd 
calls them all ‘songs’ and never uses the word *madrigal") have no 
affinity with the Italian madrigali spirituali. The stiffness of Byrd's 
counterpoint, masterly as it is, matches the sententiousness of his 
texts. The most interesting number is the five-part *Come, woeful 
Orpheus', which is evidently intended as an old man's protest against 
‘modern music’, as it speaks of ‘strange chromatic notes’, ‘sourest 
sharps and uncouth flats’, which Byrd illustrates with complete 
command of chromatic technique, as if to show that although he 
finds the new style detestable he can write in it just as easily as the 
youngsters. The serious madrigals of Byrd are, however, interesting 
as leading eventually to those of Orlando Gibbons. 


MINOR ENGLISH MADRIGALISTS 


Between Wilbye and Gibbons, whose one set of twenty madrigals 
appeared in 1612, there are several minor composers, all of whom con- 
tributed to the formation of a definitely English style. This English 
style arose mainly from the natural rhythms of English poetry with its 
preference for masculine line-endings and for a prosody based more 
on stress than on quantity. Morley and Weelkes are thus tempted to 
fall into a slightly monotonous rhythm of jog-trot crotchets which 
may be agreeable and appropriate in any single madrigal but becomes 
wearisome if we sing too many. The suppleness, fluidity, and variety 
of Marenzio could never be reproduced in English words. By the time 
the English took over the madrigal, music had already become the 
predominant partner in Italy itself. The English composers keenly 
appreciated the sense of the words they set, but not—as the Italians 
could not help doing—the musical sound of them; they were skilful 
contrapuntists, but what attracted them more was the richness, the 
‘lifkèd sweetness long drawn out’ of full five- or six-part harmony 
which resulted from contrapuntal movement of the individual parts. 
This probably accounts for their love of gliding dissonances and un- 
usual suspensions; the music, although ‘expressive’, becomes an end 
in itself and often suggests that the composers were influenced by 
organ-playing or perhaps more probably by the chest of viols, since 
this was also the great age of instrumental chamber music in England. 


92 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 


Kirbye, Bateson, and Ward! are the chief exponents of this serious 
style in the early seventeenth century and show a marked partiality 
for writing madrigals of considerable length. Others preferred the 
lighter style and often show a very original charm in this vein.? 


GIBBONS AND TOMKINS 


The secular songs of Orlando Gibbons (1612), which he described 
on his title-page as Madrigals and Mottets,? are nearly all of a serious 
cast which might be called ethical or philosophical. As Kerman re- 
marks (op. cit., p. 123), they are ‘neither madrigals nor motets, but 
mature compositions in an individual idiom which Gibbons developed 
to great lengths from the basic abstract polyphonic style practised 
by Byrd, as well as by a number of second-rate composers’ (such as 
John Mundy, Richard Carlton, and Richard Alison). The words were 
selected by Sir Christopher Hatton. One is an epigram translated 
either from the Greek Anthology or from a Latin version of it, and 
various others have a similar epigrammatic shape. The first, ‘The 
silver swan’, beloved of all English madrigal singers, might at first 
suggest an English version of ‘Il bianco e dolce cigno’, but no 
Italian would have ended with the cynical words 


More geese than swans now live, more fools than wise. 


The finest of these pieces is "What is our life?', the grimly austere 
words of which are by Sir Walter Raleigh.* What we must admire in 
Gibbons, in addition to his habitual grave serenity, is his complete 
command of tonality and his power of constructing very long mad- 
rigals on a strictly diatonic system. No madrigalist repeats his words 
so often as Gibbons; a stanza of six lines may be spread over some 
seventy bars. He is never chromatic, and modulates only to the keys 
so near the tonic that he seems hardly to leave it at all, yet without 
monotony and with a strong sense of building up to a climax. A poem 
by Joshua Sylvester, ‘I weigh not Fortune's frown nor smile’, forms 
a sequence of four six-lined stanzas, all in G major, the first four lines 
of each being plain statements like the first; the general subject is 
equanimity and contentment, and the metrical scheme suggests the 
monotony of a brick wall, but Gibbons seizes on every detail that he 
can utilize, rejecting all chromatics or startling discords, and ends 


1 The English Madrigal School, xxiv, xxi and xxii, and xix. 

2 See, for instance, Thomas Greaves's ballet ‘Come away, sweet love’, recorded in 
The History of Music in Sound, iv. 2 The English Madrigal School, v. 

* Kerman argues ingeniously that this is an arrangement of a consort song for solo 
voice and instruments. 


GIBBONS AND TOMKINS 93 


with a climax so simple and so skilfully contrived as to suggest the 
majestic assurance of Handel: 


Ex.33 
(A mind content and conscience clear ) 


Thomas Tomkins (1573 ?-1656) is the last of the greater madrigalists 
and a link with the instrumental school of the seventeenth century. 
His madrigals (1622)! make a great contrast to those of Gibbons; on 
the one hand he is full of pathos, on the other bursting with energy 
and vitality. Several of his madrigals include ‘fa la’ episodes; these 
have long since lost any suggestion of the dance and they often suggest 
that they were intended for viols, especially as the bass part often goes 
down to low D. Some of the rhythmic figures are most original and 
new for the period, at any rate in vocal music: 


p 
i 
(See, see, the shepherds’ queen ) 


D А 
"ДНК > ү DANCE 
Ку гга] 
a геш т 


Fa la la lala la la la, Fa la la la lala la, 


1 Ibid. xviii. See Denis Stevens, Thomas Tomkins (London, 1957), pp. 95 ff. 


94 THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 
(ii) 


(Phyllis, now cease to move me) 


Fa 
Fa lala lala lala, Fa|la lala lala 


(iii) 


*APT FOR VIOLS AND VOICES’ 


Several of the madrigal books include solo songs with accompani- 
ment for three, four, or five viols;! this practice was continuous from 
before the time of Byrd. Weelkes, in 1600, was the first to describe his 
madrigals as ‘apt for the viols and voices’; Wilbye in 1609 writes ‘apt 
both for voyals and voyces’. Michael East’s ‘Fifth set of Books’ (1618) 
contained ' Songs full of spirit and delight, so composed in 3 parts that 
they are as apt for Vyols as Voyces’; in these only the opening words 
of each are printed and the lyrics are lost. Scholars have not always 
agreed in their interpretations of such directions (which appear in 
almost all of the publications), but E. H. Fellowes? seems to take the 
view that madrigals were performed sometimes by voices alone, and 
also either with viols or other instruments, or by instruments alone. 
Martin Peerson's Mottects or Grave Chamber Musique (1630) are 
‘all fit for Voyces and Vials, with an Organ Part’ (which may alterna- 
tively be played on the virginals, bandora or Irish harp); the basso 
continuo had reached England; but these secular *mottects' are even 
less madrigalian than those of Gibbons. 


! These are discussed in Chapter IV. 
* E, H. Fellowes, The English Madrigal Composers (Oxford, 1921), pp. 77-79. 


“АРТ FOR VIOLS AND VOICES' 95 


The transition was easy from pure vocal music to instrumental 
chamber music, which was already flourishing in the earlier years 
of the reign of Elizabeth Li This close association of the madrigal 
with autonomous instrumental music is historically most important, 
for without it the madrigal style would have perished altogether in the 
reign of Charles I without leaving any trace of influence on the sub- 
sequent music of England. Singers had turned to the polyphonic 
form of ayre.? 

Compared with the Italian madrigal school? that of England is 
a very small affair; the total number of madrigals published amounts 
to about a thousand or less over a period of about twenty-five years. 
Twenty-seven composers wrote madrigals, but few issued more than 
one set, and wrote no more even when they lived for many years 
afterwards. The collapse of the madrigal was in no way due to the 
Puritans; the madrigal was simply out of date, its vogue had passed. 
The Italian madrigal had disintegrated about the time that the English 
school was just coming to birth. 

1 See Chap. XI. з See Chap. IV. 

* In which we must include one Englishman, Peter Philips, resident for half his life in 


the Netherlands, where he published two books of six-part madrigals (Antwerp, 1596 
and 1603), and one of eight-part (Antwerp, 1598). 


ПІ 


GERMAN SECULAR SONG 
By KURT GUDEWILL 


DuniNG the hundred years 1530-1630 German secular song consisted 
almost exclusively either of polyphonic treatments of existing melo- 
dies or of free polyphonic compositions. Solo songs performed 
either to the lute, in the sixteenth century, or, at the end of the period, 
with figured bass accompaniment, are exceptional, though by 1630 
the solo song! had so far superseded the polyphonic type that this 
date may be taken to some extent as a “natural boundary’. On the 
other hand, the earlier date, 1530, marks not so much a fresh be- 
ginning as the culmination of the ‘tenor song’ period? which began 
at the time of the Lochamer Liederbuch (1452-60).? Around 1560 this 
style was in decline as composers, in the field of secular song at least, 
had lost interest in polyphonic settings built round a canto fermo 
generally in the tenor, and preferred to set texts ad hoc, with the 
result that scarcely any complete self-contained song melodies were 
produced. This development was the concomitant of a basic change in 
style, so that the period 1530-1630 presents a far from unified picture. 
This change was far less evident in sacred miusic, where the method of 
building a composition round a tenor canto fermo, also employed in 
the hymn compositions of the Reformation period,‘ persisted into 
the age of Bach. The numerous collections containing both secular 
and sacred pieces (the latter not always intended for liturgical use) 
show how closely the two kinds were associated in the sixteenth 
century; after 1600 a sharper division is evident. _ 

A survey of the whole period under consideration raises three 
fundamental issues. The first concerns the extent to which external 
influences worked upon the German song, the second how far the 
designation ‘song’ belongs in the strict sense to the diverse kinds of 
composition broadly included under that name 5 The third question 
concerns the social assumptions and conditions of song composition 
and performance. 


1 See pp. 122 ff. з Cf. Vol. III, p. 373. 

* Ibid., p. 372. * See Chap. VIII. 

5 See Kurt Gudewill, article *Lied' (A D, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 
viii (1960), col. 746. 


GERMAN SECULAR SONG 97 


The tenor song is perhaps the most essentially German creation; 
yet some Netherland influence, especially in the use of imitation, 
must be recognized, as well as that of the Italian frottola. Practically 
all the German canto fermo pieces are song-like inasmuch as their 
form is determined by an already existing melody. However, the 
picture changes with the revolution in style. The falling-off in song- 
production by native composers is particularly striking. Instead, 
Netherlanders resident in Germany took over and, being themselves 
under Italian influence, employed not only the technique of the 
motet, but elements also of chanson, madrigal, and villanella in the 
setting of German song-texts. Thus, when German composers began 
to renew their activity about 1570 they were familiar with two national 
styles. From the end of the century direct Italian influence increased, 
not so much through the few Italians working in Germany as through 
the many Italian compositions which had been circulating in Ger- 
many since the middle of the sixteenth century, and through German 
composers such as Schütz and Hassler who studied the new style at its 
source. However, this absorption of foreign elements rarely pro- 
duced mere imitation of foreign models, and the development of 
German song up to 1630 is marked by a creative synthesis of non- 
German elements with the native tradition. 

After the change of style, tendencies foreign to the Lied proper 
predominated at first, notably in the adoption of procedures derived 
from the motet; for motet and song are opposed in principle, just 
as are madrigal and song, not least because the asymmetrical form 
of madrigal texts is unsuited to the song. Conversely, the essential 
features of the ‘song’ (in the narrowest sense) are the formal coinci- 
dence of the melody with a symmetrically designed text and the setting 
of a number of stanzas to a single melody. The repetition of phrases or 
single words disturbs this symmetry, but it belongs to the very essence 
of motet and madrigal to which a continuously composed text is far 
more suited than the strophic principle. Although later on there was 
an increased number of songs with freely invented melodies—which, 
in contrast with those of the ‘tenor song’ period, lie in the highest 
part—the influences of motet and madrigal were still potent. About 
1620 the influence of the vocal concerto? may be detected. 

It is true that the polyphonic Lied has features in common with 
the chanson, which, however, rarely served it as a direct model— 
unlike the villanella with its tuneful highest voice and its systematic 


1 Cf, Herbert Rosenberg, ‘Frottola und deutsches Lied um 1500. Ein Stilvergleich’, 
Acta Musicologica, xviii-xix (1946-7), p. 30. 2 See Chap. X. 


98 GERMAN SECULAR SONG 


three-part repetitive form. Midway between these stands the can- 
zonet, combining the form of the villanella with the polyphony of 
the madrigal. The canzonet has also elements of the balletto and of 
the predominantly homorhythmic chordal "dance song, one of the 
genres of this period in which the song principle is most strongly 
pronounced. 

The questions, which classes of society the song composers sprang 
from, for what purposes they wrote, and in what circles their songs 
were sung, can be answered only in particular cases. While we know 
that some compositions come from court circles, others from middle- 
class circles, it would not always be easy to decide on internal evidence 
to which social class they belong. The writing of polyphonic songs 
was cultivated by court musicians and Kapellmeister, by municipal 
cantors, organists, and town musicians, and also by amateurs. The 
growth of music-printing in the sixteenth century led to an exchange 
of song-repertory between court and town, and each performed the 
works of the other. All that can be said of the composers' public 
is that whereas the more exacting types, such as the madrigal and 
song-motet, may be considered as intended for performance to an 
audience, the popular dance-songs and drinking songs and the 
humorous quodlibets were primarily intended for use in sociable 
gatherings. One gets some idea of the dissemination of song in these 
forms throughout Germany from the large number of printed song- 
books issued between 1530 and 1630, besides numerous manuscript 
copies. It is the more remarkable that the production of these pub- 
lications was scarcely affected during the last decade of the period, 
which coincides with the earlier part of the Thirty Years War. 


CLIMAX AND DECLINE OF THE TENOR SONG 


'The tenor song played a decisive part in that first blossoming of 
German music in the sixteenth century which gave Germany a claim 
to an important place among the musical nations of Europe. Poly- 
phonic songs on tenor canti fermi were admittedly cultivated in other 
countries, but to a much lesser extent than in Germany, where more 
than 1,500 examples have come down to us, the majority with several 
stanzas. The essential part of this tradition is to be found in the song- 
books issued between 1534 and 1556 by printers, publishers, and col- 
lectors, which are separated by a considerable interval of time from 

the three court-repertory collections of the printers Oeglin, Schóffer, 
and Arnt von Aich, which appeared in the second decade of the 
sixteenth century. It is remarkable that the years 1534-45 saw the 


CLIMAX AND DECLINE OF THE TENOR SONG 99 


appearance not only of the two collections of the publisher Johann 
Ott, containing 236 songs, and the first two parts of the Frische 
teutsche Liedlein (containing, together, 380 songs) of the Nuremberg 
town physician Georg Forster, but also the song books of Egenolff, 
Formschneider, and Schóffer-Apiarius, Georg Rhaw’s bicinia and 
tricinia, and Wolfgang Schmeltzl’s quodlibets.! Such activity is an 
impressive documentation of the predominantly bourgeois musical 
culture found at the beginning of the hundred-year period we are 
considering. With the exception of Caspar Othmayr's Reutterische 
und Jegerische Liedlein (Nuremberg, 1549), the earliest example of a 
collection comprising only works by a single composer, the publica- 
tions mentioned consist of collections of compositions by a number of 
masters, though in some collections certain composers feature more 
prominently than others. For example, Ott's two collections of 1534 
and 1544 contain, respectively, 82 and 64 pieces by the greatest German 
song-composer of the day, Ludwig Senfl. After the heyday of the 
tenor song, the miscellaneous collection gave place to the publication 
of compositions by single composers. Of the numerous composers of 
the tenor song, active mainly in south Germany and Austria, Adam 
of Fulda, Heinrich Finck, Stoltzer, Grefinger, and the Netherland 
master Heinrich Isaac were all dead by 1530. Thomas Sporer and Paul 
Hofhaimer died in 1534 and 1537, Senfl (born c. 1490) in 1543. Senfl 
was then at the height of his powers, as were his contemporaries 
Arnold von Bruck (d. 1554), Lemlin (d. c. 1549), Greiter (d. 1550), 
together with the members, all born about 1510, of the Heidelberg 
circle, Othmayr (d. 1553), Forster (d. 1568), Jobst vom Brandt 
(d. 1570), and Zirler (d.c. 1576). The state of development at this period 
is most clearly seen in the song-books of Johann Ott, in Othmayr's 
Liedlein, and in the last three parts of Forster's collection (1549, 1556, 
1556),2 which are the chief sources for the songs of the Heidelberg 
circle. Nor should we ignore Forster's second part (1540) in which 
more than half the pieces are anonymous. 

By far the majority of the tenors in the polyphonic songs are so- 
called Hofweisen or court tunes,? related to Minnesang and Meister- 
gesang; only a minority come from popular song. The words of the 
Hofweisen differ from those of popular song, with their spontaneity 
and wealth of content, by a certain restriction to a few subjects, 
by a leaning to the didactic and moralizing, and by formality of 


1 See the bibliographies to this chapter and Vol. III, Chap. X. 

* A selection of ten songs from these three parts has been published by Gudewill, Das 
Chorwerk, lxiii (Wolfenbüttel, 1957). 

* See Vol. III, p. 374. 


100 GERMAN SECULAR SONG 


verse-structure. Musically, the Hofweise is distinguishable from 
popular song by wide melodic range, by a certain melodic formality 
connected with specific modes or keys,! and by a preference for Bar 
form: AAB. By far the commonest mode is Ionian on F. A highly 
characteristic example of the Hofweise is this tenor, used and perhaps 
invented? by Forster: 


Ohn Ehr und Gunst lebt itz 
da - rumb sich hat die Welt 


der Glehrt, al - lein be- tracht't wird eig- 
ver - kehrt, er - hält ds Ihr mit Gwalt 


- ner Nutz, Kunst hat kein Lohn, drumbje - der-mann 
und Trütz. 


will rich-ten nur nach fal - - - schem Wohn 


(The scholar nowadays lives without fame and favour; the only thing that 
counts is self-interest . . .) 

It is surprising that the three court-repertory collections mentioned 
above contain hardly a single piece based on popular song. But this 
should not lead us to suppose that no popular songs were sung at the 
princely courts. Senfl, who spent his active life in the service of courts, 
showed, especially in his Munich period, a marked preference for 
popular song.? Rather, we may suppose that the increased representa- 
tion of popular song in the printed collections, beginning with Ott's 
first book, reflects contemporary taste both at the courts and among 
the middle-classes. However, the collection in which popular song is 
most prominent, Forster's second book of Liedlein, belongs to a 
different category, since it presents a repertoire of students' songs. 

Certain other features characterizing the development of the tenor 


1 See Gudewill, “Beziehungen zwischen Modus und Melodiebildung in deutschen 
Liedtenores', Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, xv (1958), p. 60. 

* Das Erbe deutscher Musik, Reichsdenkmale, xx (Wolfenbüttel, 1942), p. 27. 

* Cf. Arnold Geering and Wilhelm Altwegg, Das Erbe deutscher Musik, Reichsdenk- 
male, xv (Wolfenbüttel, 1940), p. vi. 


CLIMAX AND DECLINE OF THE TENOR SONG 101 


song from 1530 onward may be noted. Pieces in more than four parts 
begin to appear. Although four-part writing remains the general 
rule, the number of parts is often increased, as in Senfl and Brandt, 
notably in the 'simultaneous' quodlibets which combine several 
tunes,! while "successive" quodlibets where the same text is used in 
all voices, as in Schmeltzl (1544), and Forster's second book, keep 
generally to four parts. The free handling of the added parts in tenor 
songs of the older type is increasingly replaced by a more homo- 
geneous texture produced by means of imitation:? 

Ex.36 ӨЕМЕ, 

[4-4] 

dir wird ein - mal der 


Welt, Gelt 


| 


D 
j 


Welt, das sol -ftu 
Mg E 


Welt, Gelt dir wird ein-mal der Welt, 
(The world will pay you back, and so you'll find) 


or by pairing the voices. But it must be remembered that chordal 

pieces, sometimes with coincidence of caesuras in all the parts, are to 

be found at all stages of the development of the tenor song.? 
Whereas in the older song-books only the tenor was underlaid with 

text, after 1536 the other parts, until then presumably intended for 

instruments, were provided with words and occasionally reshaped 

so as to make them suitable for singing.* As the newer composers 
1 See Vol. III, p. 375, Ex. 161. * From Reichsdenkmale, xv, p. 53. 


3 See Vol. IIT, Ex. 160 and 162, and cf. Ludwig Senfl, Deutsche Lieder, iii (Wolfen- 
büttel, 1949), pp. 20 and 66. * Cf. Gudewill, Reichsdenkmale, xx, pp. vii ff. 


102 GERMAN SECULAR SONG 


adopted syllabic declamation and moreover preferred shorter note- 
values, underlaying no longer presented a problem. In this effort to 
elucidate the words, as in the simplification of strophe-forms,! one 
recognizes humanistic influences. But this was not yet equivalent to 
adopting purely vocal writing; on the contrary, the greatest variety 
of tone-colour? is suggested by the prefaces and titles, such as that of 
Forster's fifth volume (1556): *not only to be sung, but to be played 
on all kinds of instruments’ (‘. . . nicht allein zu singen | sonder 
auch auff allen Instrumenten zu brauchen . . .’). 

As often occurs when styles change, the new style was fore- 
shadowed before the end of the tenor-song period. The transition 
from the song with tenor canto fermo to the song-motet was effected 
not in the field of Hofweise arrangements but on the basis of popular 
song. In handling the Hofweise composers were conservative, taking 
care to maintain the congruence of text and canto fermo, whereas the 
popular song was much more freely treated. This is partly true of 
Senfl, but especially so of Othmayr, Brandt, and the as yet unidenti- 
fied anonymous composers of Forster's second part.* Melodic lines 
and phrases are repeated, sometimes with transposition, free inter- 
polations are made, or the song melody is completely broken up in 
the manner of the motet. Although it is not certain that no. 28 of 
Forster's Second Part, ‘Mein’ Mutter zeihet mich’, is based on a 
song-melody (it could well be a free setting of a sixteen-line poem), 
such a possibility may be excluded in the cases of nos. 10 and 31, 
especially the latter—the through-composed ‘Wohl auf'—as the 
song form has here been entirely lost; these must be called ‘song 
motets'. It may be asked whether we can conjecturally attribute these 
and other anonymous pieces in the collection to Netherland com- 
posers. In this connexion it is worth remembering that Heinrich 
Isaac, who died in 1517, had already written a piece on the song 
* Mein Mütterlein'* which shows all the symptoms of dissolution of 
the canto fermo. It is also significant that Forster's Second Part, in 
many respects the most *modern' collection of the period, was 
printed for the fourth and last time in 1565; that both chansons and 
madrigals by Netherlanders appear in Ott's second collection (1544); 

1 Cf. Gudewill, ‘Zur Frage der Formstrukturen deutscher Liedtenores', Die Musik- 
forschung, i (1948), pp. 116 ff. 

. 5 Geering, ‘Textierung und Besetzung in Senfls Liedern’, Archiv für Musikforschung, 
" E *Zur Frage der Formstrukturen’, pp. 114 and 118 ff. 
* Ed. Robert Eitner in Publikation älterer praktischer und theoretischer Musikwerke, 


xxix (Leipzig, 1905). 
5 Ibid. і p. 106. 


CLIMAX AND DECLINE OF THE TENOR SONG 103 


and that the last two parts of Forster’s collections (1556) were issued 
once only. Evidently the German composers’ interest in polyphonic 
secular pieces on a canto fermo was flagging by 1560. The two 
posthumous publications of Caspar Glanner (d. c. 1577), which 
appeared in 1578 and 1580, were the final products of this period. 


THE NETHERLANDERS AND GERMAN SONG 


Two considerations account for the ascendancy of Netherland 
composers in the field of German song after 1560.1 For one thing, 
Germany at this period was poorly endowed with native creative 
talent; for another, Netherlanders occupied the leading positions in 
several south German courts and in the Imperial Chapel, which was 
at Prague towards the end of the century. This was a consequence of 
the political situation which, since the reign of Charles V (1519-56), 
had produced a close cultural bond between the House of Habsburg 
and the Netherlands. We either possess or have knowledge of about a 
thousand German songs, both sacred and secular, which are the work 
of some thirty Netherland composers, of whom the most influential 
and celebrated were Lassus (c. 1532-94) and Jacob Regnart (c. 1540- 
99). From 1556 until his death Lassus worked at Munich under 
the Dukes Albrecht V and Wilhelm V, for the greater part of the 
period as Hofkapellmeister. Regnart, who entered the Habsburg 
service in 1560, ended his career as assistant Kapellmeister to Rudolf 
П in Prague. Just as Lassus had continued, with the warm encourage- 
ment of the ducal family, the song tradition established in Munich 
by Senfl, he, like most of his compatriots and like many German 
masters, employed the old texts of the tenor-song period. Even 
after Regnart, Hassler, and Haussmann had put song poetry on 
a new basis suggested by Italian models,? composers continued to 
set the Hofweise texts, although the melodies belonging to them were 
no Jonger used. Not even in the work of Le Maistre (1505-77), whose 
Geistliche und Weltliche Teutsche Geseng (Wittenberg, 1566) contain 
tenor songs with Hofweise texts as well as sacred canto fermo settings, 
does one find any borrowing of old melodies except in two quodlibets. 
That reflects his position in a period of transition. The markedly 
conservative outlook of this particular Netherlander is revealed by 
the fact that, ten years after the appearance of Forster's fifth volume, 


1 Helmuth Osthoff, Die Niederländer und das deutsche Lied (Berlin, 1938). This has 
a musical appendix with 22 songs. 

2 R, Velten, Das ältere deutsche Gesellschaftslied unter dem Einfluß der italienischen 
Musik (Heidelberg, 1914). 


104 GERMAN SECULAR SONG 


he was still attached to the secular tenor song, though with canti 
fermi probably of his own composition. Le Maistre, who came to 
Munich before Lassus and took charge of the Dresden court chapel 
in 1554, showed his awareness of the new trends only in the occa- 
sional use of madrigalian elements and the three-sectional villanella 
form. 

The new chapter in the history of German song began not, as used 
to be assumed, with Le Maistre but with the great cosmopolitan 
Lassus, who consummated ‘a stylistic revolution going to the founda- 
tions of the Lied’.! Lassus was a master of French, Italian, and 
German, which he mingled freely in his correspondence, and was able 
to bring to bear on German song the experience gained in the com- 
position of chansons, villanelle, and madrigals on texts in other 
languages. None of his compatriots attained this universality, but 
of none could it be said to the same extent that German song was 
merely one field amongst many. For Lassus the madrigal came first,? 
offering, as it did, the richest opportunities for interpretation of the 
text. However, he did not simply employ the madrigal style unaltered 
in his German songs—the old German texts were ill suited to such 
handling—nor can his songs be regarded as villanelle or chansons 
with German words. It would be truer to say, rather, that he turned 
the elements of these types to account in various ways in the setting 
of German texts, with the result that his Lieder show much greater 
stylistic variety than his secular compositions with Italian or French 
texts. 

Altogether Lassus published ninety-three German songs in from 
three to six parts, in seven publications between 1567 and 1590.3 
Forty-nine of these have religious words, but, with the exception of 
the three-part Geistliche Psalmen (1588), they are interspersed among 
the secular compositions; most of them are based on the canto fermo 
principle. The collection of 1576 even contains a few secular tenor 
songs with freely invented canti fermi. In contrast to the conservative 
Le Maistre, Lassus, however, did not adopt the amorous texts of the 
old Hofweisen, but was more attracted by realistically coarse popular 
songs, drinking songs, and comic incidents which he loved to expand 
into entertaining stories in several sections.* 

The foundation of Lassus's song style is polyphony; chordal 


* Osthoff, op. cit., p. 207. * See p. 56. 

3 Reprinted by Adolf Sandberger, in Orlando di Lasso: Sämtliche Werke, xviii and xx 
(Leipzig, 1909-10). 

* Cf. ibid. xx, p. 31: ‘Ich hab ein Mann, der garnichts kann." 


THE NETHERLANDERS AND GERMAN SONG 105 


writing is rarely found at any length and serves generally for con- 
trast, as in the 1583 collection which shows the greatest element of 
influence from the vi/lanella.! The repetition of whole sections for 
musical reasons derives equally from the villanella and the chanson, 
while the repetition of themes and phrases on account of the literary 
content is taken over from the madrigal, as are themes based on word 
painting and expressive harmonic details.” A feature of Lassus’s 
secular songs, as distinct from sacred ones, is syllabic declamation in 
short notes, a method of word-setting most marked in those pieces 
influenced by the style of the villanella and in the chanson-like drink- 
ing songs, with their pregnant opening themes: 


gu-ter Wein, ein gu-ter Wein ist Io-bens- 
gu-ter Wein ist lo-bens- 


lo - bens - wert,ist 
bens - wert, ist 


lo - bens - wert, ein gu- ter Wein 


2 [bid., p. 28: ‘Ich weiß mir ein Meidlein hübsch und fein.’ 
2 Ibid. xviii, p. 82: ‘Ein Meidlein zu dem Brunnen ging.’ 
3 Ibid., p. 44. 


106 GERMAN SECULAR SONG 


-bens - wert für an-derDing auf.die - ser Erd, 


bens-wert für 
bens - wert 


- der Ding auf die-ser 
für an-derDing auf die-ser 


ist lo-bens - wert für an - der Dingauf die-ser Erd, 


(A good wine is praiseworthy above all) 


Yet, despite many song-like traits, Lassus’s secular compositions to 
German words are ‘song motets’ rather than ‘songs’ in the more 
narrow sense. 

The motet principle is still dominant in the work of Christian 
Hollander (c. 1540-1568/9) who, uninfluenced by Lassus, adopted in 
his posthumous collection of 1570 the double-choir technique of the 
Venetians,! and in two of Lassus's pupils, Anton Gosswin (c. 1540—98) 
and Ivo de Vento (1544 ?-75), the short-lived court organist at Munich. 
Gosswin is known only by his Neue teutsche Lieder (Nuremberg, 
1581)? which consist largely of skilful three-part arrangements or con- 
trafacta of five-part pieces from Lassus's similarly named collection of 
1567, but Vento, Lassus's most important pupil, rivalled the producti- 
vity of his master as a song-composer. Like Lassus, Vento produced no 
fewer than seven books of Teutsche Lieder ranging from three to six 
parts, which appeared in rapid succession between 1569 and 1575. 
His preface to his four-part collection of 1572, where he objects to 
textual illustration on the lines of the madrigal, shows him as more 
conservative than his master; in further contrast with Lassus, he 
stood in close relationship to the old German love-song. More for- 
ward-looking in style are his three-part songs of 1572 where, four 
years earlier than Regnart, he borrows the form and style of the 
Italian villanella and thus comes close to the Lied principle. 

To regard Jacob Regnart merely as a composer of villanelle would 
be to misjudge his significance, for in these, as he made clear in the 
preface to his First Part (1576), he did not aim very high. These were 


1 See pp. 276 ff. 
* Reprinted by K. С. Fellerer, Das Chorwerk, lxxv (Wolfenbüttel, 1960). 


THE NETHERLANDERS AND GERMAN SONG 107 


merely the popular counterpart to the more important part of his 
output, in which, like Lassus in the majority of his songs, he addressed 
himself to connoisseurs. To this latter category belongs his first pub- 
lication, the five-part Canzoni italiane of 1574, to which a second part 
appeared in 1581. Whereas in these the polyphony of the madrigal is 
combined with the villanella form, in his five-part Teutsche Lieder 
(Nuremberg, 1580)! Regnart goes further than Lassus in adopting 
the madrigal style, at least in his love-songs. The collection contains 
also some through-composed pieces in several sections, in Lassus's 
manner. The three parts of Regnart's Kurtzweilige teutsche Lieder zu 
drei stimmen nach Art der Neapolitanen oder welschen Villanellen 
appeared in the transition period (1576-9).? Nine editions of separate 
issues and eight of the whole set testify to the unusual popularity of 
this work, with which Regnart, the first Netherland specialist of the 
secular Lied, gave—though in a different way from Lassus—a new 
and lasting impulse to German song. What was decisive in Regnart's 
work was that he did not merely adopt the three-sectional musical 
villanella form on the patterns 44BBCC and AABBC (with repetition 
of text as well as of melody), but also assimilated his (doubtless 
original) texts in content and form to the Italian pattern. He pre- 
ferred stanzas either of three lines of eleven syllables or of six lines 
on the plan (6+6) (7+7) (74-7), as in Ex. 38. Admittedly, in his first 
three books there is a tendency towards the German popular style in 
the content and on the musical side a tendency to homophony and to 
shortening of the dimensions. Small melodic range, syllabic setting, 
and identical rhythm in all parts predominate, and the highest part is 
decidedly the most important. In this way the song principle reas- 
serted itself for the first time since the change of style, though not 
everywhere in the collection so unmistakably as in the following 
example, which served also as model for many religious contrafacta: 


Ex.38 


2 Five songs from this collection have been published by Osthoff (Kassel, 1928). 
See Bibliography. 
з Ed. Eitner, op. cit. xix (Leipzig, 1895). 


108 GERMAN SECULAR SONG 


undpflegtauch [| zu ver-blen - |den,der sich zu euch tut wen - 


(Venus, you and your child are both blind—and apt to blind him who turns 
to you, as I found in my youth.) 

The last Netherland contribution to German song came at a time 
when the German composers had generally reasserted themselves. It 
consisted of the four-part Teutsche Liedlein (Vienna, 1602) in can- 
zonetta style, of Lambert de Sayve (c. 1549-1614),! who ended his 
career as Imperial Oberkapellmeister in Prague and obviously worked 
under the influence of Regnart, who contributed two pieces to the 
collection. Michael Praetorius held de Sayve's songs in sufficient 
esteem to reissue them nine years later. 

Lastly, three Italians must be mentioned, who worked at German 
courts during the Netherland ascendancy and set Italian as well as 
German texts. They were two of Le Maistre's successors at Dresden— 
Antonio Scandello (1517-80) and Giovanni Battista Pinello— with 
Gregorio Turini, who was active in Prague in the latter part of his 
career. In his Neue und lustige weltliche teutsche Liedlein of 1570 
Scandello significantly foreshadows Hassler's Canzonette.? 


1 Reprinted complete by Friedrich Blume, Das Chorwerk, li (Wolfenbüttel, 1938). 
3 See p. 112. 


THE REVIVAL OF NATIVE COMPOSITION IN THE 1570's 109 


THE REVIVAL OF NATIVE COMPOSITION IN THE 1570's 


Although Jakob Meiland (1542-77) published his Newe auflerlesene 
teutsche Liedlin in 1569 it was not until six years later that a true 
revival began. In 1575 Meiland published a second book (Teutsche 
Gesáng) which was the first of a close succession of publications by 
German composers. At the head stood two of Lassus's pupils, 
Leonhard Lechner (с. 1550-1606) and Johannes Eccard (1553-1611). 
The fact that the native song-composers born between 1540 and 1560 
are too numerous for all to be mentioned here is a sufficient indication 
of the extent of German song-production during the last third of the 
sixteenth century. 

As in the time of the tenor song, Nuremberg was the chief publish- 
ing centre. Now, moreover, it became a centre of composition as well, 
as is testified by the names of Brechtel, Lechner, and Hassler. The 
tradition was continued in Heidelberg by Johann Knófel and Nicolaus 
Rosthius, whose two books of XXX newer lieblicher Galliardt (1593 
and 1594) are the first examples of dances intended for both singing 
and playing. Bavaria and Austria now fall behind while other regions 
come into prominence: East Prussia with Eccard, Thuringia (Eccard's 
homeland) with Steuerlein and Henning Dedekind, Lower Saxony 
with Hagius and Mancinus, Silesia with Elsbeth, and Frankfurt- 
on-Oder with Gregor Lange, a notable exponent of the three-part 
villanella-like Lied (two books, 1584 and 1586). Other composers, 
such as Meiland, who sometimes held fast to the canto fermo, some- 
times borrowed elements from the balletto, changed their residence 
from time to time. There is no evidence that Meiland was ever in 
Italy. 

If we examine in its entirety the song output of the period it be- 
comes evident that in many instances the number of parts bears a 
close relation to style and form. Song-motets and madrigalian songs 
are mostly in five parts, canzonets and dance-songs in four, while for 
the villanella type three-part writing is the rule. Often, though not 
always, one can draw inferences from the titles when they point to 
Italian models. 

Leonhard Lechner, who came from the Tyrol and was a school- 
master at Nuremberg from 1575 to 1583, ended his life as Hofkapell- 
meister at Stuttgart. He enjoyed the tuition of Lassus and was also a 
pupil of Ivo de Vento, but made use in a highly individual way of 
both these formative influences. Lechner composed some 150 songs, 
in which strophic pieces and those in motet style are roughly equal in 


110 GERMAN SECULAR SONG 


number, though admittedly the latter are largely sacred songs which 
in some editions are mingled with the secular works. In Lechner's 
time there were in Nuremberg three patrician and bourgeois music 
societies! for which a number of his songs were written. All his work 
shows a leaning toward polyphony though his strophic pieces reveal 
an increasing tendency to song-like treatment of the upper parts. Also 
noteworthy is Lechner's preference for serious secular texts, His first 
collection, which appeared in 1576 (the year that also saw the pub- 
lication of Regnart's first set of German Villanellen), comprised 
three-part songs; a second collection followed in 1577. However, the 
resemblances in style between him and Regnart are insignificant. 
Lechner was not concerned with popular effect, or he would hardly 
have brought out in 1579 masterly five-part versions of villanelle by 
Regnart,? in which the ‘popular’ character of the originals is com- 
pletely lost. His Newe teutsche Lieder mit vier und fünff stimmen 
(1577) аге of greater intrinsic and historical significance; here he 
goes even further than Regnart in his 1580 collection towards the 
absorption of the madrigal style, so that the secular pieces may well 
be called German madrigals. Some Italian madrigals of his have also 
been preserved. Although the poetic form of no. 12, *O Lieb, wie 
süß und bitter',! is admittedly non-madrigalian, this cannot be said 
of the content, the sonority, or the interpretation of the text: 


Ex. 39 о Lieb, wie süß 


r 


Lieb, |wie süß und fbit = ter, un 


An — — pL 


1 Cf. Konrad Ameln, article ‘Lechner’, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, viii 
(1960), col. 430. 

* Ed. Eitner, op. cit. xix (Leipzig, 1895). 

* Ed, Uwe Martin in Leonhard Lechner: Werke, iii (Kassel, 1954). 

* Ibid., p. 58. 


THE REVIVAL OF NATIVE COMPOSITION IN THE 1570's 111 


und bit - ter, voll 


(O Love, how sweet and bitter, a burning, anxious need, full of sorrow) 


Of similar significance are the four-part Neue lustige Teutsche 
Lieder nach Art der Welschen Canzonen of 1586! in which Lechner 
adhered very closely to the model of the canzonet, which was to be 
repeatedly followed in the period immediately following. The term 
* Canzonette' was first used in Germany by Joachim Brechtel in 1590. 
In the last year of his life Lechner composed the impressive Deutsche 
Sprüche von Leben und Tod? a cycle of madrigalian motets on song- 
texts of a religious nature which, in their expressive power, are com- 
parable with the Cantiones Sacrae of Heinrich Schütz. 

The conservative Johannes Eccard was far less successful than 
Lechner in freeing himself from the influence of his master Lassus. 
He differs also from Lechner in that the greater part of his work in 
song form was expressly intended for use in church,? and his pub- 
lications of 1578 and 1589? contain only a few secular pieces in four 


1 Ed. Ernst Fritz Schmid, Lechner: Werke, ix (Kassel, 1958). 
8 See p. 452. 
* Newe teutsche Lieder mit fünf und vier Stimmen (Königsberg, 1589), ed. Eitner, 


op. cit. xxi (Leipzig, 1897). 


112 GERMAN SECULAR SONG 


or five parts. The majority are song-motets. Here again Eccard in- 
troduces madrigalian elements and his drinking songs reveal the 
influence of the chanson, though one never finds the forms of the 
villanella and canzonetta. 


HANS LEO HASSLER 


With Hans Leo Hassler (1564-1612) we come to a song composer 
whose influence on his contemporaries—especially with his Lustgar- 
ten neuer teutscher Gesäng—was almost without parallel. He was 
active at Nuremberg (where he was born and where he was inspired 
by Lechner’s example), Venice, Augsburg, and Dresden. From 1602 
to 1604 he was again in Nuremberg as city Oberkapellmeister. With 
Hassler, a pupil of Andrea Gabrieli, begins the real ‘Italian period’ 
of the German Lied, though he provided also the basis for a synthe- 
sis of styles by combining the Italian balletto with the German dance- 
song which had been cultivated, particularly in Nuremberg, from the 
early decades of the sixteenth century. Further, he was, with Schütz 
and Lechner, one of the few important Germans to compose secular 
music on Italian texts, and it is significant that he turned to the Lied 
only after the publication of his Canzonette a quattro voci (Nuremberg 
1590).! These differ from Lechner's canzonets by their chordal 
texture and the sparing use of madrigalisms, thus acquiring the stamp 
of the Lied. Most are in the three-part form AABCC, though some 
employ a modified two-part AABB. A complete contrast to the 
canzonets is provided by the highly wrought polyphony of Hassler's 
Italian madrigals in from five to eight parts,? which appeared in 1596, 
the same year as the Neue teutsche Gesäng nach Art der welschen 
Madrigalien und Canzonetten (for four to eight voices).? Whereas the 
first two collections are each in a single style, the third, as the title 
implies, displays the opposing tendencies of madrigal and Lied; 
Hassler profits here from his experience in setting Italian texts. 
Unlike Lechner he makes no use of texts from the tenor-song period, 
but in most cases writes his own poems after Italian models. No. 17, 
*Ich scheid von dir mit Leide', is a true madrigal, even as regards the 
seven- and eleven-syllable lines of the text. Homophonic canzonets 
are represented by nos. 3 and 4, in which the highest voice shows 
melodic traits characteristic of the allemande, and by no. 24, the 


1 Ed. Rudolf Schwartz, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Bayern, v (2) (Leipzig, 1904). 

з Ed. Schwartz, ibid. xi (1) (Leipzig, 1910); revised in Sämtliche Werke, iii (Wiesbaden, 
1961), by C. Russell Crosby, Jr. 

3 Ed. Schwartz, op. cit. v (2) (Leipzig, 1904). 


HANS LEO HASSLER 113 
eight-part ‘Mein Lieb will mit mir kriegen’, in which interchange of 
parts and groups of voices produces novel sound effects. On the whole 
these canzonets are richer in madrigalian features than those in the 
1590 collection. 

In 1601 Hassler brought out his Lustgarten neuer teutscher Gesäng 
Balletti Galliarden und Intraden (for four to eight voices);! this is 
based on similar texts to those of the Neue teutsche Gesäng and re- 
mained until about 1630 the pattern for collections of dances with and 
without text. The most important dance forms, which now reappeared 
for the first time since the days of the tenor song, if we except Rosthius 
and Haussmann, were the Tanz in common time, identical with the 
allemande: 


Un-ter Jalln auf die- ser 


auf die- ser Er - den soll mir 


Un- ter all’n 


1 Ed. Friedrich Zelle, Publikation älterer praktischer und theoretischer Musikwerke, xv 
(Leipzig, 1887). 


114 GERMAN SECULAR SONG 


(No one on earth shall be dearer to me than the one I’ve chosen) 


occasionally provided with a proportio, and the galliard: 
Ex.41 


All Lust und Freud die Lieb mir geit für Gut und 


Geld auf die- ser Welt, fa la la la. 


Geld auf die - ser Welt, fa la la 18а. 
(Love gave me all happiness and joy before worldly goods and wealth) 


Many such pieces have ‘fa-la-la’ refrains like Gastoldi’s balletti. 
The historical importance of the homorhythmic chordal dance- 

songs in the development of the solo song lies in the fact that the 

song-principle appears in its purest form in their highest parts; very 

probably even in Hassler's time, the highest parts of these songs were 

sung as solos, the lower ones being reduced to a sort of continuo 

accompaniment. In one of Hassler's most beautiful songs, *Mein 

1 Cf. Walther Vetter, Das frühdeutsche Lied, i (Münster, 1928), pp. 3, 6, 33. . 


HANS LEO HASSLER 115 


Gmüt ist mir verwirret’, the dance rhythm is polymetrically trans- 
formed in accordance with the verbal accent. Madrigalian pieces play 
only a small part in the Lustgarten as Hassler was here aiming above 
all at popular effect, though not in the same way as Regnart. The 
trend towards the popular was, of course, characteristic of the 
period; echoes of popular melodies occur frequently. It is not yet 
known to what extent actual popular melodies were the bases of the 
dance-songs and instrumental dances, but it seems likely that this was 
frequently the case.! 

Nuremberg continued to be an important centre of song composi- 
tion in the period which took its character from the work of the com- 
posers born between 1560 and 1590, yet the centre of gravity began to 
change. Saxony and Thuringia, where solo song was to flourish later, 
became increasingly important in the field of choral song—a term 
which may at any rate be correctly applied to the dance-song. It was 
here that Heinrich Schütz worked, and Johann Hermann Schein, the 
greatest polyphonic Lied composer after Hassler. 

In 1601, the year in which Hassler's Lustgarten appeared, the 
organist of St. Sebald's in Nuremberg, Hans Christoph Haiden 
(1572-1613), a relative of Hassler, brought out a collection con- 
taining four-part dance-songs and instrumental dances of which both 
music and texts—the composer's own—show a definitely ‘popular’ 
character. (A second volume appeared in 1614.) The Neue teutsche 
Lieder of Johann Staden (1581-1634), published in 1609, are related 
both in style and content to Haiden's collection. That a conscious 
striving after artistry can diminish the value of an artist's work is 
shown by Staden's Venuskränzlein, which followed his first collection 
a year later, for in this work, written with an eye to the post of 
organist in Nuremberg, he avoided the popular style? Johann 
Andreas Herbst (1588-1666), whose activity was divided between his 
birthplace, Nuremberg, and Frankfurt-on-Main, showed no interest 
in the dance-song but made a valuable contribution to the five-part 
German madrigal with his Theatrum Amoris (1613). 

A greater variety of types is found in the songs of Christoph 
Demantius (1567-1643) who was employed as cantor in the Saxon 
towns of Zittau and Freiberg. Admittedly the pieces in his first pub- 
lication (1595) are all of one type; five-part writing is applied not in 
the madrigal style but exclusively to strophic songs in the canzonet 


1 Cf. Walter Wiora, Europäische Volksmusik und abendländische Tonkunst (Kassel, 
1957), p. 99. 
з Cf. Vetter, op. cit., p. 73. 


116 GERMAN SECULAR SONG 


form AABCC, with a chordal but not homorhythmic texture. On the 
other hand, a more varied picture, as the title and subtitle suggest, is 
presented by his Convivalium concentuum farrago for six and eight 
voices,! which appeared in 1609, and was intended for social occa- 
sions. The phrase ‘In welcher deutsche Madrigalia, Canzonette und 
Villanellen . . .' does not refer to the typical formal elements and 
characteristic number of voices; Demantius seems rather to have 
wished to indicate that he had mixed the stylistic elements peculiar 
to these varieties. Gruppenformen more or less disappear, though the 
strophic principle predominates. Noteworthy also is the appearance 
for the first time of mythological turns of phrase and fashionable 
foreign words, such as inficiret and probiret (no. 12), for which Schein 
was later to display a special liking. Demantius published not only 
German, but also Polish dances, with and without words, in three 
books (1607, 1608, and 1613). 

The voluminous body of songs by Valentin Haussmann (с. 1570- 
1611/14) remains almost unexplored. About 1600 he was organist in 
the Saxon town of Gerbstüdt but travelled extensively through 
Germany to gain support for his music; from a sociological point of 
view, *his is one of the most interesting phenomena of the period. 
Between 1592 and 1604, Haussmann published no fewer than eleven 
books comprising canzonets, dance-songs, and instrumental dances, 
the last (as with Demantius) including Polish dances. In the following 
period Haussmann, who had considerable literary ability, busied 
himself with the publication of canzonets and balletti by Marenzio, 
Orazio Vecchi, Gastoldi, Capilupi, and Morley, for which he pro- 
vided German texts, part free translation, part paraphrase. Hauss- 
mann played a decisive role in the dissemination of Italian music in 
Germany. 

While it is not known that Hassler had any personal contact with 
Demantius and Haussmann, there can be no doubt that the Coburg 
Hofkapellmeister Melchior Franck (c. 1580-1639), a Saxon, was a 
pupil of Hassler, whose influence is unmistakable in Franck's secular 
songs, published in fourteen collections during the period 1602-23. 
All kinds are represented here, from the polyphonic (though rarely 
madrigalian) song to the plainly harmonized dance, the number of 
parts ranging from three to eight. Half of them are vocal and in- 
strumental dances. In two respects Franck holds a unique position 


1 This collection and Demantius's Neue deutsche weltliche Lieder (Nuremberg, 1595), 
have been edited by Kurt Stangl, Das Erbe deutscher Musik (Sonderreihe i) (Kassel, 
1954). 


HANS LEO HASSLER 117 


in the history of German song. He was the only composer since the 
tenor-song period who made polyphonic settings of the older popular 
songs, his principal publications being Reuterliedlein (1603) and the 
Neues teutsches Convivium (1621). And he produced the richest and 
most noteworthy contribution to the quodlibet since Senfl and 
Schmeltzi; Franck wrote ten of these pieces, which were published 
separately and then collected in his Musicalischer Grillenvertreiber of 
1622.1 With the exception of one very highly polished polyphonic 
composition in six parts, unique in the whole literature, this collection 
consists of four-part ‘successive’ quodlibets, full of spirit and wit and 
quoting from numerous popular songs. 

Two other composers, related by many common factors, who 
worked mainly in Franconia and Württemberg, were Erasmus 
Widmann (1572-1634) from Schwäbisch-Hall, and Johann Jeep(1582- 
1634) who came from Lower Saxony and was Widmann's successor 
as Hofkapellmeister at Weikersheim. Both were especially notable 
for their contributions to the polyphonic student song, Jeep in his 
Studentengärtlein (for three to six voices) which appeared in two parts 
in 1605 and 1613-14, and Widmann with his Studentenmut (for four 
or five voices) of 1622.2 With his songs, which met with unusual 
success, Jeep initiated a line of both vocal and instrumental publica- 
tions of student music leading to Adam Krieger's Arien of 1657 and 
1667, and Johann Rosenmüller's Studentenmusik of 1654. The 
Studentengürtlein consists almost exclusively of strophic songs, 
mostly love-songs; the continuous texture of the madrigal is entirely 
lacking. Equally notable by its absence is the typical student element 
of the drinking song, a type which appeared first in the work of Wid- 
mann. Widmann's songs, which in contrast with Jeep's went into 
several editions, are marked by a ‘popular’ quality rather old- 
fashioned in nature; at the same time they are topical, for the poeta 
laureatus Widmann, more than almost any of his contemporaries, re- 
fers in his songs to politics, particularly to theevents of war.? Mention 
must also be made here of the numerous songs written to order, 
a field in which, beside many others, the Austrian Andreas Rauch 
appeared with his Musikalisches Stammbüchlein.* 


1 Three quodlibets from this collection edited by Gudewill, Das Chorwerk, liii. See 
also Gudewill, “Ursprünge und nationale Aspekte des Quodlibets’, International Musico- 
logical Society: Report of the Eighth Congress: New York, 1961, i (Kassel, 1961), p. 41. 

2 Jeep’s Studentengärtlein, ed. Rudolf Gerber, Das Erbe deutscher Musik, xxix (Wolfen- 
büttel, 1958); selection from Widmann's Studentenmut and other song-books, ed. G. 
Reichert, ibid. Sonderreihe iii (Mainz, 1959). 

3 Cf. Vetter, op. cit., pp. 106 ff. 

* Ibid., pp. 137 ff. 


118 GERMAN SECULAR SONG 


It is pleasant to see how Nicolaus Zangius (c. 1570-c. 1620), in his 
Geistliche und weltliche Liedlein, while writing in three parts, pre- 
ferred the older German strophic scheme to Regnart’s villanella 
form. Zangius, a Brandenburger, whose career took him to Berlin by 
way of Danzig and Prague, published this collection in three volumes 
in 1594, 1611, and 1617. His volume of five-part sacred and secular 
songs, which appeared in 1597,? shows similarly conservative ten- 
dencies. He was succeeded as Kapellmeister at the Marienkirche at 
Danzig by a Pomeranian, Andreas Hakenberger (c. 1574-1627), 
whose Neue deutsche Gesünge nach Art der welschen Madrigalien (for 
five to eight voices) (Danzig, 1610), are noteworthy because, with one 
exception, they show the strophic continuous composition of Lassus 
and Regnart raised to-the level of an accepted principle. 

The Baltic city of Rostock has a place in the history of German 
song, thanks to the works of a Thuringian, Daniel Friderici (1584— 
1638), who was strongly influenced by Hassler—and who, among 
other things, produced an edition of Morley's three-part canzonets 
(Rostock, 1624). Especially noteworthy among his six books of songs 
(in three to six parts) published between 1617 and 1633, is the 
Hilarodicon of 1632? which contains five-part choruses entitled 
‘Vinetten’ and set to humorous texts with dedications to various 
wine-merchants. Such pieces were intended as diversions for the 
consuls and the Rostock students. That Hassler’s influence ex- 
tended to other parts of North Germany is shown by the five-part 
Neue teutsche weltliche Madrigalien und Balletten* (1619) of the Hol- 
steiner Johann Steffens (c. 1560-1616) who was organist at Lüneburg. 
The title gives a good idea of the contents, which consist in roughly 
equal numbers of- madrigals and dance-songs, some of which have 
‘fa-la-la’ refrains. Also active in Lower Saxony was Otto Siegfried 
Harnisch (c. 1568-1627), whose three-part songs (two books, 1587 and 
1588) are closer in style to the canzonet than to the villanella. In 1622 
the Brunswick-Liineburg court organist at Dannenberg-on-Elbe, 
Johannes Schultz (1582-1653), brought out a collection of vocal and 
instrumental pieces entitled Musicalischer Lüstgarte,5 which in its 
motley nature must be almost unmatched, at any rate among the 


1 The Ander Theil Deutscher Lieder (Vienna, 1611), ed. Hans Sachs and Anton Pfalz, 
Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, Ixxxvii (Vienna, 1951). 

2 Geistliche und weltliche Lieder mit fünf Stimmen (Cologne, 1597), ed. Fritz Bose 
(Berlin, 1960). 

* See Hans Joachim Moser, Corydon (Brunswick, 1933), 1, p. 33, ii, p. 58. 

* Ed. Gustav Fock, Das Erbe deutscher Musik, xxix (Wolfenbüttel, 1958). 

5 Ed. Hermann Zenck, Das Erbe deutscher Musik. Landschaftsdenkmale Niedersachsen, 
i (Wolfenbüttel, 1937). 


HANS LEO HASSLER 119 


publications of the seventeenth century. It is a typical collection of 
practical music, for two to eight voices, for the most varied occasions 
and includes Latin motets, fugues, and fantasias. The settings of 
German secular texts are partiy chordal dance-songs, partly poly- 
phonic pieces, with much use of imitation. To distinguish these from 
the dance-songs Schultz almost always calls them ‘madrigal’, though 
several stanzas of each poem are printed. These songs have little in 
common with the through-composed Italian madrigal: 


Mit dei ner Zucht, herz-lieb - 


- - - ner Zucht, herz - - lieb - - ste 


lieb - - ste Frucht,herzlieb, herz - lieb - - ste Frucht, 


- ste Frucht, 


S Frucht, herz - lieb - - - - ste Frucht, 
(With your modesty, my dearest . . .) ' 


SCHÜTZ AND SCHEIN 


Rarely have two German composers produced under the name of 
‘madrigal’ compositions as contrasted in style as those in Schultz's 
Liistgarte and the brilliant Opus primum" of Heinrich Schütz, the 


1 Sämmtliche Werke, ix, ed. Philipp Spitta (Leipzig, 1890); Neue Ausgabe sämtlicher 
Werke, xxii, ed. H. J. Moser (Kassel and Basle, 1962). 


d ^ ^ | 
v v 
Y = = Y NI 
li 
M 
th 


- re, 


GERMAN SECULAR SONG 


120 


wealth of figures, contrast-motives, and harmonic boldness, Schütz’s 


Primo Libro de Madrigali (Venice, 1611). In their expressiveness, their 
five-part Italian madrigals are among the finest of their kind: 


dol - cez - 


- ris 


- mo we 


fO bitterest sweetness of love) 


1 Sämmtliche Werke, ix, p. 9; Neue Ausgabe, xxii, p. 9. 


SCHÜTZ AND SCHEIN 121 


Furthermore, they bear the stamp of Schütz’s unique personality and 
are far from copies of Italian models. It is significant that this par- 
ticular work should stand at the very beginning of Schütz’s career. 
In this field he was able to explore the possibilities of interpreting the 
text, a matter of the first importance later when he had to set biblical 
prose. Schütz stood in no very close relationship to either church- 
song or secular song in the narrowest sense; all the more impor- 
tant was the influence which his style of musical declamation, the 
*monodic principle’, exercised on song-composition. This influence, 
however, was more effective in the development of solo song and 
polyphonic vocal chamber music with basso continuo,’ for the choral 
song as such had nearly reached its end. 

As in the decade 1620-30 the boundary between choral song and 
solo song becomes somewhat vague, thanks to the possibility of re- 
ducing polyphonic pieces to solos with accompaniment, so the terms 
‘madrigal’ and ‘canzonet’ undergo a similar change of meaning, 
reflected in the eight books of Monteverdi's madrigals with their 
development from the polyphony of the prima prattica to the style of 
the vocal concerto and solo cantata. If Schütz set his German madri- 
gals?—written between 1620 and 1630 and left in manuscript —mostly 
for two voices, two obbligato instruments, and basso continuo, it was 
doubtless because he took Monteverdi's Seventh Book (1619) as his 
model. The texts are taken from the leading poet of the day, Martin 
Opitz, whose Buch von der teutschen Poetery appeared in 1625, and 
this partnership is a milestone in the history of German song, for 
composers now increasingly turned to such poets as Simon Dach, 
Paul Fleming, and Johann Rist. 

Schütz's contributions to German secular song, though of great 
value, are thus few in number. It was in the work of Johann Her- 
mann Schein (1586-1630), cantor at St. Thomas's, Leipzig, from 
1616 until his death, that once more all the formal possibilities were 
explored.’ Schein was responsible for all the texts of his works; they 
are of literary merit, and, despite the Italian titles of two collections, 
are entirely German. In the Venuskränzlein (1609), written for the 
bicentenary of Leipzig University, Schein composed five-part choruses 
modelled on Hassler's dance-songs, the homorhythmic principle 
being even more strongly stressed, though the rigid dance-rhythms 

1 See Moser, op. cit. 

2 Sämmtliche Werke, xv, ed. Spitta (Leipzig, 1893). 

з Johann Hermann Scheins Werke, i, ii, iii, ed. Arthur Prüfer (Leipzig, 1901 ff.). On 


Schein generally, see Prüfer, Johan Herman Schein (Leipzig, 1895) and Johann Hermann 
Schein und das weltliche deutsche Lied des 17. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1908). 


122 GERMAN SECULAR SONG 


are usually modified for the sake of better declamation. The ‘monodic 
principle’ is adapted to polyphony: 


Heu-len | und schmerzlich’s| Wei - weal 


fróhl- chem | Lauf,’ 


гт] 

и> — 1 [— I——-—z——À»«—————44—. 
mu =. L / 

Ze Eege e 


(Wailing and sorrowful weeping now cease, as the sun shines again joyfully.) 


As regards form, the binary scheme of Hassler’s canzonets pre- 
dominates. 

Whereas the texts of these songs are simple and popular in style, 
Schein adopts in his Musica boscareccia (three parts, Leipzig, 1621, 
1626, and 1628) the newer type of pastoral poetry. According to the 
sub-title, these songs are written in villanella style, but this refers 
mostly to the three-part writing. In other respects Schein almost 
completely forsook the model of Regnart’s villanelle, not merely by 
adding a doubtless optional continuo or by his employment of the 
binary scheme AABB, but by so crowding his work with imitations, 
word-repetition, madrigalisms, and passage-work as frequently to 
produce a discrepancy with the strophic principle. Of great im- 
portance are the six suggestions for vocal and instrumental per- 
formance in the preface to the First Part—particularly the last one, 
for performance by a solo soprano with basso continuo. A year later, 
in 1622, Schein published one of the first true solo Lieder, the ‘Jocus 
nuptialis’ for tenor and basso continuo. 

If the terzetti of the Musica boscareccia are scarcely designed for 
choral performance, the same is even more true of the Diletti pastorali 
(1624), if we ignore the chordal endings of some of the pieces. These 
are five-part continuo madrigals with instruments. Not only has Schein, 
like Schütz, taken Monteverdi's Seventh Book as model, he has also 
written texts which, based chiefly on mythology, are completely 


SCHÜTZ AND SCHEIN 123 


madrigalian in style. As in the Musica boscareccia, contrapuntal 
and chordal writing are intermingled, but the dimensions are 
bigger and the madrigalisms still more numerous. If Schein moved 
furthest from the Lied-principle in the Diletti, he made a complete 
return to it in his last secular vocal work, the Studentenschmaus of 
1626, which strikes the same popular note as the Venuskrünzlein, here 
carried into the world of a convivial *Compagni de la Vino-biera' 
(as the sub-title tells us). These five-part pieces are among the finest 
examples of student music in the last phase of the secular polyphonic 
Lied of the baroque period. 


THE DECLINE OF THE POLYPHONIC SECULAR LIED 


The two Dresden court musicians, Johann Nauwach (c. 1595- 
c. 1630) and Kaspar Kittel (1603-39), studied in Italy and were deci- 
dedly influenced by their master Schütz, whereas Thomas Selle 
(1599-1663), who came from central Germany, followed Schein. 
Selle was active from 1624 onwards as cantor in several Holstein 
towns until, in 1641, he was appointed music-director of the five 
principal churches in Hamburg. 

The work of Schütz's two pupils clearly shows that the German 
solo song did not originate primarily in adaptation of Caccini's 
monody but was rooted much more in the polyphonic tradition. The 
polyphonic pieces in Nauwach's Teutsche Villanellen of 1627 (for one 
to three voices with continuo) and in Kittel's Arien und Kantaten 
(for one to four voices with continuo), published in 1638, are not only 
closer in style to the Lied proper, but musically superior to the 
pieces modelled more on Caccini. 

Much more comprehensive is Selle's secular vocal music, largely 
determined by the Lied principle, in which the development from 
polyphonic or optionally solo performance to pure monody can be 
traced more clearly than in the work of any other composer of the 
period. In the four books of songs published between 1624 and 1636 
Selle nowhere went beyond the three parts of the villanella, one part 
being represented by the basso continuo. He began with the three- 
part Deliciae Pastorum Arcadiae, still far from unified in style. The 
suggestions for vocal and instrumental performance remind one of 
Schein's and also apply to the two following books; the possibility 
of reduction to a solo song is always kept in mind. In 1634 appeared 


2 A number of songs by Nauwach, Kittel, and Selle are reprinted in Vetter, op. cit., ii. 
* On Nauwach's solo songs, see infra, p. 183. 


124 GERMAN SECULAR SONG 


the Deliciae Juvenilium for two voices, followed a year later by the 
three-part Amores musicales, one of Selle’s best works, largely because 
he mainly chose popular rather than mythological texts: 


M m, 
г жите | E а e AKT" 
T ` 1 


dei-|neGunst spü - 


Sr 
LR Cé 


(Now fain would I enjoy thy favour... 


Whereas up to this point it had been quite possible for all the parts 
to be sung, in the Monophonetica of 1636 Selle took the decisive step 
to solo song with continuo; this is the earliest collection of German 
songs in which this principle is employed exclusively. 

Jöhann Rist, the founder of the Hamburg school of song-writers, 
who began to publish in 1641, had no doubt that the composers who 
used his poems should set them as solo songs. But the position is less 
clearly defined in the Arien which Schütz’s cousin and pupil, Hein- 
rich Albert, published at Königsberg between 1638 and 1650. In these 
we find from the beginning monodic and polyphonic compositions 
side by side, though true Lieder predominate; however, in the later 
issues the proportion of polyphony actually increases, for the solo 
song did not at first make much headway in Königsberg. On the 
whole, though, by 1650 the solo song—using the word ‘song’ in its 
narrower sense—had conquered the polyphonic type, though vocal 
chamber music on the pattern of Schütz's German madrigals and 
Schein's Diletti pastorali was still being written up to about 1680 by 
Rubert, Knüpfer, Theile, and Horn. 


IV 


SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 
By NIGEL FORTUNE 


ARRANGED SONG 


THE history of the surviving vocal music of the sixteenth century is 
to a great extent the history of ensemble music. Except for the songs 
of the Spanish vihuelistas it was not until the end of the century that 
large numbers of songs were composed expressly as solos. This is not 
to say that countries other than Spain managed without a literature 
of solo song. The tendency towards monody exists in the frottole of 
the beginning of the century;! as Alfred Einstein has pointed out, the 
later ‘trend towards the a cappella ideal seems like a deviation’ from 
this conception of monody and the eventual ‘trend away from it 
a return. But this is not the whole story, for even in the sixteenth 
century the flow of monody never ceased; it went underground, as it 
were, and continued to run parallel to the a cappella forms.” The art 
of solo song in the sixteenth century was, as we have seen in Chapter 
L very largely an art of arrangement. It was also undoubtedly an art 
of improvisation, and improvised music rarely survives. We must 
bear in mind, then, that the sixteenth-century songs discussed here 
represent perhaps not even a half of those known at the time. 

A typical piece of about 1550 might be performed in several forms 
other than its original one for, let us say, four voices (if indeed such 
a version always was the original one): for example, in an elaborate 
arrangement for a keyboard instrument; as a keyboard piece with 
a florid counterpoint for a viol; as a dance for instrumental ensemble; 
as a lute solo; or—the form that concerns us in this chapter—with 
the top part sung as a solo to an instrumental accompaniment con- 
sisting of two or all three of the lower parts. The frottole of Trom- 
boncino and Cara could easily be sung in this last form; indeed, from 
1509 onwards Petrucci had published frottole in Venice as solos to 
the lute, with the original alto parts suppressed.* In Paris in 1529 

1 See supra, p. 35, and Vol. III, pp. 398 and 400. 

? The Italian Madrigal (Princeton, 1949), ii, p. 836. * See pp. 5 and 20. 

* See Vol. III, p. 440, and Benvenuto Disertori, Le frottole per canto e liuto intabulate 
da Franciscus Bossinensis (Milan, 1964). Examples also in Hans Dagobert Bruger, Alte 


Lautenkunst aus drei Jahrhunderten (Berlin and Leipzig, [1923]), i, p. 18, and Schule des 
Lautenspiels (Wolfenbüttel, 1925), i, p. 16; Ernest Ferand, Die Improvisation in der Musik 


126 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


Attaingnant had, as we have seen in Chapter I, printed voice-and-lute 
versions of twenty-four polyphonic chansons.! In Germany the native 
tenor-songs were adapted in this manner, in printed books at least, 
much less often than for lute alone (possibly because of printing 
difficulties): almost the only examples are those that the lutenist 
Sebastian Ochsenkuhn published at Heidelberg in 1558 in his Tabu- 
laturbuch auff die Lauten? and later in the century there are the rather 
dull arrangements in Adrian Denss's Florilegium (Cologne, 1594) of 
polyphonic Lieder by Leonhard Lechner and other composers. How- 
ever, the two melodic strands of many pieces that appear to be simple 
lute solos turn out to be subsidiary lines of four-part songs; if the 
main melodies of the original versions are sung to them as solos a 
new, hitherto unsuspected song-repertory is arrived at.? Nevertheless, 
Germany began again to play an important part in the history of solo 
song only about 1620: there will therefore be few more references to 
German music in this chapter. 


THE SPANISH VIHUELA-BOOKS 


This is the most convenient point at which to interrupt the account 
of arranged song in order to survey the solo songs of the vihuelistas.* 
After this the way will be clear for a survey of all the possible types of 
solo song in Italy (both composed as such and arranged), one or two 
of which eventually merged into the ‘new music’ towards the end of 
the century; sixteenth-century songs in England and France will be 
treated in a similar fashion, though more briefly. 

Music-printing in sixteenth-century Spain was not the flourishing 
trade that it was in France and Italy. Spain had no printer who 
devoted himself exclusively to the printing of music, as several 
Frenchmen and Italians did, and only seventeen volumes of music 


(Zürich 1938), pp. 382-5; Oswald Kórte, Laute und Lautenmusik bis zur Mitte des 16. 
Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1901), pp. 158-61; and Johannes Wolf, Handbuch der Notations- 
kunde, ii (Leipzig, 1919), pp. 60-61. 

1 See p. 5. Reprinted in Lionel de la Laurencie, Adrienne Mairy, and Geneviève 
Thibault, Chansons au luth et airs de cour francais du XVI* siécle (Paris, 1934), pp. 2-51, 
with facsimile of a specimen page of music on p. xxxiv. Other reprints and facsimiles 
include Kórte, op. cit., pp. 156-7, Frits Noske, The Solo Song outside German-speaking 
Countries (Cologne, 1958), p. 18, Wolf, op. cit., ii, pp. 77-78, and Musikalische 
Schrifttafeln (Bückeburg and Leipzig, 1923), p. 61. The arrangement of Sermisy's 
* Vivray-je toujours en soucy' is recorded in The History of Music in Sound (H.M.V.), iv. 

* Examples of arrangements of tenor-songs by Senfl and Isaac in Bruger, Alte 
Lautenkunst, i, pp. 8-13. 

* Cf. Denis Stevens, A History of Song (London, 1960), pp. 94-95. 

* Much the best general survey of these songs is to be found in John Ward, The 
Vihuela de mano and its Music (Diss., New York, 1953, unpub.). 


THE SPANISH VIHUELA-BOOKS 127 


are known to have been published there during the whole of the 
century.! Yet seven of the surviving volumes, published between 
1536 and 1576—a much higher proportion than in other countries at 
this period—include songs for a solo voice; these are accompanied 
in all but a handful of cases by the vihuela de mano, a six-stringed 
cross between lute and guitar, which was the favourite instrument of 
elegant Spanish society. The short titles of the seven books are: 


Luis Milán, Libro de Müsica de vihuela de mano intitulado El Maestro 
(Valencia, 1536: this is the date of the colophon—the title-page says 
1535)? - 

Luis de Narváez, Los seys libros del Delphin de música (Valladolid, 1538).* 

Alonso de Mudarra, Tres libros de müsica (Seville, 1546).* 

Enrique Enriquez de Valderrábano, Libro de müsica de vihuela intitulado 
Silva de Sirenas (Valladolid, 1547). 

Diego Pisador, Libro de müsica de vihuela (Salamanca, 1552). 

Miguel de Fuenllana, Orphenica lyra (Seville, 1554).5 

Esteban Daza, El Parnaso (Valladolid, 1576).$ 


These books all contain much instrumental music? as well as vocal 
music. Nor does the vocal music consist only of songs. Starting with 
Narváez's Los seys libros, these Spanish books, like those in other 
countries, include solo arrangements of ensemble music, even of 
motets and mass-sections, by Flemish, French, and Italian, as well 
as Spanish composers. Milán's EI Maestro is secular and largely 


1 Cf. Ward, ‘The Editorial Methods of Venegas de Henestrosa’, Musica Disciplina, vi 
(1952), p. 106. 

2 Reprinted complete as Musikalische Werke, ed. Leo Schrade, in Publikationen 
älterer Musik, ii (Leipzig, 1927). The disadvantage of this edition is that it does not 
always show clearly enough the polyphonic movement of the vihuela part. 

* Reprinted complete, ed. Emilio Pujol, in Monumentos de la müsica espaflola, iii 
(Barcelona, 1945). Three songs also in Eduardo Martinez Torner, Composiciones 
escogidas de El Delphin de Müsica (1538), in Colección de vihuelistas espafioles del siglo 
XVI (Madrid [1923]), рр. 12-19. 

* Reprinted by Pujol in Monumentos, vii and xxii-xxiii (Barcelona, 1949 and 1965). 

5 For facsimiles, lists of contents, descriptions, and transcriptions cf. Hugo Riemann, 
*Das Lautenwerk des Miguel de Fuenllana (1554)', Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte, 
xxvii (1895), p. 81, and Felipe Pedrell, Catälech de la Biblioteca Musical de la Diputació 
de Barcelona, ii (Barcelona, 1909), pp. 125-55. One song in Daniel Heartz, ‘A Spanish 
* Masque of Cupid", Musical Quarterly, xlix (1963), p. 62. 

* The principal modern anthology of songs from these books is Guillermo de Morphy, 
Les Luthistes espagnols du ХУГ siècle, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1902). The transcriptions are, 
however, very unreliable. Smaller collections include Jesás Bal y Gay, Romances y 
villancicos españoles del siglo XVI (Mexico, 1939) and Luis de Villalba Muñoz, Diez 
canciones espafiolas de los siglos XV y XVI (Madrid, n.d.). The poetical texts have fre- 
quently been studied and anthologized: cf. the list of publications in Daniel Devoto, 
‘Poésie et musique dans l'oeuvre des vihuelistes', Annales musicologiques, iv (1956), 
pp. 86-89. This paper is a valuable starting-point in an attempt at co-ordinating the 
work of musical and literary historians on the songs of the vihuelistas. 

? This is discussed in a later chapter, pp. 682 ff. 


128 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


Spanish in character and consists solely of his own music; only eleven 
years later Valderräbano’s book is, on the other hand, a completely 
cosmopolitan collection of all kinds of music, both sacred and secular, 
original and arranged, which reflects the widening interests of Spanish 
music-lovers. Fuenllana's volume is almost entirely made up of 
arrangements of other men's music, more of which are for voice and 
vihuela than for vihuela alone as in some of the other books. It should 
also be pointed out that many of the apparently original songs in 
these books, Milán's and Mudarra's certainly excepted, are possibly 
arrangements of no longer extant polyphonic, or even instrumental, 
originals. Milán's volume also differs from the later books in being 
overtly didactic: the very title E/ Maestro stamps it as a book of 
instruction, and indeed the music it contains, stated in the preface to 
be for beginners, is arranged in order of difficulty and interspersed 
with instructions as to its performance. 

The handsomely produced E/ Maestro stemmed from the brilliant 
and cultivated court of the Vicereine Germaine de Foix at Valencia; 
the high-born Milán was himself a courtier and the author of a 
handbook on court life modelled on Castiglione's I? Cortegiano.! This 
book must have been intended for the same public as EI Maestro; like 
the Italian sonnets and dances included in the latter work, it reflects 
the increasing influence of Italian literature, music, and manners at 
the Valencian court, an influence further stimulated no doubt by 
Germaine de Foix's choice of an Italian as her third husband and 
paralleled in Spanish literary life in general by the assured Petrarchan 
manner of poets like Boscán and Garcilaso de la Vega. The music in 
El Maestro is remarkably assured, too, and— despite the differences 
mentioned above—this volume set the pattern, so far as secular song 
is concerned, for most of the later vihuela-books. Apart from the 
sonnets, the solo songs consist of twelve villancicos and four romances, 
two of the principal Spanish song-forms. The totals are still similar 
in the books of Valderrábano and Pisador; Narváez and Mudarra 
published markedly fewer villancicos, but Mudarra included instead a 
handful of Latin songs, Spanish and Italian sonnets, and canciones. 
The later vihuelistas came from a humbler social environment than 
Milán; many of them were clerics or professional lutenists, some- 
times, like Narváez or the blind Fuenllana, achieving great technical 
brilliance. 

Before discussing the actual music, mention must be made of a 
matter concerning its performance, upon which there seems to have 


1 Cf. J. B. Trend, Luis Milan and the Vihuelistas (London, 1925), pp. 1-12 and 69-81. 


THE SPANISH VIHUELA-BOOKS 129 


been no agreement even among the composers themselves. Even when 
the vocal line is printed separately in mensural notation (as in all the 
books except El Maestro), the vihuela part, which is always printed in 
tablature, invariably includes figures representing the vocal line, 
either printed conspicuously in red, as in the books of Milán, Narváez, 
Valderrábano, Pisador, and Fuenllana, or indicated by adjacent 
comma-like dashes, as in those of Mudarra and Daza.! The question 
arises: should the vocal part be doubled on the vihuela? Milán merely 
says that the songs should first of all be tried over on the vihuela and 
that when the player gets the feel of them he should sing the notes 
indicated by red figures.? Narváez is ambiguous, but Valderrábano 
says unequivocally that the vihuela should not double the voice 3 
Evidence from Fuenllana's songs, on the other hand, suggests that 
both voice and vihuela should perform the disputed notes; of several 
possible reasons for this the most persuasive is that their omission 
from the vihuela part would seriously disrupt the logical flow of the 
polyphony.* It is reasonable to assume that on the whole the vocal 
part was more often doubled than not, though, supposing that singer 
and player were not the same person, it would, as Trend says, ‘have 
been a positive insult to a good singer to play his part for him on an 
instrument'.5 But good singers were often good players too: Milán, 
for instance, both sang and played his songs. 

The songs of the vihuelistas display one basic texture: plangent 
vocal lines, divided into well-defined phrases corresponding to the 
lines of the text, proceed relentlessly in long note-values against 
instrumental backgrounds that are mainly polyphonic though occa- 
sionally chordal or decorative. Mudarra's through-composed can- 
ciones are the closest parallels in the vihuela-books to early Italian 
madrigals. His Italian sonnets also emphasize the growing Italian 
influence in Spain already noticeable in EI Maestro. Milán repeats 
musical phrases to new lines of a sonnet in no particular order (and 
sometimes in his sonnets, too, musical and poetic phrases do not 
coincide). But Mudarra makes a clear distinction between octave and 
sestet. In his setting of ‘O gelosia’ from Sannazaro’s famous pastoral 
Arcadia? the second halves of both octave and sestet are set to the 

1 Facsimile of a typical page shown in pl. I (a). For other facsimiles cf. the complete 
editions and the anthologies mentioned on p. 127, n. 6; also Noske, op. cit., p. 12, 
and Wolf, Handbuch, ii, pp. 107-10, 113, 161. * Cf. Milán, op. cit., p. 71. 

* Cf. Narváez, Los Seys libros, ed. Pujol, introduction, pp. 43-45. 

t The evidence is well summarized in Bal, ‘ Fuenllana and the transcription of Spanish 
lute-music’, Acta Musicologica, xi (1939), p. 16. Also cf. infra, p. 689, and Ward, The 


Vihuela de mano and its Music, pp. 95-100. 5 Trend, op. cit., p. 46. 
* Mudarra, Tres libros de müsica, ed. Pujol, no. 68. 


130 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


same music as the first halves, as, for example, in the sonnets published 
in Petrucci’s second book of frottole. The octaves of Petrarch’s ‘La 
vita fugge’ and of the Castilian sonnet ‘Qué llantos son aquestos’! 
are set in similar fashion; the sestets are through-composed and con- 
tain reminiscences of musical phrases from the octaves. 


SPANISH ROMANCES 


Granted that the vihuela-books contain many intrusions of music 
from abroad, there are some respects in which they remain thoroughly 
Spanish in character. No vocal form, for instance, is more represen- 
tative of the Spanish genius than the romance. It is the one with the 
longest and most continuous history, from the Middle Ages to the 
present day. It is, moreover, the property of prince and peasant alike.” 
Melodies inspired by deeply moving events are wedded to the re- 
sourceful invention of brilliant instrumentalists: it is not surprising 
that the resulting songs are among the finest of their time. Famous 
collections of c. 1500 like the Cancionero musical de Palacio? and the 
Cancionero musical de la Casa de Medinaceli,^ Francisco Salinas's 
De musica libri septem (Salamanca, 1577) and the books of the 
sixteenth-century polyphonists and vihuelistas provide a rich store of 
some seventy old romance melodies with their traditional words, 
most of them in vocal or instrumental settings. They may be conven- 
iently split up into five classes: historical, Carolingian, Romanesque, 
lyrical, and biblical. As befits their epic origins, the melodies of 
most romances are sombre, solemn, and a little remote, and they are 
rarely lyrical. They include melodic fragments widely found in Spanish 
folk-music; these frequently fall through the space of a fourth (e.g. 
C, B, A, G, or E flat, D, C, B, and, particularly at cadences, A, G, 
F, E).5 The most universal of all romances, ‘Conde Claros’ (a genuine 
folk-melody, no doubt, rather than a popular one like most other 
melodies), enjoyed wide popularity because so many other romances 
could be sung to it and because the very monotony of its melody was 
a challenge to composers to exercise their talents for variation- 


1 Mudarra, op. cit., nos. 66 and 59, respectively. * See Vol. III, p. 379. 

* Printed complete, ed. Higini Anglès, in Monumentos de la música española, v and x 
(Barcelona, 1947 and 1951). 

* Printed complete, ed. Miguel Querol Gavaldá, in Monumentos de la müsica espaftola, 
viii-ix (Barcelona, 1949-50). Also cf. the earlier work of F. Asenjo Barbieri, Cancionero 
musical de los siglos XV y XVI (Madrid, 1890). 

5 Cf. Querol Gavaldá, ‘Importance historique et nationale du romance’, Musique et 
poésie au XVI* siecle (Colloques internationaux du Centre National de la recherche scien- 
tifique: sciences humaines, v) (Paris, 1954), pp. 306-19, for a detailed catalogue. 

* Ibid., p. 305. 


SPANISH ROMANCES 131 


writing.! In fact ‘the variation form seems to have arisen in Spain, 
through the necessity for relieving the monotony of the lute-accom- 
paniment during the recitation of a long romance’.? The oldest and 
commonest practice was to write music for only one verse ofa romance; 
this is what Narváez did. Mudarra provided accompaniments for two 
verses; in ‘Durmiendo yva el Señor” they are linked by polyphonic 
treatment of the romance melody on the vihuela. Mudarra and 
Valderrábano are two composers who round off their canto-fermo: 
like treatment of the popular melodies with long, expressive cadences 
on the vihuela under pedal points in the vocal parts; Pisador and 
Fuenllana wrote instrumental introductions to some of their romances.* 
The following are the openings of three different settings of the same 
romance, by Narváez, Pisador, and Fuenllana respectively (Fuen- 
llana’s setting is for voice and guitar)? 

Ex. 46 

(i) 


1 Ibid., pp. 321-2. 

2 Trend, The Music of Spanish History to 1600 (London, 1926), p. 105. Also cf. idem, 
Luis Milan, pp. 54-56. 3 Mudarra, op. cit., no. 53. 

* Cf. Querol Gavaldä in Musique et poésie (Paris, 1954), pp. 323-4. 

5 Narvaez, op. cit., no. 36 (without ‘8’ to the clef); Pisador, Libro de musica de 
vihuela (Salamanca, 1552), fo. vY (adapted from Morphy, ор. cit., p. 179); and Fuenllana, 
Orphenica lyra (Seville, 1554), fo. clxiii" (taken from Wolf, Handbuch, ii, pp. 162-3), 
respectively. Other reprints of Fuenllana's setting include Archibald T. Davison and 


SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


132 


aid 


ih 
An 


SPANISH ROMANCES 


.) 


(The Moorish king walked through the city of Granada .. 


134 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


It is the romances of Milän, however, that show off the form to its 
greatest advantage: later composers may have introduced innovations, 
but none quite attained to the artistic perfection of his four examples. 
Of these, three are in two parts: the melody of the first is popular; 
that of the second is Milán's own, though it is related to the first. The 
second part of his ‘Durandarte’, for example, develops the last phrase 
of the first; this phrase reappears unchanged at the end. Ex. 47 shows 
the end of the first part and the beginning of the second:! 


f) 

gg _ а) 
гк 
m ` —4 


Cé 


0 


Willi Apel, Historical Anthology of Music, i (London, 1947), p. 132; Trend, Luis Milan, 
pp. 114-16; Albert Lavignac and La Laurencie, Encyclopédie de la musique et dictionnaire 
du conservatoire, 1*'* partie, iv (Paris, 1920-2), pp. 2022-3; Pedrell, Cancionero musical 
popular español, iii (Barcelona, 1920), p. 148; and Wolf, Handbuch, ii, pp. 162-4. 

1 Adapted from Milan, op. cit., pp. 77-78. Other reprints include Bal y Gay, Romances 


SPANISH ROMANCES 135 


SEGUNDA PARTE 


(. .. of that good time past. Words are flattering . . .) 


The powerful effect of music as gravely beautiful and elemental as 
this is enhanced if the melodies are sung, as Milán directs, in a free 
and spacious manner and not too fast and if the instrumental passages 
between the vocal phrases are played as quickly as possible. (The 
tempo directions of Milán and Valderrábano, incidentally, are among 
the earliest recorded ones.) 


THE VILLANCICOS 


The other important group of songs to be discussed here are the 
villancicos.? Here ‘court and city art met in a form that charmed all 
classes, furnishing writers and composers with a national touchstone’.® 
Once again the music is typically Spanish in feeling; it is popular, not 
folk music. In earlier times courtly love had been a favourite theme 
for villancicos;* ‘the melody and the verse were originally composed 
for each other and often by the same person'.5 In the later fifteenth 
century a more popular tone invaded villancicos; many of those in 
the vihuela-books are strictly popular; and those that are not 'are 
less strained and artificial than those of the Cancioneros'.5 Villancicos, 
like romances, could be historical; they might pay homage to a city 
or important personage or comment upon trivial incidents at court. 
But love, at a more homely level, remained the most popular subject 
of all. The increasing number of religious villancicos found in the six- 
teenth century points towards the transformation of the form in the 
seventeenth century into an extended sacred cantata. 


y villancicos, pp. 14-15; Asenjo Barbieri, op. cit., pp. 612-14; Bruger, Schule des Lauten- 
spiels, iv, p. 161; Lavignac and La Laurencie, op. cit., pp. 647-9 and 2018-19; Pedrell, 
op. cit. iii, p. 86; and Arnold Schering, Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen (Leipzig, 
1931), p. 91. 1 Milán, op. cit., p. 179. 

3 See vol. III, p. 378, and supra, p. 82. * Ward, The Vihuela, p. 150. 

* Sister M. P. St. Amour, A Study of the Villancico up to Lope de Vega (Washington, 
D.C., 1940), pp. 10-13. 

* Isabel Pope, ‘Musical and metrical form of the villancico', Annales musicologiques 
ii (1954), pp. 190-1. * St. Amour, op. cit., p. 14. 


136 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


The traditional scheme of the villancico is illustrated by this one set 
by Milán! (the number of lines and the number of syllables to a line 
vary from song to song): 

Toda la vida vos amé, 
Si me amais, yo no lo se. 
Bien sé que teneis amor, 
Al desamor y al olvido. 


Sé que soy aborrecido, _ 
Ya que sabe el disfavor. 

Y por sempre vos amaré. 
Si me amais, yo no lo sé. 

(All my life I have loved you. If you love me I do not know it. I well know that 
you hold love in unlove and forgetfulness. I know that I am bated, since I have ex- 
perienced disfavour. And I shall always love you. If you love me I do not knowit.) 
The first section (the estribillo) is sung to a melody which is then 
modified for the second section (the vuelta); the last section is sung 
to the original melody, the last line, with the repetition of earlier 
words, being in the nature of a refrain. Sometimes this mono- 
thematicism results in a certain monotony, as in Milán's ‘Falai miña 
amor' (one of a number of villancicos to Portuguese words).? Else- 
where, as in ‘Toda la vida’ or in Ex. 48, the first phrase of the 
vuelta is sufficiently different to appear as the logical continuation of 
what has gone before, thus giving the song greater momentum. ‘Toda 
la vida’ is one of several villancicos that Milán wrote in two ways, the 
first simple, the second characterized by brilliant running passages in 
the vihuela part. A villancico existing in only one version contains 
elements of both of the styles found in the paired settings:? 

Ex. 48 
тив [4.4] 


vi - nie- sse un 
zie - sse tan con - ten 


1 Milán, op. cit., p. 72. Other reprints include Trend, op. cit., pp. 101-3. Recorded in 
The History of Music in Sound, iv. 

3 Milán, op. cit., p. 76. Other reprints include Bal y Gay, op. cit., p. 19; Bruger, Alte 
Lautenkunst, i, p. 32; Pedrell, op. cit. iii, p. 81; Schering, op. cit., p. 92; and Trend, 
op. cit., pp. 103-4, з Adapted from Milán, ор. cit., p. 74. 


THE VILLANCICOS 


A 


ra 


- g0- 


A 


que mee-cha 


(Oh! that a wind would now come to carry me over there, a wind as 
favourable as I wished, that would carry me to the arms of my mistress and 


give me so much pleasure.) 


SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


138 


While Mudarra set his melodies against a skilfully constructed web of 
delicate polyphony, the rather less lively Narväez followed Milan in 


his use of variation. His complete setting of ‘Si tantos halcones’ is 
preceded by two settings of the estribillo only; Ex. 49 shows the 


opening of each setting: 


Ex. 
e 49 


1 Narvaez, op. cit., nos. 37-39 (without ‘8° to the clef). 


THE VILLANCICOS 


di) 


) 


(The hawk fought with so many falcons... 


140 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


Several of Fuenllana's pieces call for the four-stringed gittern 
instead of the vihuela.! From about this time the so-called Spanish 
guitar with five strings became more and more popular, and with the 
waning popularity of polyphonic music it gradually supplanted the 
vihuela as the favourite instrument at all levels of society. No more 
music-books like those of the vihuelistas appeared after 1576. But 
even if it died out in Spain, it is surprising that a form of the perfection 
of the polyphonically accompanied lute-song should at this time have 
remained an isolated phenomenon peculiar to Spain: not until the 
songs of the English lutenists and the psalms of Gabriel Bataille is its 
like seen again. 


ARIOSTO AND POPULAR ITALIAN SONG 


The famous Venetian theorist Gioseffe Zarlino advised musicians 
to turn to Ariosto if they wanted texts for narrative songs to be sung 
to the lute.? Now the appearance of Orlando furioso in 1516 had in 
fact stimulated composers to set its stanzas in a variety of ways; as 
with the other contents of Petrucci's publications, the same setting 
might appear in versions for one voice and for four voices. A good 
example is Tromboncino's * Queste non son piü lagrime" (xxiii, 126), 
which appeared as a solo in 1520,3 three years after being published 
for four voices. A similar song is his * Acqua non ё l'humor' (1514),* 
though the text is actually not by Ariosto. The bass here resembles the 
folia. Yn popular, improvised singing of ottave from Orlando furioso 
the same tune was used for each of the four pairs of lines, a principle 
occasionally adopted by professional composers.’ Before long it be- 
came the custom to sing long series of successive stanzas in this 
manner. We can see at once that such performances must soon be- 
come exceedingly monotonous unless the singers varied their lines. 
This is in fact what they began to do, at least in courtly circles, and 
certain standard basses became established which were the simplest 
forms of basses resulting from typical harmonies used by the improvvi- 
satori. The folia was one of them. Roman singers had the roman- 
esca, those in the north the aria di Genova, southern Italians the 


1 Cf. Adolf Koczirz, Die Gitarrenkompositionen in Miguel de Fuenllana's 
Orphenica lyra (1554)', Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, iv (1922), p. 241. 

з Le Istitutioni armoniche (Venice, 1562), р. 75. 

* Reprinted in Einstein, op. cit. iii, p. 317 * Reprinted, ibid., p. 318. 

5 Cf. ibid. i, p. 285, and iii, p. 49, for Francesco Corteccia's ‘Io dico e dissi e dirò’ 
(Orlando furioso, xvi, 2). 

* Cf. Claude V. Palisca, “Vincenzo Galilei and some links between ''Pseudo- 
Monody" and Monody', Musical Quarterly, xlvi (1960), pp. 352-4. 


ARIOSTO AND POPULAR ITALIAN SONG 141 


ruggiero, whose very name came from Ariosto’s stanza beginning 
‘Ruggiero, qual sempre fui, tal’ esser voglio’ (xliv, 61), and so on. 
These basses soon found their way into written-down "art music’ in 
many parts of Italy and later appeared frequently as basses in settings 
of ottave composed by the monodists of the first decades of the seven- 
teenth century. By the second half of the sixteenth century improvised 
singing founded on these stock basses was all the rage, as Montaigne, 
for one, testifies: in 1581 he saw ‘peasants with lutes in their hands 
and even the shepherdesses with Ariosto on their lips. But one sees 
this everywhere in Italy . . 73 Untutored singers like these were 
probably not very ambitious in devising variations on the basic 
patterns. At the very end of the century and on a higher plane, we 
find Giovenale Ancina, in the preface to his Tempio armonico, 
praising the ‘unequalled’ art of Giovanni Leonardo dell'Arpa and 
saying that ‘some /aude at the end of the book are purposely left 
plain, with only the words and without the music; these are reserved 
for him alone, so that he may accommodate various arie (basses) to 
them in his fashion . . .’.? 

Castiglione, in // Cortegiano, not only praises the ‘lamenting sweet- 
ness’ of the singing of Marchetto Cara? but observes that ‘singing to 
the lute with the ditty (methink) is more pleasant than the rest, for it 
addeth to the words such a grace and strength that it is a great 
wonder '.* The gay ladies of Florentine society also liked to sing solos 
to the lute. They can hardly have confined their performances 
(any more than the singers heard by Castiglione did) to songs with 
noble or heroic words, if indeed they bothered with them at all. Tt 
is no surprise, then, to find solo arrangements of other forms, such 
as madrigals and ballate. Significant features of one such song, Trom- 
boncino's setting of a ballata by Sannazaro, include the slight orna- 
mentation of the top part, which would make it especially suitable 
for arrangement as a solo, a quaver figure that would not be out of 
place in the songs of a century later, a steadily moving bass, and the 
rather instrumental nature of the inner parts. The opening shows 
some of these features :6 


! Michel de Montaigne, Journal de voyage, ed. Louis Lautrey (Paris, 1909), p. 391, 
quoted in Einstein, op. cit. ii, p. 848. 

* Cf. Einstein, loc. cit. 

3 Cf. ibid. i, pp. 106-7. 

* Sir Thomas Hoby's translation. Cf. Oliver Strunk, Source Readings in Music History 
(London, 1952), p. 284. 

5 Cf. Einstein, op. cit. i, p. 78. 

* Petrucci, Frottole, libro undecimo (Venice, 1514), no. 6. Adapted from reprint in 
Einstein, op. cit. iii, p. 14, where the note-values are quartered. 


SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


142 


don-na, 


ч 
Ei 


Il 


sde-gno 


(If, Lady, because of your haughty disdain the grief that afflicts me leads me 


to the black Styx .. 


) 


trend towards the a cappella 


than a comparison of this narrative solo with Arcadelt’s 


€ 


Nothing could better illustrate the 


ideal' 


ARIOSTO AND POPULAR ITALIAN SONG 143 


serene setting of the same words, published in 1539.! All the parts are 
now of equal importance, and all are equally vocal. Again, it is 
significant that when Willaert arranged madrigals by Verdelot for 
voice and lute he chose only those madrigals with a well-defined 
melody in the top part;? and Arcadelt's setting (1556) of some of 
Dido's last words from the fourth book of the Aeneid is a good 
example of a madrigal published in the heyday of the a cappella style 
that was doubtless conceived as a solo to the lute.? 


MONODIC TENDENCIES IN VILLANELLA AND CANZONET 


At this period the tendency towards monody was ‘less marked in 
madrigals and motets than in the many kinds of composition that 
made no claims to artistic and technical mastery but that set out to 
give ready enjoyment and yet were not inelegant: villanellas, the new 
villottas, and canzonets. Basically these songs continued the tradition 
of the frottola (clarified and refreshed, perhaps, by renewed contact 
with popular music); but the melody in the highest part was now still 
more conspicuous and it was discreetly supported by the other voices, 
whose parts were very often played on instruments instead" ,* just as 
in the frottole of the early years of the century. It is noteworthy, in 
fact, that the first solo songs that Vincenzo Giustiniani mentions in 
his manuscript survey, Discorso sopra la musica de’ suoi tempi,* are 
not those of Caccini and other composers of the ‘new music’ but the 
homophonic villanelle alla napoletana that he had heard sung in his 
youth about 1575 by the Neapolitan singers Giovan Andrea and 
Giulio Cesare Brancaccio and by Alessandro Merlo, a Roman bass 
with a range of three octaves; these men, we are told, all modified 
the original music, in the Neapolitan fashion, *with a variety of 
passage-work new and pleasing to the ear of all’.6 Giovanni Leonardo 
dell'Arpa and Caccini's teacher Scipione del Palla also sang in Naples. 
Brancaccio lived from 1577 to 1583 at the Este court at Ferrara, and 
Giovanni Leonardo sang there in 1584." But it was not they who 


1 Reprinted in Einstein, op. cit. iii, p. 41. * Example in ibid., p. 319. 

3 Cf. ibid. ii, p. 838. The piece is reprinted in Fünf Vergil-Motetten, ed. Helmuth 
Osthoff (Das Chorwerk, liv) (Wolfenbüttel, 1956), p. 13. 

* Nino Pirrotta, ‘Temperaments and Tendencies in the Florentine Camerata’, Musical 
Quarterly, х1 (1954), pp. 173-4. 

$ Printed by Salvatore Bongi (Lucca, 1878). Reprinted in Angelo Solerti, Le origini 
del melodramma (Turin, 1903), pp. 98-128, and translated by Carol MacClintock in 
Musicological Studies and Documents, ix (American Institute of Musicology, 1962), p. 63; 
differently translated extract in Nigel Fortune, ‘Giustiniani on instruments’, The Galpin 
Society Journal, v (1952), p. 48. 

* MacClintock’s translation, p. 69. 

т Cf. Pirrotta, ‘Tragédie et comédie dans la Camerata fiorentina’, Musique et poésie 
(Paris, 1954), pp. 290-1. 


144 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


made Ferrara famous for its dazzling musical life; the ecstatic tributes 
of a thousand poets, composers, and courtiers were not for them. 
These plaudits were reserved for three brilliant sopranos, who made 
Alfonso d’Este, musically speaking, the most envied ruler in all Italy. 


THE LADIES OF FERRARA 


Lucrezia Bendidio, Tarquinia Molza, and Laura Peperara had all 
settled at Ferrara by about 1580.1 Night after night they enchanted 
the court with their solos, duets, and trios. Tasso and the principal 
court composer, Giaches Wert, and who knows how many lesser 
men, were infatuated with them. Hundreds of sonnets and madrigals 
celebrated their splendour. In a letter written from Ferrara in 1584, 
Alessandro Striggio, composer to the rival court of the Medici, says: 
*these ladies sing excellently, both to accompaniment and from part- 
books; they are sure-footed in improvisation. The Duke is kind 
enough to be continually showing me in manuscript everything that 
they sing by heart, with all the runs and passages as they perform 
them... "3 Striggio wrote some music for the three ladies and sent 
it to Florence with the suggestion that Caccini sing the solo pieces. 
The following year, Alfonso, who for some years had guarded his 
ladies with especial jealousy from envious Medici eyes, actually 
allowed them to sing in the masques produced in Florence for the 
wedding of Cesare d'Este and Virginia Medici. Ottavio Rinuccini, 
librettist to the Camerata, wrote five poems for them, which were 
probably set to music by Striggio. 

It is evident that as more and more singers sang solo the polarity 
between the top part of a composition and the bass would become 
more marked: this was true whether the music were basically poly- 
phonic as in madrigals, or homophonic as in canzonets, and it is an 
important step in the development towards the monodic music of the 
next century. Moreover, in five-part madrigals actually sung as such, 
the upper voices tended to stand out against the lower ones. Certain 
madrigals of this type—some of Wert's, for example—were almost 
certainly sung by the ladies of Ferrara. Similar madrigals, while 
perhaps not composed with them in mind, may well have been 
influenced by those that were. Ex. 51, which is the opening of a 
madrigal by Monteverdi, published in his third book in 1592, begins, 


1 Cf. p. 62. The best accounts of these ladies and their art are in Solerti, Ferrara e la 
corte estense (Città di Castello, 1899), pp. cxxix-cxl, and in Einstein, op. cit. ii, pp. 825- 
35 and 844-7. 

2 Cf. Riccardo Gandolfi, ‘Lettere inedite scritte da musicisti’, Rivista musicale 
italiana, xx (1913), p. 530, translated in Einstein, op. cit. ii, p. 846. 


THE LADIES OF FERRARA 145 


moreover, with a turn of phrase common in the monodies of the 
next thirty years (the voices shown are the three highest ones—tenor 
and bass enter some bars later):! 


Ex. 51 


co-mé gran mar - 


(O what great suffering it is to conceal one's desire when with pure faith. . .) 


It was not, however, until 1601, when the childless Duke Alfonso 
had been dead four years, his state handed over to the Church and 
the splendour of his court a mere memory, that the world was shown 
the kind of music that had made the ladies really famous: in that 
year there were engraved in Rome the Madrigali di Luzzasco Luzzas- 
chi per cantare et sonare a uno, e doi, e tre soprani. Fatti per la Musica 


1 Claudio Monteverdi, Opere, ed. Gian Francesco Malipiero, iii (Bologna, 1927), p. 8. 


146 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


del Già Ser. Duca Alfonso d’Este.1 Luzzaschi was court organist at 
Ferrara, and he must often have accompanied the three ladies at the 
harpsichord. We can be fairly sure that he had composed all the 
songs in his book by 1585; it includes three solo madrigals, which 
are so similar to the elaborate madrigals performed in the Florentine 
intermedii of 1589? that their influence on the later music cannot be 
denied. This is part of one of them, ‘O primavera’: 


1 Cf. p. 62 and Otto Kinkeldey, ‘Luzzasco Luzzaschi’s Solo-Madrigale mit Klavier- 
begleitung’, Sammelbände der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, ix (1907-8), p. 538. 

3 See p. 793. 

* Schering, op. cit., p. 176, where the note-values are quartered. The others are 
reprinted complete in Kinkeldey, Orgel und Klavier in der Musik des 16. Jahrhunderts 
(Leipzig, 1910), pp. 286-92. For the opening of a madrigal of 1589 by Caccini, ‘Io che 
dal ciel’, see Ex. 384, 


THE LADIES OF FERRARA 147 


([O spring, the year's youth,] fair mother of flowers, new green shoots and 
new loves. . .) 


They are basically four-part madrigals played on a keyboard in- 
strument with the top part doubled by the voice in decorated form. 
As Einstein says, ‘not one is particularly expressive; all swing back 
and forth in the somewhat neutral territory midway between par- 
lando and the rambling mechanical coloratura of the virtuoso'.! The 
gentle, unobtrusive ornamentation of a song like the Venetian Baldis- 
serra Donato's ‘Dolce mio ben’ is surely much more appealing.? 


THE ART OF DIMINUTION 


The excessively elaborate madrigals of Luzzaschi and the 1589 
masques are among the most extreme examples of the rather tiresome 
sixteenth-century art of diminution, which by this time was being 
applied in Italy to all kinds of vocal music. Handbooks were printed 
instructing performers how this should be done—usually by applying 
deadening chains of semiquavers and demisemiquavers to all voices 
of a composition indiscriminately (even to the bass, though some 
sensible writers protested against this meddling with the foundation 


1 Einstein, op. cit. ii, p. 845. 
2 Reprinted in ibid. iii, p. 322. 


148 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


of a composition) ;! it became quite impossible to tell from the con- 
fused polyphonic uproar of voices and instruments performing in 
resonant buildings whether a piece was supposed to be sad or 
joyful. In the monodies of the seventeenth century these inexpressive 
diminutions survive as ornamentation mainly in the works of Roman 
composers.? That they were not more widespread may well have been 
due to the efforts of Caccini, who, however, alongside many that are 
more subtle and capricious, continued to write roulades that are 
indistinguishable from those in the handbooks: there really is no 
very sharp division between late sixteenth- and early seventeenth- 
century practice (cf. pp. 157-8). 


SONGS IN THE INTERMEDII 


The only sixteenth-century Italian songs that remain to be dis- 
cussed are those that were actually conceived as accompanied solos. 
A few, by the singer-lutenists Cosimo Bottegari and Hippolito 
Tromboncino, survive in a large manuscript song-book compiled by 
the former from 1574 onwards.? Other simple solo songs were sung in 
the sumptuous intermedii (or masques) presented between the acts of 
plays on festive occasions at the Florentine court. The earliest solos 
are two that Francesco Corteccia wrote in 1539 for the wedding of 
Duke (later Grand Duke) Cosimo I:* the few brief roulades in ‘Vat- 
ten', almo riposo', in particular, help the vocal line to stand out 
against the darker background of keyboard instruments and trom- 
bones (employed to underline the entry of Night towards the end of 
the ріесе).5 Very little of the later masque-music (most of it composed 
by Striggio) has survived, but from descriptions of the performances 


1 For good general accounts cf. Max Kuhn, Die Verzierungs-Kunst in der Gesangs- 
Musik des 16.-17. Jahrhunderts (1535-1650) (Leipzig, 1902), and Imogene Horsley, 
*Improvised embellishments in the performance of Renaissance polyphonic music', Jour- 
nal of the American Musicological Society, iv (1951), p. 3. Some convenient recent 
reprints of complete pieces ‘diminished’ are in Ferand, Improvisation in Nine Centuries 
of Western Music (Cologne, 1961), especially pp. 57-74. An interesting contemporary 
account is a letter in Delle Lettere del Sor Gio. Camillo Maffei da Solofra (Naples, 1562), 
reprinted, complete with examples, in Nanie Bridgman, ‘Giovanni Camillo Maffei et sa 
lettre sur le chant', Revue de musicologie, xxxviii (1956), p. 10. 

з Also cf. Ignazio Donati's deliberately ‘diminished’ solo motet ‘O admirabile com- 
mercium’, in Ferand, Improvisation, p. 100. 

* Cf. MacClintock’s edition (Wellesley, Mass., 1965) and her ‘A Court Musician’s 
Songbook: Modena MS. C311’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, ix (1956), 
p. 180. * See pp. 788-9. 

5 Cf. Einstein, op. cit. ii, pp. 840-1, and iii, p. 321 (opening of the song quoted). Also 
cf. Robert Haas, Die Musik des Barocks (Potsdam, 1928), pp. 19—20. The other song, 
*O begli anni d'oro', may be consulted in Haas, Aufführungspraxis der Musik (Potsdam, 
1931), p. 118, and in Schering, ‘Zur Geschichte des begleiteten Sologesanges im 16. 
Jahrhundert', Zeitschrift der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, xiii (1912), p. 191. 


SONGS IN THE INTERMEDII 149 


and from the stage directions in the librettos it is clear that a good 
deal of it must have been monodic. We are told that in a masque 
produced for the marriage of the Grand Duke Francesco I to Bianca 
Cappello in 1579 a hushof amazement fell over the audience when a 
singer in the guise of Night awoke to sing two songs to the sound of 
his own viol and of many others hidden behind the scenes. The 
singer was Giulio Caccini (c. 1545-1618). The songs that he sang 
were by Piero Strozzi, an aristocratic dilettante who was a member of 
the Florentine Camerata and one of the interlocutors in Vincenzo 
Galilei’s Dialogo.! Fortunately the vocal line and bass of the first 
madrigal have been preserved in a Florentine manuscript? 


(Arisen from my dank home, with my attendant flocks of dreams, ghosts and 
illusions, Night am І...) 


This madrigal seems to be the earliest surviving song to strive after 
the kind of expression that Caccini and other monodists were later 
to achieve. It is true that the missing accompaniment may have been 


1 Cf. Federico Ghisi, Feste musicali della Firenze medicea (1480-1589) (Florence, 
1939), p. xxxvi. 

2 Corrected from Ghisi, Alle fonti della monodia (Milan, 1940), p. 46 (from Fiorence, 
Biblioteca Nazionale, Codici Magliabecchiani, xix. 66, no. 46). It is also printed by 
Ghisi in Roland-Manuel (ed.), Histoire de la musique, i ([Paris], 1960), pp. 1423-4. 
Facsimile in Ghisi, Feste musicali, facing p. 88. 


150 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


polyphonic, that the bass is not seen as a slowly moving support for 
the voice and that the song as a whole is hurried and not at all ex- 
pansive like the best seventeenth-century solo madrigals.! Yet the 
frequent cadences are the very simplest forms of those that frequently 
punctuate the flow of monodies, and the expressive vocal phrase of 
bars 13-14 would not beout of placein the songs ofthe mature Caccini. 

The same manuscript contains another important, though not very 
expressive, song, composed for the production in Florence in 1590 of 
Rinuccini's Maschere di bergiere: it is not known who wrote it, but 
we do know that Lucia Caccini, Giulio's first wife, sang it, and on 
grounds of style Caccini himself could have been the composer.? Ex. 
54 shows the start of the song: the declamatory opening phrase is a 
simple version of one of the favourite openings of solo madrigals 
during the next thirty years; the bass is beginning to move more 
slowly and (except in the fourth bar) independently; and the roulade 
is more expressive than many contemporary ones. We are well on the 
way, in fact, towards Le Nuove musiche? 


Se-re-nis- si-ma don - na, 


(Most serene lady, whose great name, adorned with a thousand honours, 
resounds on high .. .) 


1 Cf. Schrade, ‘Les Fétes du mariage de Francesco dei Medici et de Bianca Cappello’, 
Les Fétes de la Renaissance, i (Paris, 1956), pp. 120-1. 

* Cf, his intermedio song of the previous year, of which the opening is printed as 
Ex. 384. 

3 Ghisi, Alle fonti della monodia, p. 47, from Florence, Bib. Naz., Codici Maglia- 


THE CAMERATA FIORENTINA 151 


THE CAMERATA FIORENTINA 


Caccini has been mentioned a number of times now, and it is time 
to turn to his musical environment and to his music itself. Of Roman 
origin and sometimes referred to in his day as Giulio Romano, he 
was the protégé of Giovanni de’ Bardi, Count of Vernio, the moving 
spirit behind the Camerata. Now, even though they are usually 
referred to in the singular, there were really three camerate in Florence. 
The one that interests us here is the first, the typical Renaissance 
academy—a kind of learned club or salon—that met in Bardi's house 
probably from about 1576 to 1582. Bardi himself was a typical, 
cultivated Renaissance nobleman, conservative, munificent, and 
erudite in many branches of thought. His associates and correspon- 
dents included Caccini, Vincenzo Galilei, composer, father ofthe astro- 
nomer, and Girolamo Mei, who was the most learned of them all in 
matters relating to antiquity and whose hand may be detected behind 
the writings of both Galilei and Bardi himself.! This Camerata, it can- 
not be too strongly emphasized, was not in the least interested in the 
development of stage-music and certainly did not envisage anything 
in the nature of opera. These matters, on the other hand, absorbed 
the attention of the two later, more practical camerate: the one that 
met under the protection of the young nobleman Jacopo Corsi after 
Bardi left for Rome in 1592; and one which can perhaps be seen as a 
rival group, led by the lively composer and dancer Emilio de’ Cava- 
lieri, whom the new Medici Grand Duke, Ferdinando I (1587-1608), 
had known in Rome during the exile imposed upon him by his 
predecessor—with the support of, among others, Bardi's family. 
There can have been no love lost, therefore, between Bardi on the one 
hand and the new ruler and his favourites on the other, and it is not 
surprising that Bardi should have left for Rome within five years of 
Ferdinando's return. Caccini, too, would have had to try to escape 
from the consequences of having been Bardi's secretary: it was not 
in his nature to accept for long the humble place that he occupied 
even in such an all-embracing affair as the masques of 1589.2 


becchiani, xix. 66, no. 49. The song is also found in Florence, Conservatorio Cherubini, 
Barbera MS., fo. 65, and in Brussels, Conservatoire Royal de Musique, MS. 704, no. 122, 

ı Cf. Palisca, * Girolamo Mei, mentor to the Florentine Camerata', Musical Quarterly, 
xl (1954), p. 1, and his editionm of Meis Letters on Ancient and Modern Music to 
Vincenzo Galilei and Giovanni Bardi (American Institute of Musicology, 1960). 

2 Cf. p. 793. Further on the Camerata, see Solerti, Gli albori del melodramma (Milan, 
1905), i; Pirrotta, ‘Temperaments and Tendencies in the Florentine Camerata’, Musical 
Quarterly, x1 (1954), p. 169, and in Musique et poésie (Paris, 1954), p. 287. 


152 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


The main concern of Bardi’s Camerata was to reform the dominant 
musical language of the time: to substitute for the iniquities (as they 
saw it) of counterpoint a means of expression holding fast to the 
Platonic dictum that the purpose of music is to uplift the listener. 
Uplift must not be synonymous with pleasure. It was no use for 
Aristotle to say that music is ‘one of the pleasantest things "7 Galilei 
insisted that “апу pleasure the listener might experience was not 
merely a subsidiary advantage, but that it was actively harmful... . 
It was harmful because it occupied the listener's attention and thus 
prevented him being influenced morally or emotionally.'? One of the 
troubles about counterpoint was that it afforded sensuous pleasure. 
Now Greek music, said the Camerata, tamed wild beasts and pro- 
duced all kinds of other marvellous effects which are quite beyond 
the power of all this contrapuntal music today. Greek music, how- 
ever, was monodic: surely this must have been the reason for its 
excellence? Our kind of music, then, must be monodic, too—a 
judicious combination of melody, harmony, and rhythm that will 
enable every word to be clearly heard and expressed in the appro- 
priate fashion. Here is the kernel of their argument, though it is not 
a particularly original one: after all, Glareanus had recognized the 
expressive power of Greek monody, and the Reformers of the middle 
of the century had urged the expulsion of counterpoint from church 
music in order to make the words audible. 


VINCENZO GALILEI'S POLEMICS 


Galilei, in his Dialogo . . . della musica antica e della moderna 
(Venice, 1581),? one of the principal manifestos of the Camerata, 
speaks for them all when he defines ‘the noblest, most important and 
principal quality of music' as *the expression of the concepts of the 
mind by means of words, and not, as present-day practical musicians 
say and believe, the consonance of the parts’. He also tells of some 
musician of old who was admired because he fashioned his music 'to 
the subject of the words with the utmost nicety and expressed with 
marvellous art all the effects that the poet had displayed in them’, 
and he adds: “this most important and principal function of the art of 
music means nothing to the practical musicians of today '.* It will be 


1 Aristotle, Politics, vii. 5, quoted from Strunk, op. cit., p. 18. 

2 D. P. Walker, ‘Musical Humanism in the 16th and early 17th Centuries', Music 
Review, iii (1942), p. 64. 

* Facsimile editions have been published in Rome (1934) and Milan (1946). Extract 
translated in Strunk, op. cit., pp. 302-22. ` 

4 Galilei, Dialogo, pp. 83 and 79, respectively, quoted in Italian by Walker, Music 
Review, ii (1941), p. 289. 


VINCENZO GALILEI’S POLEMICS 153 


seen that the Camerata argue from the point of view of the listener, 
and they are among the first writers to do so. They forget that most 
sixteenth-century composers wrote their madrigals for the enjoyment 
of performers, who had the words in front of them; these singers did 
not expect to find a petulant Galilei sitting at the back of the room 
abusing the counterpoint for obscuring the words.! It should not be 
assumed that those people who sang madrigals arranged as solos did 
so because they or their audiences shared the views of the Camerata— 
indeed Caccini, as we shall see, actually objected to ‘arranged’ music 
of this kind. Such people may well have been prompted simply by 
man's natural urge to sing a song and may have sung these arrange- 
ments because there were no ready-made songs. Yet we cannot be 
too sure, for in the following passage from that part of I! Cortegiano 
already quoted from, Castiglione, for one, advances at the beginning 
of the century an argument that, but for its moderate tone, would 
hardly be out of place in Galilei’s Dialogo:? ‘Methink . . . pricksong 
[counterpoint] is a fair music, so it be done upon the book surely and 
after a good sort. But to sing to the lute is much better, because all 
the sweetness consisteth in one alone, and a man is much more heed- 
ful and understandeth better the feat manner and the air or vein of 
it when the ears are not busied in hearing any more than one voice.’ 
Zarlino, who was no ally of the Camerata's, seems to have thought 
along similar lines.? 

No one outdid Galilei in the purely destructive matter of attacking 
counterpoint, but when it comes to the more important matter of how 
the new music was to sound he is not helpful. It is unfortunate that 
his two works in the alleged new style are lost, though we may have 
clues to their nature in his manuscript arrangements of madrigals and 
similar pieces for bass voice and lute.* One was a setting of part of the 
Lamentations and Responds for Holy Week, the other of Count 
Ugolino's lament from the Inferno (xxxiii, 4-75); his setting Dante at 
this time shows, however, that he was either out of touch or at least 
out of sympathy with contemporary musico-literary trends and lends 
weight to the opinion that much of his polemic was remote from 
practical affairs. Pietro de' Bardi, Giovanni's son, says in his letter 
of 1634 to Giovanni Battista Doni (the leading Italian musical 
theorist of the first half of the seventeenth century) that Galilei's two 

1 Cf. Fortune, “Italian Seventeenth-century Singing’, Music and Letters, xxxv (1954), 
P. WR Strunk, op. cit., p. 284. 


3 Cf. Zarlino, loc. cit., quoted in Einstein, op. cit. ii, pp. 837-8. 
* Cf. Palisca in Musical Quarterly, xlvi (1960), p. 344. 


154 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


pieces were ‘intelligibly sung by a good tenor and precisely accom- 
panied by a consort of viols' and that they *aroused considerable envy 
among the professional musicians' but adds that, compared with the 

‘later songs and operas of Caccini and Peri, they suffered from ‘a 
certain roughness and excessive antiquity'.! Perhaps they were 
similar to the song by Strozzi shown in Ex. 53, especially as Strozzi 
knew Galilei and may have written his song under the influence of the 
Camerata. 


CACCINI AND LE NUOVE MUSICHE 


In practical matters Giovanni de' Bardi is more helpful than 
Galilei. Yet even his Discorso . . . mandato a Giulio Caccini sopra la 
musica antica e'l cantar bene (MS, с. 15857)? contains advice (such 
as that about the setting of different poems to music only in what 
Bardi considered the appropriate modes)? that a hard-headed pro- 
fessional musician like Caccini could afford to ignore. Bardi is 
sounder on singing’ and may well have fostered certain features of 
Caccini's performances that helped to make him one of the finest 
singers of his day. Bardi echoes the ideals of the Camerata, con- 
ditioned by their conception of Greek music, when he repeatedly 
reminds Caccini not to spoil the words, that his ‘chief aim is to 
arrange the verse well and to declaim the words as intelligibly as you 
can’, that “just as the soul is nobler than the body so the words are 
nobler than the counterpoint’.5 Moreover, Bardi's insistence ‘that 
music is pure sweetness and that he who would sing should sing the 
sweetest music and the sweetest modes well ordered in the sweetest 
manner” is reflected, whether by chance or design it is impossible to 
say, in Caccini's songs: he may have cashed in with his Euridice on 
the new vogue for opera, his singing may have been passionate and 
his embellishments lively, yet beside Peri and Monteverdi he is seen 
as an essentially lyrical, undramatic, and 'sweet' composer. 

Caccini's epoch-making preface to Le Nuove musiche (Florence, 
1602) presents the fullest statement we have of the aims of a 


1 Cf. Strunk, op. cit., p. 364. Strunk translates the complete letter on pp. 363-6; the 
Italian text is printed in Solerti, Le origini del melodramma, pp. 143-7. 

2 Printed in Doni, De’ trattati di musica, ed. Antonio Francesco Gori (Florence, 1763), 
ii, pp. 233-48, and translated in Strunk, op. cit., pp. 290-301. 

3 Cf. Strunk, op. cit., pp. 295-6. * Tbid., pp. 298-300. 

5 Ibid., p. 295. ` * Ibid., p. 300. 

? Facsimile reprints of the complete book, ed. Francesco Mantica (Rome, 1930) and 
Francesco Vatielli (Rome, 1934). The preface is reprinted in Solerti, Le origini del 
melodramma, pp. 55-70, and there is a complete translation in Strunk, op. cit., pp. 377-92. 


CACCINI AND LE NUOVE MUSICHE 155 


composer in the new style, prompted by his association with Bardi’s 
Camerata and by his own experiences as singer, instrumentalist, and 
composer. He denounces two of the principal kinds of solo song of 
his time: (a) (by implication and even though he had written some 
himself) elaborate madrigals weighed down with long embellish- 
ments, which "have been invented, not because they are necessary 
unto a good manner of singing, but rather for a certain tickling of the 
ears of those who do not well understand what it is to sing pas- 
sionately . . . there being nothing more contrary to passion than they 
are’; and (b) solo performances of madrigals composed for several 
voices, which were unsatisfactory because ‘the single part of the 
soprano, sung as a solo, could have no effect by itself, so artificial 
were the corresponding parts'.! Yet even Galilei, as has been men- 
tioned, had arranged contemporary madrigals as solos to the lute,? 
and Doni, an enthusiast for monodies, recommends for their ac- 
companiment that same 'artificiosa testura' of a consort of viols that 
Caccini deplores; in Doni's view such an accompaniment would 
throw the vocal line into sharper relief.? 

It is probable that, taking as his point of departure songs like those 
quoted in Ex. 53 and 54, Caccini began in the late 1580's to compose 
solo madrigals on the lines of Ex. 384 that were later included in Le 
Nuove musiche; dedicating his Euridice (Florence, 1600) to Bardi he 
mentions three that were probably composed about that time (he 
says ‘many years ago’) in a manner that Bardi had ‘declared to be 
that used by the ancient Greeks when introducing song into the 
representations of their tragedies and other fables’.‘ In the preface 
to Le Nuove musiche he maintains that these songs ‘had more power 
to delight and move than the greatest number of voices singing to- 
gether’.5 He sang them, he says, in Rome (probably in 1592 or 1593), 
and their ‘power to move the passion of the mind’ delighted his noble 
audiences.® It is significant that one of the songs, ‘ Perfidissimo volto’, 
begins with a slightly embellished version of the figure applied to 
identically stressed words at the beginning of Ex. 54.” No doubt the 
earliest versions of the songs were rough and unpolished compared 
with the final versions. Several such plain versions exist in manu- 

Strunk, op. cit., pp. 380 and 379, respectively. 

* Cf. Einstein, ‘Vincenzo Galilei and the Instructive Duo’, Music and Letters, xviii 
(1937), p. 361. 

* Cf. Doni, Compendio del trattato de’ generi e de’ modi della musica (Rome, 1635), 
pp. 123-4. * Strunk, op. cit., pp. 370-1. 
£ Ibid., p. 379. * Cf. loc. cit. 


* Caccini, Le Nuove musiche (Florence, 1602), p. 8. Opening quoted in Eugen Schmitz, 
Geschichte der weltlichen Solokantate, 2nd ed. (Leipzig, 1955), p. 59. 


156 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


scripts;! these are almost certainly ‘maimed and spoiled’? copies 
sung by those who were baffled by the unfamiliar style of the final 
versions, yet they are possibly similar in texture to Caccini’s own early 
experiments. Ex. 55 shows the beginnings of the vocalline of one of the 
three early madrigals Caccini mentions, in (i) what may well have 
been something like its earliest version and (ii) the published version :? 


-ia Quel sos-pi - ra - to gior-  - -no 


(I shall see my sun before I die. That sighed-for day. . .) 


Caccini divided the songs in his book into two main groups: 
madrigals and arias. These remained the main classes of Italian song 
for the next twenty-five years. The novelty of his manner is much 
more evident in his madrigals. His fundamental innovation was to 


* e.g. Florence, Bib. Naz., Codici Magliabecchiani, xix. 66, and Conservatorio Cheru- 
bini, Barbera MS.; Modena, Biblioteca Estense, MSS. Mus. F. 1526-7; and Tenbury, 
St. Michael's College, MS. 1018. On these manuscripts cf. Ghisi, Alle fonti della monodia, 
passim; idem, *An early seventeenth century MS. with unpublished Italian Monodic 
Music by Peri, Giulio Romano and Marco da Gagliano’, Acta Musicologica, xx (1948), 
p. 46; and Fortune, *A Florentine Manuscript and its Place in Italian Song', Acta 
Musicologica, xxiii (1951): postscript, p. 134. 

2 Cf. Strunk, op. cit., p. 377. 

5 (i) Tenbury, MS. 1018, fo. 38v; (ii) Caccini, op. cit., p. 10. 


CACCINI AND LE NUOVE MUSICHE 157 


‘bring in a kind of music by which men might, as it were, talk in 
harmony, using in that kind of singing . . . a certain noble neglect of 
the song’.! Caccini's word for this is sprezzatura; it is significant that 
Castiglione had used this very word to define the effortless grace of 
manner of the ideal courtier. Caccini was thus using a kind of 
rubato to express both nobility and spontaneity. The arioso of his 
vocal lines is a type of song midway between the recitative found in 
operas and the clearly defined melodies of arias. The accompaniment 
was to be played, for preference on a chitarrone (a large archlute with 
a double neck and extra bass strings, which was Caccini's own 
instrument), from the recently invented basso continuo; monodies 
could also be accompanied on the harpsichord, clavichord, harp, 
double harp, theorbo, or other similar instruments, but no monodist 
specially asks for a bass viol to double the basso continuo.’ (The ac- 
companiment of Monteverdi's solo madrigal ‘Con che soavitä’, 
published in 1619, is exceptional in being for various stringed and 
continuo instruments set out in three groups.*) Caccini says that he 
passed *now and then through certain dissonances, holding the bass 
note firm, except when I did not wish to observe the common practice, 
and [played] the inner voices on an instrument for the expression of 
some passion, these being of no use for any other purpose'.5 The 
accompaniment was distinctly subsidiary, although, as harmonic sup- 
port to a harmonically conceived melody, it was, as can be seen, 
essential to Caccini's conception of monody. It might continually 
vary in fullness and be heightened by little flourishes between the 
vocal phrases; it was more capricious and less sustained and uniform 
than that of the earlier consort of viols or of vocal polyphony trans- 
ferred to the lute. . 

Caccini further heightened the emotional effect of the words by 
embellishments of the vocal line, which, melodically and rhythmi- 
cally, are often more subtle and appropriate to vocal music than those 
commonly found in the sixteenth century. Sometimes, however, for 
all his proud claims to be an innovator, his roulades are indis- 
tinguishable from, say, Luzzaschi’s. Even he, moreover, constantly 
employed two stereotyped ornaments which originated in late 

1 Strunk, op. cit., p. 378. 

2 Cf. Pirrotta in Musique et poésie, p. 293. 

3 Cf. Fortune, ‘Continuo Instruments in Italian Monodies’, The Galpin Society 
Journal, vi (1953), p. 10. 

4 Monteverdi, op. cit. vii (Bologna, 1928), p. 137. 

5 Strunk, loc. cit. 


* Cf. the illuminating parallel in Edward J. Dent, ‘Italian Chamber Cantatas’, Musical 
Antiquary, ii (1910-11), pp. 146-7. 


158 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


sixteenth-century practice and might be considered ‘contrary to 
passion’: (i) the gruppo and (ii) the trillo:! ` 


From the very earliest solo madrigals the trillo was continually 
applied to long penultimate notes at cadences that fall by step to the 
final notes; so common was it that it was rarely written out but was 
indicated either by the sign ‘t.’ or else not at all. (In Ex. 59, for in- 
stance, it should clearly be applied in bars 8, 16, and 21). Caccini 
writes at length of the devices that he used as aids to sprezzatura. 
Exclamations, for instance: these involve diminishing and increasing 
the tone on descending phrases beginning with a long dotted note; 
they were termed ‘languid’ in conjunct motion and ‘livelier’ in 
phrases like the first one in Ex. 51. Like other composers, Caccini also 
introduced uneven and contrasting note-values into his vocal lines 
(cf. Ex. 55 (ii), in vivid contrast to the typically smooth lines of 
sixteenth-century music. Caccini's preface includes specimen songs 
with full directions as to their interpretation in his new manner.? Ex. 
57 shows the beginning of a typically bland madrigal from Le Nuove 
musiche :3 


cis - si- mo 


Ches-ci daquel-la boc- са 


1 Cf, Strunk, op. cit., p. 384. * Ibid., pp. 386-90. 
з Caccini, op. cit., p. 4, where there is no sharp in the key-signature. 


CACCINI AND LE NUOVE MUSICHE 159 


#10 
(Sweetest sigh, from that mouth whence pours all the sweetness of love. . .) 

Another one is ‘ Amarilli, mia bella ’,! famous now as when it was the 

international favourite of the early seventeenth century; the repeti- 


tion emphasizing the last line is another splendid example of orna- 
mentation crowning a song. 


THE POETS OF THE SOLO MADRIGAL 


The poems used for solo madrigals were similar to those used for 
polyphonic madrigals. Composers underlined the final ‘point’ either 
by embellishments, as in * Amarilli', or else by repetition, as in many 
a polyphonic madrigal. Caccini, like other monodists, favoured at 
first the lively, concise, and elegant verses of such poets as Rinuccini 
(cf. Ex. 57) and Battista Guarini, whose pastoral drama I! Pastor 
fido (1590) in particular was ransacked by musicians.? Beneath the 
apparently innocent surfaces of many pastoral poems erotic second- 
ary meanings lie concealed. Within ten years or so the song-books 
began to mirror the growing attractions of the less consciously elegant 
verses of Giambattista Marino and his followers, whose heart- 
rending poems of absence and parting (cf. Ex. 58) and candid and 
voluptuous delineation of physical passion are heightened by cunning 
use of antithesis, paradox, hyperbole, and oxymoron. Hardly a song- 
book published between 1610 and 1625 lacks a Marinist text; in 
Caccini’s Nuove musiche e nuova maniera di scriverle (1614) Guarini 
hardly appears at all—nearly all the poems are the products of 

1 Ibid., p. 12. It has been many times reprinted; cf., for the best version, Knud 
Jeppesen, La Flora (Copenhagen, 1949), i, p. 12. 


* Cf. Arnold Hartmann, Jr., ‘Battista Guarini and I! Pastor Fido’, Musical Quarterly, 
xxxix (1953), p. 415. 


160 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


Marinism. As in the songs of other countries and of other times, love 
in all its aspects is by far the predominant subject of poems set by the 
monodists. The most popular verses of a really popular poet like 
Guarini might be set by as many as thirty different composers. 


SIGISMONDO D’INDIA AND OTHERS 


In Italy between 1602 and 1635 over a hundred composers pub- 
lished more than two hundred music-books containing anything 
from one to fifty secular monodies; many of them were reprinted, 
some more than once.! This is by far the largest body of song to be 
dealt with in this chapter. Very few of these books contain nothing 
but monodies: even Le Nuove musiche includes a six-part chorus. 
Many of them contain a few duets or trios or sacred songs, practically 
all with continuo, but monodies are in the majority in most books. It 
was through monodies, which could be easily bought, and performed 
at home, rather than through operas, performed before aristocratic 
audiences at court and sometimes not published, that the new style 
founded on the basso continuo was disseminated through Italy. Every 
kind of composer took to composing monodies. Amateurs like the 
Sienese gentleman Claudio Saracini and the lawyer Domenico Maria 
Melli (or Megli),? and those professional composers such as Sigis- 
mondo d'India, Marco da Gagliano, Domenico Belli, and Jacopo 
Peri who were employed, often as singers, at flourishing centres of 
secular music like the courts of Florence, Mantua, and Savoy, were on 
the whole more successful at capturing the essential qualities of the 
new manner than were those composers, such as Stefano Landi, Gian 
Domenico Puliaschi, and Francesco Severi, who worked in a centre 
of church music like Rome or those, such as Antonio Cifra and 
Giovanni Ghizzolo, who were choirmasters of cathedrals and chur- 
ches in unsophisticated provincial towns. The songs of these latter 
composers lack lyrical warmth and are frequently burdened with otiose 
embellishments reminiscent of the diminutions of thesixteenth century. 


1 For fuller accounts of the monody-books than can be given here cf. Fortune, ‘Italian 
Secular Monody from 1600 to 1635: an introductory survey', Musical Quarterly, xxxix 
(1953), p. 171; Schmitz, op. cit., pp. 11-74; idem, *Zur Frühgeschichte der lyrischen 
Monodie Italiens im 17. Jahrhundert', Jahrbuch der Musikbibliothek Peters, xviii (1911), 
p. 35; and August W. Ambros, Geschichte der Musik, iv, 3rd ed., rev. Hugo Leichtentritt 
(Leipzig, 1909), passim, but especially chap. x. An extensive unpublished source is 
Fortune, Italian Secular Song from 1600 to 1635: the Origins and Development of 
Accompanied Monody (Diss., Cambridge, 1954). The fullest list of the monody-books is 
idem, *A Handlist of printed Italian secular Monody books, 1602-1635', R.M.A. 
Research Chronicle, iii (1963), 27. 

2 Melli was so early in the field that he published two books in 1602, the first of which 
probably appeared two months before Le Nuove musiche. 


SIGISMONDO D’INDIA AND OTHERS 161 


Solo madrigals are in common time. Their form is free: they are 
unified and organized by the repetition of short phrases or of rhythmic 
figures or by snatches of imitation between vocal line and bass (even 
in those of the avowedly anti-contrapuntal Caccini: cf. Ex. 57, 
bars 8-9). The bane of the solo madrigal in the hands of lesser men is 
the tendency to introduce too many perfect cadences coinciding with 
the end of each line of the poem. The joins could no longer be con- 
cealed by counterpoint, and the most successful monodists are those 
who wrote their arioso in expansive phrases stressing only the more 
important poetic cadences. Sighing, trembling, silence, laughter, and 
all the other stock-in-trade of madrigal verse are still represented by 
the naive illustrative formulae that Galilei and others had ridiculed 
in the polyphonic madrigals of the previous century (cf. the treatment 
of the words ‘tremble’ and ‘remain’ in Ex. 58, bars 15 and 18-21 
respectively). Caccini’s madrigals, as can be judged from the ex- 
tracts already quoted, are essentially diatonic and must, in this re- 
spect, have been applauded by Bardi, who, no doubt in his insistence 
upon ‘sweetness’, bade him reject ‘the improper practices employed 
today by those who search for unusual sounds’.! Some later mono- 
dists, such as the Mantuan court singer Francesco Rasi, wrote in the 
same vein.? Other monodists took up quite a different attitude. For 
example, in the preface to his Musiche (Milan, 1609) d’India actually 
draws attention to his ‘unusual intervals’ and the way in which he 
passes ‘with the utmost novelty from one consonance to another’, at 
the same time censuring the songs of other composers—was he 
thinking of Caccini?—for the monotony of. their harmony and 
declamation.? Chromatic writing was indeed new to solo madrigals 
in 1609, but of course there had been plenty of it in polyphonic ones. 

The more radical monodists—men such as d’India, Belli, Pietro 
Benedetti (another Florentine and a priest), Lodovico Bellanda (a 
Veronese amateur), and above all Saracinit—frequently match the 


1 Strunk, op. cit., p. 299. 

* Example quoted by Fortune in Musical Quarterly, xxxix (1953), p. 183. Further on 
Rasi, cf. MacClintock, *The Monodies of Francesco Rasi', abstract of lecture, Journal of 
the American Musicological Society, ix (1956), p. 242, and * The Monodies of Francesco 
Rasi', ibid. xiv (1961), p. 31. 

з Cf. Federico Mompellio, ‘Sigismondo d'India e il suo primo libro di Musiche da 
cantar solo’, Collectanea Historiae Musicae, i (1953), p. 121, and Fortune, 'Sigismondo 
d'India: an introduction to his life and works', Proceedings of the Royal Musical Associa- 
tion, Ixxxi (1954-5), р. 33. 

4 There are several complete songs, and quotations from other songs, by these com- 
posers (not all of them ‘unusual’) in Ambros, op. cit., passim (not very reliable); Mom- 
pellio, Sigismondo a’ India (Milan, 1956), passim; idem, Collectanea Historiae Musicae, i 
(1953), pp. 122-8; Noske, op. cit., p. 31; and Bence Szabolcsi, Benedetti und Saracini 


162 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


exaggerated and vivid pathos of Marinism with music abounding in 
acrid clashes, irregularly resolving suspensions, wide leaps and other 
*unusual sounds’. The wayward passion of their mannered settings 
often pays no regard to the structure of a song as a whole. They dart 
off impulsively into foreign keys (returning at the end with difficulty, 
if at all, to the original one)—a procedure at the opposite pole to 
that of Caccini, who sometimes (as in the piece quoted in Ex. 57) 
stays in the same key for almost the whole of a madrigal; they in- 
dulge in violent contrasts of mood and dynamics and linger with 
anguished fascination on all the poignant words and phrases. The 
unbridled emotionalism of many of their songs is well illustrated by 
the following extract from Saracini's lugubrious setting of one of 
Marino's madrigals; both poet and composer provide a parallel to 
the dramatic contrasts of light and shade in the paintings of their 
contemporary Сагауарріо 1 


Е fral dub- bio el mar - ti 


М2 


(Diss, Leipzig, 1923, unpub.), appendix, and A History of Melody (English ed., 
London, 1966), pp. 82-83. Saracini's Le Seconde musiche (Venice, 1620) has been re- 
printed in facsimile (Siena, 1933). 

1 Saracini, Le Seste musiche (Venice, 1624), p. 24. 


163 


SIGISMONDO D’INDIA AND OTHERS 


moe pian - 


£ 
Б 
© 
2 
ES 
о 
g 
* 
E 
Q 
= 


9 


Mu-to a-man - te ri- man - 


,a mute lover I remain.) 


and my heart leaves me at your departure. And as I tremble 


3 


(Alas! you depart. 
and weep, ravaged by doubt and anguish 


In d'India 


professional hands the excitability of a 


s disciplined, 


> 


to re- 


3 


Saracini is generally tempered with the urbanity of a Caccini 


sult on occasion in songs of great power and distinction. Consider 


and pace in these opening bars of 


declamation, 


> 


the variety of mood 


1 


a setting of words from Act 3 of Il Pastor fido: 


> 


one of his madrigals 


' 
$ 
Ё 
а. 
о 
ы 
g 


p. 123. 


1609), p. 44. Reprinted complete by Mompellio, Col- 


i (1953), 


1 D’India, Le Musiche (Milan, 


lectanea Historiae Musicae, 


164 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


eg 
sta - to Sel gia go-du-tobennonsi per-des ~ sel 


(O most bitter sweetness of Love, how much harder it is to lose you than never 
to have tasted or possessed you! What a happystatelove would be if one were not 
to lose the already-enjoyed beloved!) 


D'India's five long laments to his own texts are especially impressive: 
in particular, Dido's lament, published in 1623, is the work of a 
composer of incontestable imagination, invention, and staying-power, 
and a serious rival to Monteverdi's famous operatic lament of 
Ariadne,! which was also printed as a continuo-monody in 1623, nine 
years after the five-part version appeared. D'India set his laments as 
recitatives, which at this time are found only very rarely outside opera. 
Two comparatively accessible examples are Monteverdi's long and 
somewhat monotonous /ettere amorose, ‘Se i languidi miei sguardi’ 
and *Se pur destina', which he published in his Seventh Book of 
madrigals in 1619.2 The musical ‘love letter’ attracted a few other 
composers too, while the lament, alone of non-strophic song forms 
and perhaps prompted by the fame of Monteverdi’s example, came 
into its own after about 1625. 

Saracini, d’India, and similar composers have above been called 
radicals, and that, at first sight, is what they seem to be. But their 
‘progressive’ path was in fact a cul-de-sac. In the early seventeenth 
century chromatic madrigals were a dead end—as, indeed, were all 
madrigals, both solo ones and the polyphonic ones that continued to 
be written, in some cases by the same composers, alongside them. 


1 On d’India’s lament cf. Fortune in Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 
Ixxxi (1954-5), pp. 42-44 (including a musical example). 

* Monteverdi, op. cit. vii (Bologna, 1928), pp. 160-75. In the first edition of Monte- 
verdi's Seventh Book the second lettera is called partenza amorosa. 


SIGISMONDO D’INDIA AND OTHERS 165 


The popularity of solo song injected new life into a dying form at the 
turn ofthe century. But by 1625 the stimulus provided by the injection 
had worn off, and the song-books now contained only a handful of 
madrigals: the madrigal in whatever guise was to all intents and pur- 
poses dead. The seeds of the development of Italian song lay in the 
aria, which indeed influenced the madrigal in its later stages before 
finally overwhelming it (cf. p. 178). 

The earlier song-books of those composers, such as Benedetti and 
Ghizzolo, who published several books over a number of years con- 
sist mainly of madrigals, while the later ones consist mainly of arias. 
The year 1618 is the real watershed in the history of Italian song at 
this period. In this year there were published: (a) the last song-book 
(d’India’s third) but one (an unimportant book of 1626) in which all 
the monodies are madrigals; and (5) the first in which all the monodies 
are arias—this was the Venetian Giovanni Stefani's Affetti amorosi, 
which was popular enough to go into five editions by 1626.! 1618 is 
also the first year in which song-books containing more arias than 
madrigals outnumber those containing more madrigals than arias. 
The proportion is eight to three; and it is reproduced, often more 
markedly, in the figures for succeeding years, until madrigals finally 
disappear. 


THE ARIA 


We must now consider the various types of song covered by the 
general term ‘aria’. All arias are settings of strophic poems. The 
commonest type in the first twenty years of the seventeenth century, 
and the one offering the greatest contrast to the madrigal, is the short, 
light canzonet in triple or common time, in which, to quote Caccini 
again, ‘there is to be used only a lively, cheerful kind of singing which 
is carried and ruled by the air itself’:? no room here for ‘languish- 
ment', chromaticism, passionate exclamations, or winding embel- 
lishments. The bass, far from being a slow-moving support for the 
vocal line, keeps time with it. Of the ten arias in Le Nuove musiche, 
however, only one is strictly of this type; the cheerless nature of the 
words suggests that the form rather than the content of a poem 
determined the kind of music a composer wrote for 1:8 


1 Reprinted, not quite complete, by Oscar Chilesotti in Biblioteca di rarità musicali, 
iii (Milan, 1886). 

2 Strunk, op. cit., p. 384. 

з Caccini, ор. cit., p. 33. Reprinted in Jeppesen, op. cit. i, p. 7. 


SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


166 


reer- 


EK 


U- di- teo fe - 


ы 


te,a- man - ti, 


I 


1. U- di- teu- di - 


5 


1е! 


1 
g 
1 
o 
m 
KI 
Е 
3 


le, 


-ne  don-zel - 


Don 


glio, Pian- 


cor - do 


T 


teal mio 


glio, Pian- ge - 


do 


(Hear, lovers, hear, wild wandering beasts, O heaven and stars, O moon and 
sun, women and maidens, hear my words! And, if I do right to grieve, weep at 


my grief.) 


Songs like this continue the tradition of the sixteenth-century can- 


zonet for several voices; their only *new' feature is that they were 


conceived as solos 


the inner parts being improvised at sight by theac- 


> 


anacreontic rhythms of Gabriello Chiabrera, 


companist. The lively, 


THE ARIA 167 


a poet influenced by Ronsard and the Pleiade,! stimulated the 
composition of many delightful canzonets; as he himself says in his 
dialogue Geri, composers ‘readily admit that the variety of the lines 
makes it easier for them to woo the listeners with their notes'.? None 
of these settings is more enchanting than the following example, with 
its bouncing melody and hemiola rhythm (reminding one of ‘Viricord’, 
о boschi ombrosi’ in Orfeo), by Vincenzio Calestani, a musician in 
the service of the Medici at Pisa:? 


.Da-mi-gel-la Tut-ta bel- la, Ver-sa, ver-sa quel bel vi - no; 


э 


(Pour ош that good wine, my pretty girl; make the ruby-distilled dew fall!) 


The composers of the Florentine school excelled at this type of 
song; they often employed popular dance-rhythms such as galliard 
and courante, adopted the procedure of the variation-suite, and 
wrote instrumental ritornellos that are usually variations on the 
tunes of the songs themselves. Many canzonets contain stereotyped 
formulae, of which the figure in the first half of bars 2 and 5 of Ex. 62 
is the commonest and, as we shall see on p. 177, perhaps the most 
significant. This song is by Raffaello Rontani, who published it after 
he had moved to Rome; but on the whole, the canzonets of Roman 
composers are, like their madrigals, much less attractive than those 
of the Florentines. The way Rontani conceals the ends of the lines 
of the poem is especially skilful :4 


1 Cf. Ferdinando Neri, I! Chiabrera e la Pleiade francese (Turin, 1920), pp. 53-88. 

з Quoted, ibid., p. 96. 

* Calestani, Madrigali et arie (Venice, 1617), p. 35, where there is no sharp in the key- 
signature. Quoted by Fortune, Musical Quarterly, xxxix (1953), p. 186. Ritornello 
omitted, * Rontani, Le Varie musiche, op. 7 (Rome, 1619), p. 8. 


168 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


(Fair beams of burning eyes, than which sunbeams are not brighter . . .) 


It will be gathered that, in contrast to both the sudden key-changes 
and the absence of key-change in the more amorphous madrigals, 
there is in songs of this type a simple, convincing scheme of modula- 
tion characteristic of music whose form is organized and whose 
rhythms are clear-cut. Their well defined tonality is indeed their most 
important 'progressive' feature. 

Several of the other arias in Le Nuove musiche are unrepresentative 
of Italian arias as a whole in that they are virtually strophic madrigals. 
There is, for instance, little difference in mood and technique between 
‘Occhi immortali’ and Ex. 57. In three of these arias Caccini in- 
troduced the principle of 'strophic variation', for which he was 
admired by Doni.? Such Roman composers as Landi and Gregorio 
Veneri, writing between about 1618 and 1625, were particularly fond 
of this form: in their strophic variations, which occasionally have 
a grave, sonorous beauty all their own, a madrigalian vocal line is 
varied from verse to verse, while the bass, moving mainly in crotchets, 


1 Caccini, op. cit., p. 34. Reprinted in Jeppesen, op. cit. i, p. 10. 
2 Cf. Doni, Compendio, p. 118. 


THE ARIA 169 


remains more or less unchanged.! Caccini's modifications are almost 
too slight, as іп ‘Fere selvaggie’,” or too great, as in ‘Io parto, amati 
lumi’, to justify calling his songs strophic variations. 


OTTAVA AND SONNET SETTINGS 


Two other groups of early seventeenth-century ‘sectional’ songs 
may be briefly considered here in parenthesis: settings of ottave and 
of sonnets. A few ottave were set over static basses as recitatives (to 
some of which, following a popular Renaissance custom, several 
poems might be sung), but the majority continued to be set in four 
sections in madrigalian style over the stylized basses that were first 
used for them in the sixteenth century, two lines of text corresponding 
to one statement of the bass. Many of the texts were taken now from 
Tasso's Gerusalemme liberata and from poets influenced by Tasso, 
rather than from Ariosto and his imitators. It is true that Tasso's epic 
was more in harmony with the age than Ariosto's, yet the settings of 
its ottave doubtless improvised by the ladies of Ferrara may well have 
contributed to the popularity it won among musicians at the expense 
of the earlier poem. Like madrigals and sonnet-settings, ottava- 
settings virtually died out in the 1620's, when arias and cantatas by 
Venetian composers became all the rage. Venetian monodists showed 
practically no interest in ottave and stylized basses, just as they 
published very few madrigals: their attitude is in marked contrast to 
that of Florentine and Roman composers and provincial choir- 
masters, who published many settings of ottave, especially over the 
romanesca. Cifra alone composed thirty.* 

Some fifteen sonnets by Petrarch were still set by the monodists; 
many of the others that they chose are in the modish manners of 
Guarini or Marino, though some set by Roman composers are 
sacred sonnets of austerer cast. They were rarely composed straight 
through as madrigals. Instead they were usually split up into two or 
more sections corresponding to the octave and sestet or to sub- 
divisions of them. Most of them were written by the same groups of 
composers as wrote ottave; Monteverdi's * Tempro la cetra’ is one of 
the few examples from Venice.’ Sonnets were usually composed in 

1 Examples of typical basses by Landi in Riemann, Handbuch der Musikgeschichte, 
ii. 2, 2nd ed. (Leipzig, 1922), pp. 51-54. 

2 Caccini, op. cit., p. 31. Reprinted in Jeppesen, op. cit. i, p. 8. 

з Caccini, op. cit., p. 25. The differing vocal lines are reprinted one above the other 
in Riemann, op. cit., p. 25. 

4 Cf. Einstein, “Orlando Furioso and La Gerusalemme Liberata as set to music during 


the 16th and 17th centuries', Notes, viii (1950-1), p. 623. 
5 Monteverdi, op. cit. vii (Bologna, 1928), p. 1. (The sinfonia on p. ! is part of it.) 


170 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


madrigalian style and, in the hands of Belli and Landi, resemble 
strophic variations when passages of the bass used in the first section 
are repeated in later sections in support of a varied melodic іле 
The form can be well represented here by one of the greatest Italian 
songs of the time, Gagliano’s setting of ‘Valli profonde’ by the six- 
teenth-century poet Luigi Tansillo. Gagliano, one of the leading 
musicians of his day, was eminent alike as a composer of operas 
and other stage music, church music, polyphonic madrigals, and 
monodies. No madrigal is quite as arresting as this, nor does any 
madrigalist achieve Gagliano’s variety within a single mood; the 
reappearance at the end of a melodic idea from an earlier part of the 
song is also a unique unifying stroke. Ex. 63 shows part of the 
octave:? 


- denonpar -  - te mai 


1 Landi's ‘Superbi colli e voi, sacre ruine’, in praise of Rome, is quoted in Riemann, 
op. cit., pp. 46-47. 
2 Gagliano, Musiche (Venice, 1615), p. 20. Reprinted in Jeppesen, op. cit. i, p. 14. 


171 


OTTAVA AND SONNET SETTINGS 


beil ciel 


nu - 


pi, 


1 
E 
t 
um 
"3 
& 
1 


Sas - si, 


mu- rae rot - 


— 


caves 


proud rocks threatening the sky, 


where silence and darkness reign undisturbed, winds that cover the sky with 


(Deep valleys, enemies of the sun, 


high cliffs, unburied bones, overgrown and broken 


black clouds, falling stones, 


walls... 


„ 


172 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


THE CANTATA 


The word ‘cantata’ (or ‘cantada’) was first used to denote songs 
in which a Iyrical, un-madrigalian vocal line, varied from verse to 
verse, unfolds over repeated statements, either strict or free, of the 
same bass, moving mainly in crotchets. This is clearly a development 
of the principle of strophic variation and is in fact adumbrated in one 
or two songs in that form by Belli. It may also owe something to 
those parts of madrigals that have ‘walking’ basses, prompted in 
some cases by word-painting (e.g. bars 19-20 in Ex. 58). The 
earliest so-called cantatas are by Alessandro Grandi, who from 1620 
was Monteverdi's principal assistant at St. Mark's, Venice, and they 
overlapped with the more cumbersome madrigalian strophic varia- · 
tions still being composed in Rome. The second edition of Grandi's 
first set of Cantade et arie appeared in Venice in 1620; the first edition 
is lost, and the one known extant copy of the second edition is in- 
accessible in private hands. Two of Grandi's cantatas are settings of 
sonnets.! One at least is still rather like a set of strophic variations, 
but in some of his other cantatas he seems to have achieved the 
greater smoothness typical of the new genre. The genuine strophic- 
bass cantata is seen at its best in ‘Oh con quanta vaghezza’ by 
Giovanni Pietro Berti, who also worked at St. Mark's. The first half 
of each verse is shown in Ex. 64; there is great variety in the ways in 
which the different vocal lines unfold over an identical bass, ranging 
from the imaginative use of rests in verses 3 and 5 to the commanding 
yet graceful sweep of the long-breathed phrases of the last verse. This 
cantata is one of several in which a ritornello separates one verse 
from another.? 

1 Example in Manfred F. Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era (London, 1948), p. 32. 
Other cantatas by Grandi are quoted in Lavignac and La Laurencie, op. cit. ii (Paris, 
1925-31), pp. 3395-6; Henry Pruniéres, ‘The Italian Cantata of the XVIIth century’, 
Music and Letters, vii (1926), p. 41; Riemann, op. cit., pp. 39-45; and Schmitz, Geschichte 


der weltlichen Solokantate, p. 67. 
* Berti, Cantade et arie (first set) (Venice, 1624), pp. 61-65. 


173 


THE CANTATA 


Ex. 64 


VERSE 1 


con 


-hez 


ta vag 


quan - 


on 


H 


о 


і 


гаі ben 


ail 


giu 


ben per prov - 


ne Per- 


-piar 


non dop 


pie - 


- о, Per-don - 
mor, m’al- let - 
te vas - 

sia 
pie- ga, non si 


non si 


- aalcor mi 
- nelo 
E 


te 


с 
о 
ме 


per- 


ta 
© 


da tue ca 


é 
el - la non t 


-ch 


-gi- о Dun- 


car - cer fug 


— 
e 
© 


Se 


174 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


: -ti, Spi- ran dol - ce pie - tà quei sos- рі - 


don - na si- gnor che mha tra - 


; - to. Quel - Іа 


j - ga; Ris-cal-dai pre-ghi pur; 


(O how fondly, O how softly, Love, you entice me.../My heart knows from 
experience that your road, Love, leads to Death. And yet another way... [1 
resolved never again to set foot in your kingdom. See though. . . . / Ah! do not 
redouble my pain because I have fled from your chains. That proud lady. . . . / 
Weep on; she enjoys it; sigh; she does not hear you and relents not. Redouble 
your prayers. ... / O! forgive my heart if thus I fled from prison to Reason.) 


The few remaining strict strophic-bass cantatas are almost all by 
composers connected with Venice. Monteverdi's ‘Ohimè ch'io cado', 
published in Carlo Milanuzzi's Quarto Scherzo delle Ariose Vaghezze, 
is perhaps the finest.! (Monteverdi, alone of the more eminent com- 
posers of the time, arrived at monody solely through the disintegra- 
tion of the polyphonic madrigal; his surviving songs,? though not 
negligible, occupy as unimportant a place in his output as, for 
example, Mozart's do in his.) The chamber cantatas of the next period 
of Italian song are patchworks of recitatives, ariosos, and various 
kinds of aria, including some founded on recurring basses of the type 


1 Monteverdi, op. cit. ix (Bologna, 1929), p. 111. Milanuzzi's book appeared in 1623 
or 1624. It is known only from a reprint of 1624; the Terzo Scherzo came out in 1623. 

3 In the complete edition Malipiero once or twice prints as separate songs what appear 
to be sections of one song. See Domenico de' Paoli, Claudio Monteverdi (Milan, 1945), 
appendix, for three songs, in facsimile and transcription, omitted from Malipiero's 
edition. 


THE CANTATA 175 


we have been considering as well as on the newly introduced chaconne 
basses; they will be discussed in Vol. VI. 

Although more monodies were printed in Venice than anywhere 
else, few were composed there before about 1620; it began to come 
into its own as a centre of monody with strophic-bass cantatas, and it 
did so to a much greater extent with the development of strophic 
arias beyond the point at which we left them. We have already seen 
that 1618 was a crucial year in the waning popularity of madrigals 
and the growing popularity of arias. It was also about this time that 
strophic songs—those, that is, in which every verse is sung to the 
same music—began to split into two well-defined groups. 


POPULAR STROPHIC SONGS 


The less important by far of these groups embraces simple strophic 
tunes, some of them still similar to the canzonets of previous years, 
but more of them less sophisticated and of a more artless and folk- 
like character. They are of no great interest and may be quickly dis- 
posed of. Their poems, dealing with the lighter aspects of love, are 
nearly all contemptible doggerel, full of the wearying rhymes that 
come so easily in Italian. These songs poured from the presses of 
Venice in cheap books of the small-quarto size—formerly used 
exclusively for part-books and henceforward also for more serious 
songs—first used for this purpose by the enterprising Venetian pub- ` 
lisher Giacomo Vincenti in 1618 for Stefani's Affetti amorosi; all 
previous monody-books had been folios. For accompanying these 
little songs the new modish instrument was the Spanish guitar. In 
addition to the basso continuo these song-books included letters 
indicating the harmonies to be played by the guitar. (They were some- 
times added to more serious songs, too). A few unimportant volumes 
of verses were also published i in which, apart from a few suggestions 
as to which already popular tunes they should be sung to, guitar- 
letters provide the sole musical indications. These popular songs were 
written for the most part by composers who wrote almost nothing 
else: Milanuzzi, Andrea Falconieri, and Domenico Manzolo are 
three of them.! A few of the more serious composers also included 
one or two in their song-books. ‘Maledetto sia l'aspetto" by Monte- 
verdi (Scherzi musicali, 1632) is a delightful example.? Even Saracini 
inserted a few among the pathetic madrigals of his books of Musiche. 

1 For representative examples cf. 22 Arie a una voce di Frate Carlo Milanuzzi, ed. 


Giacomo Benvenuti (Milan, 1922). 
з Monteverdi, op. cit. x, p. 76. 


176 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


A few of the songs of Saracini and Stefani seem to have been based 
on Balkan folk-tunes.! 


DEVELOPMENT OF THE CANZONET 


The second of our two groups comprises those songs which, parallel 
to the unambitious popular songs, illustrate the first stages of the 
development of canzonets into the broad, sensuous arias found in the 
cantatas of the later seventeenth century. In 1617 Calestani published 
among his dance-songs and canzonets the following, quite different, 


song:? 


mo-re Per 


1 Cf. Szabolcsi, History, p. 102 (with three examples). 
? Calestani, op. cit., p. 33, where there is no sharp in the key-signature. Ritornello 


omitted. 


DEVELOPMENT OF THE CANZONET 177 


(Flash and wound me, eyes, yet I offer you my heart. It does not die from the 
wounds of bright eyes, though attacked and tormented.) 


This song is different because it is more expansive, urbane, and 
seductive than any previous canzonet; indeed, it can hardly be 
called a canzonet any more, even though the poem is still typical of 
the persiflage that composers normally turned to for their canzonets. 
Henceforward, as madrigals died out, strophic verses began to deal 
increasingly with the more serious matters that had usually been the 
concern of madrigals. Not only did their general musical tone become 
more serious and refined in the direction suggested by Calestani's 
song: the roulades characteristic of madrigals were transferred to 
arias in a new guise. Many singers would be reluctant to dispense 
altogether with vocal display. At the same time, composers were no 
doubt equally reluctant to sacrifice the smooth flow of their arias to 
‘static’ coloratura. In the new roulades a single syllable is set to a long 
series of notes, frequently arranged in sequences and moving in the 
normal note-values of arias at a speed faster than such notes would 
have been taken in madrigals. Such roulades almost certainly grew 
out of short figures like the one in bars 2 and 5 of Ex. 62. Ex. 66 shows 
a typical roulade from the canzonet ‘Se muov'a giurar' by Caccini's 
elder daughter, Francesca:! 


(Love, your servants. . .) 


1 Francesca Caccini, Primo libro delle musiche (Florence, 1618), p. 94. Also cf. Fortune 
in Acta Musicologica, xxiii (1951), p. 129. 


178 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


Calestani and Francesca Caccini worked for the Medici; but with 
the increasing tendency to religious bigotry at their court after about 
1620 the popularity of secular music gradually waned, and, except for 
the two books of arias published by Frescobaldi! during his break 
with Rome, practically no secular songs appeared there for another 
fifteen years. Florence, cradle of opera and first home of the ‘new 
music', where even as late as 1620 life at court seemed to be one long 
carnival, became a desolate musical backwater. Between 1620 and 
1630 the main stream of Italian song flowed through Venice. 

The songs of Berti are most characteristic of Venetian songs of this 
decade. They are nearly all in triple time. He constructs his melodies 
in broad, sweeping phrases, generating great emotional power, and 
he supports them with firm basses and straightforward, stereotyped 
harmonies within a simple scheme of modulations in which chroma- 
ticism plays next to no part (cf. Ex. 67). His arias, and those of other 
Venetian and north Italian composers such as Grandi, the blind 
Martino Pesenti, and Giovanni Felice Sances, sometimes breathe too 
a gentle, languishing melancholy that is a perfect match for their 
elegant, though scarcely momentous and nearly always anonymous, 


verses. 


ARIA WITH RECITATIVE 


It was just before 1620 that the verses of strophic songs began to be 
split up with increasing frequency into two parts, one set as a recita- 
tive, the other to aria-like movement in triple time. At the same time 
the movement of madrigals was becofning increasingly discontinuous 
as passages of triple time intruded upon the prevailing common time; 
Falconieri’s uniquely constructed song ‘Deh! dolc’ anima mia’ 
(1619)? is an excellent example of such a madrigal. Madrigals and 
arias were drawn together again into a common style: those in 
Benedetto Ferrari's Musiche varie (Venice, 1633) are musically in- 
distinguishable from each other. This time arias proved finally and 
indisputably to be the stronger magnet; in Caccini's strophic varia- 
tions madrigals had won a temporary victory. Peri and d'India are 
among the first composers to set strophic texts as recitatives and 
arias. In his delightful *Torna il sereno zefiro' (1623) d'India writes 
in three successive styles—those typical of madrigals, recitatives and 


ı His Primo libro d'arie musicali (Florence, 1630) has been edited by Felice Boghen 
(Rome, 1933) and by Helga Spohr, Musikalische Denkmäler, iv (Mainz, 1960). 

з Reprinted in Guido Adler, Handbuch der Musikgeschichte, 2nd ed. (Berlin, 1930), 
pp. 438-9, and in Suzanne Clercx, Le Baroque et la musique (Brussels, 1948), pp. 106-8. 


ARIA WITH RECITATIVE 179 


arias!—in order to conform exactly to the poet’s feelings. Unex- 
pectedly few of the earliest recitatives and arias of Venetian com- 
posers are settings of texts like, for instance, Rinuccini's madrigal 
*Sfogava con le stelle', in which a scene could be set in recitative and 
the expression of a lover's feelings treated as an aria. In his setting of 
this poem in Le Nuove musiche? the undramatic Caccini seems merely 
to be groping towards this kind of setting: Monteverdi's five-part 
setting? is much more prophetic. In the arias of Berti and other Vene- 
tians the last line or so of a verse is often treated as a refrain and re- 
peated over and over again. The next step was for this section of an 
aria to become more conspicuous than ever, to develop into an aria in 
its own right, while the words of the main part of the verse were 
crowded into an introductory recitative. The following song by Berti 
illustrates this procedure as well as turns of phrase typical of recitative 
and of the long, flowing lines characteristic of Venetian arias:* 


Ex.67 


dio op-pres - so, Chia- mo soc- 


spes-so Gri-dailcor 


— 


1 All quoted by Fortune in Musical Quarterly, xxxix (1953), p. 191. 

2 Giulio Caccini, op. cit., p. 13. It is reprinted in Davison and Apel, op. cit. ii (Lon- 
don, 1950), p. 3, where it is incorrectly called an aria. . 

3 Monteverdi, op. cit. iv (Bologna, 1927), p. 15. 

* Berti, Cantade et arie (second set) (Venice, 1627), p. 5. The music is modified for the 
last of the four verses. 


SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


180 


,nes-sun ре- 


— 


vi - vo ar-dor, 


c 
Lem] 
o 
8 
t 
> 
8 
E 
s 
© 
ГА 
Li 
© 
c 
Ф 
а 
ы 


ta. Soc-cor - re- te- mi 


ai - 


H 
TO m 


voi, Soc-cor- 


miei, Soccor- re -te- mi 


- mo-re, Dun - que oc-chi 


а 
o 
9 
mi 
ka 

‘ 
o 
E 
[ 
5 
E 

t 
3 


con 


voi 


-re - te- mi 


miei, Soc-cor- 


lar - gohu-mo - re, Dun-queoc-chi 


-mo- те, con 


з 
Е 
a 
Ф 
+ 
U 
© 
E 
' 


and with 


lis to the fire. And although 


I cry for help and invoke Pity, 


(Oppressed by a relentless burning, 
dreadful, choking sounds my palpitating heart са 


, my eyes, 


id. And so 


my life burns with a living ardour no one comes to my ai 
relieve me with ample tears, for my heart demands it.) 


CHAMBER DUETS 181 


CHAMBER DUETS 


Two kinds of two-part vocal music of the early seventeenth century 
really belong to spheres other than solo song: (a) two-part poly- 
phonic madrigals and canzonets of a type going back to the mid- 
sixteenth century, in which the lower part may be treated also as an 
instrumental basso seguente; and (b) dialogues, sacred and secular, 
whose connexions are mainly with dramatic music, masques, and the 
early stages of the oratorio. This leaves the Italian chamber duets of 
the early seventeenth century as the only significant body of vocal 
duets analogous to the solo songs in any country in the period covered 
by this volume. In these duets the relationship of the two voices to the 
continuo is exactly the same as that of the solo voice in monodies, 
just as in later years the duet cantata parallels the solo cantata. 

As has been mentioned above (cf. p. 160), several of these duets 
were published in books containing monodies, but one or two com- 
posers, such as d'India (Le Musiche a due voci, Venice, 1615) and 
Giovanni Valentini (Musiche a doi voci, Venice, 1622), published 
collections of duets alone. The outstanding collection on musical 
grounds is Monteverdi's significantly named Concerto: settimo libro 
de Madrigali (Venice, 1619),! which was reprinted four times up to 
1641: sixteen of its twenty-nine items are duets. 

Most of the types of solo song discussed in the foregoing pages 
occur, handled in the same ways, in the duets. There are far fewer 
duets than monodies, but in one group—settings of ottave over 
stylized basses—they outnumber monodies. The figures given by 
Einstein?—thirteen settings of Ariosto and Tasso as solos and twenty- 
three as duets—are paralleled in the more numerous settings of other 
ottave. Cifra is again a prominent composer here, and the bulk of 
d'India's book of 1615 consists of music of this kind. The outstand- 
ing example is Monteverdi's ‘Ohimè, dov’é '1 mio ben" 8 Here the 
characteristic layout of nearly all duets is seen on the highest artistic 
level: homophonic writing, with the voices moving mainly in thirds, 
alternates with imitative passages involving the use of suspensions, 
none more painful than the one at the beginning of Monteverdi's 
piece. Sonnet settings include Monteverdi’s *Interrotte speranze’,* 
which is remarkable for its ‘static’, mysterious kind of incantatory 


1 Edited complete as Monteverdi, op. cit. vii. 

з Notes, viii (1950-1), pp. 628-30. 

* Op. cit., p. 152; the last part in Jeppesen, op. cit. iii, p. 74. There is another example, 
by Filippo Vitali, in ibid., p. 86. 

* Monteverdi, op. cit. vii, p. 94, and Jeppesen, op. cit. iii, p. 76. 


182 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


writing for the voices, which do not break into imitation until the 
last line of the text, 

The first outstanding vocal piece on a chaconne-bass is Monte- 
verdi’s magnificent ‘Zefiro torna, e di soavi accenti’,! published in 
1632. The contrasts of mood in Rinuccini’s text, another sonnet, are 
exactly the same as those in d'India's ‘Torna il sereno zefiro’ (cf. 
p. 178), a popular type going back to Petrarch, whose sonnet ‘ Zefiro 
torna е? bel tempo rimena’ Monteverdi himself set as a five-part 
madrigal in his sixth book. Over a free bass Monteverdi breaks into 
passionate declamation of the poet's sadness, and this is in violent 
contrast to the vernal freshness of the rest of the piece as it pursues 
its course over the constantly repeated two-bar bass. This duet repre- 
sents the ultimate stylistic fusion of madrigal and aria mentioned 
on p. 178. Several of Monteverdi's earlier duet settings of madrigals 
contain passages in triple time, e.g. “Dice la mia bellissima Licori’ 
and ‘Non vedró mai le stelle’,? not necessarily at points in the poems 
that demand such a change: these are often purely musical changes 
indicating the growing dominance of the triple-time aria. His ‘O 
come sei gentile'? is an example of the earlier kind of elaborately 
ornamented madrigal wholly in common time; yet even here the 
roulades tend not to be static but to move with the basic pulse, as in 
the triple-time canzonet quoted in Ex. 66. 

There are no important strophic duets by Monteverdi or other 
composers before 1630 comparable with the broad triple-time arias 
of Berti and other Venetian composers: as has been pointed out, the 
composers approached this style in duets mainly through through- 
composed madrigalian texts. Most strophic duets correspond to the 
simpler kind of solo canzonet, sometimes, as in Monteverdi and 
Valentini, with ritornellos for violins. Monteverdi's charming 
* Chiome d'oro' is the most familiar example of a piece of this kind.* 


SOLO SONG IN GERMANY 


From the Italian music of this period grew a vocal style that was to 
sweep Europe during the next two centuries. At first, however, 
Italian monody travelled slowly to other lands; not unexpectedly, 
there is no trace in the period under review of the influence of 
the Venetian arias of the 1620's. So far as Germany is concerned the 


! Monteverdi, op. cit. ix, p. 9. 

? Op. cit. vii, pp. 58 and 66 respectively. 3 Ibid., p. 35. 

* Ibid., p. 176. There are further examples, by Marco and Giovanbattista da Gagliano, 
Cifra and Frescobaldi, in Jeppesen, op. cit. iii, pp. 82, 84, 88, 85, and 89 respectively. 


SOLO SONG IN GERMANY 183 


slowness of the penetration of monody may have been due to the fact 
that the Italian music best known there seems to have been Venetian 
music, and Venice in the early years of the seventeenth century was 
famous not for monodies but for the choral music of Giovanni 
Gabrieli and for sacred chamber music on a smaller scale; German 
publications of this period show that these were the only potent 
Italian influences.! 

The only significant German composer of solo songs before 1630 
was Johann Nauwach, a musician in the service of the Elector of 
Saxony; he studied in Italy for six years? and in 1623 published at 
Dresden his Libro primo di arie passeggiate, entirely to Italian texts. 
The title may have been suggested by the book of tedious Arie 
passeggiate that the expatriate German, Johann Kapsperger, had 
engraved, complete with tablature for the chitarrone, in Rome in 
1612. (He published another set in 1623.) Nauwach may also have 
met Saracini, either during his own stay in Florence between 1614 
and 1618 or while the latter was in Germany, or at least have seen 
Saracini’s Musiche of 1614, since nearly all the poems he set to music 
also appear there. But his settings are dry and mechanical compared 
with Saracini's. He also included in his book a version of Caccini's 
*Amarilli deprived of its exquisite final cadence and subjected 
throughout to arid and tasteless divisions that replace Caccini's 
elegant embellishments and drain it of all sentiment and expressive- 
ness.? Nauwach is seen at his best in his four Italianate canzonets: 
Einstein quotes one that is very similar to Ex. 62.* The eight solo 
songs in Nauwach's Teutsche Villanellen (Dresden, 1627),5 especially 
‘All Leut und Thier’, are in the main similar to these canzonets. 
About half the poems found in this book are by Martin Opitz, who 
had fashioned a new kind of German verse, more elegant than that 
of his predecessors. The collaboration of Opitz and Nauwach, which 
may be said to have created the German continuo song, can be seen 


1 Cf. the lists in Otto Ursprung, ‘Der Weg von den Gelegenheitsgesängen und dem 
Chorlied über die Frühmonodisten zum neueren deutschen Lied' (* Vier Studien zur 
Geschichte der deutschen Lieder’, iv), Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, vi (1924), pp. 283-90. 

з Cf. Hans Volkmann, ‘Johann Nauwachs Leben’, Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 
iv (1921-2), p. 554. 

3 Cf. the comparison of the two settings in Einstein, *Ein unbekannter Druck aus der 
Frühzeit der deutschen Monodie', Sammelbände der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, 
xiii (1911—12), pp. 294—5. 

4 Ibid., p. 296. 

5 Reprinted in Walter Vetter, Das frühdeutsche Lied (Münster, 1928), ii, pp. 44—50. 
For a discussion of them cf. ibid. i, pp. 141-55, and R. Hinton Thomas, Poetry and Song 
in the German Baroque (Oxford, 1963), pp. 39—42; also cf. Haas, Die Musik des Barocks, 
pp. 99-100. One song is reprinted'in Hans Joachim Moser, The German Solo Song and 
the Ballad (Cologne, 1958), p. 16. 


184 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


at its most fruitful in ‘Ach liebste, lass uns eilen’. Johann Hermann 
Schein, an altogether bigger figure than Nauwach, has been, discussed 
in the previous chapter.! 


THE LUTE SONG IN FRANCE 


The verses of the leading French poets of the sixteenth century— 
Ronsard, Desportes, Amadis Jamyn, Étienne Jodelle, and several 
others—abound with references to the lute and lyre and to singing to 
these instruments.? Ronsard, for example, writes in the twelfth of his 
first book of odes (published in 1550): 

Premier j'ay écrit la façon 
D'accorder le luth aux odes. 
(I was the first to show how the lute should be matched to odes.) 
And these lines open the third ode in his second book (also 1550): 
Viens à moy, mon luth, que j'accorde 
Une ode, pour la fredonner 
Dessus la mieux parlante corde 
Que Phoebus tait voulu donner. . . 

(Come to me, my lute, that I may compose an ode and sing it to the best- 

speaking string that Phoebus has wished to give you.) 
We should not take these references too seriously; no doubt many of 
them are merely poetic gestures, sometimes vague and unexpected (as 
when Ronsard speaks of a lute played with a bow), which were pro- 
ducts, perhaps, of the mystique concerning the union of music and 
poetry created to a great extent by the prose writings of Ronsard 
himself and of such men as Pontus de Tyard, who anticipated the 
opinions of Bardi's Camerata in considering ensemble-singing “un 
vulgaire usage’ inferior to solo singing as a vehicle for fine poetry.® 

It is nevertheless true that, in France and elsewhere, there must have 
been a public who enjoyed singing French chansons—the most popular 
musical representatives of the internationally dominant French cul- 
ture—as solos to the lute;* in the middle years of the century a number 
of volumes were published, on the lines of Attaingnant's collection of 
1529,5 in response to this demand. The first was actually published in 

1 See p. 122. 

5 For a comprehensive selection of them cf. La Laurencie, Mairy, and Thibault, op. cit., 
pp. xxvii-xxx. 

* Cf. François Lesure, Musicians and Poets of the French Renaissance (New York, 
[1956], pp. 56-57, and Henri Quittard, ‘L’ Hortus Musarum de 1552-53 et les arrange- 
ments de piéces polyphoniques pour voix seule et luth’, Sammelbände der internationalen 
Musikgesellschaft, viii (1906-7), p. 274. Ronsard's important dedication of his Lívre de 


mellanges (Paris, 1560) is translated in Strunk, op. cit., pp. 286-9. 
* Cf. La Laurencie, Les Luthistes (Paris, 1928), pp. 56-57. * See p. 5. 


THE LUTE SONG IN FRANCE 185 


Antwerp by another of the leading publishers of the time, Pierre 
Phalese. His Hortus musarum, consisting of arrangements of chansons 
and other vocal music, appeared in two parts, the first, for lute alone, 
in 1552, the second, for voice and lute, in 1553. The bulk of the second 
part consists of twenty chansons,! nine of them by Créquillon and five 
by Clemens non Papa. Whereas the solos in Attaingnant's book were 
arrangements of chansons that had been published already, nearly all 
of those in Phalése's book antedate by a year or two the publication 
of the purely vocal versions. It is not known who made the arrange- 
ments. Many of them are literal even to the retention in the lute part 
of imitative entries (cf. Clemens's *Puis que voulez’), though others, 
such as Créquillon's ‘L’ardant amour’, are better adapted to the 
capabilities of the lute. 


LE ROY'S PUBLICATIONS 


Adrian Le Roy, the famous printer and a past master at arranging 
vocal music for the lute, was more sensible of the differences between 
vocal and instrumental techniques. The second and fifth of his Livres 
de guiterre (1551 or 1552—only the second edition of 1555 is known— 
and 1554, respectively) contain a total of forty-two chansons to be 
sung to the four-stringed gittern; Arcadelt is the most frequently 
named composer (in the fifth book only). Le Roy also published 
arrangements by himself and by the lutenist Guillaume Morlaye of 
psalms by Certon.? But his most celebrated publication in this genre 
is his Livre d'airs de cour of 1571,? written for the clever and cultivated 
Claude-Catherine de Clermont de Vivonne, Comtesse de Retz, who 
gathered around her a brilliant circle of poets and musicians. Le Roy 
had already dedicated to her his Instruction de partir toute musique 
facilement en tablature de luth, a volume known now only from Eng- 
lish translations of the second part (1568) and of the complete work 
in three parts (1574). In his Instruction Le Roy shows in detail how 
vocal works should be set for the lute, taking as his principal examples 

1 Reprinted complete in La Laurencie, Mairy, and Thibault, op. cit., pp. 53-131, with 
facsimile specimen page of music on p. [xlvi]. Two reprinted by Quittard in Sammelbände 
der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, viii (1906-7), pp. 280-5, and one in Noske, 
op. cit., p. 20. 

* Cf. Morlaye, Psaumes de Pierre Certon réduits pour chant et luth, ed. Richard de 
Morcourt (Paris, 1957). Other reprints include Bruger, Schule des Lautenspiels, i, p. 46, 
jii, p. 94, and iv, p. 145, and Morcourt, *Adrian le Roy et les psaumes pour luth', 
Annales musicologiques, iii (1955), pp. 201-11. 

* Reprinted as complete as possible (the only surviving copy is imperfect) in La 
Laurence, Mairy, and Thibault, op. cit., pp. 133-75 and Ixvi-Ixxii, with facsimile of 


specimen page of music on p. liv. Other reprints in Janet Dodge, ‘Les Airs de cour 
d'Adrian le Roy’, Mercure musical et Bulletin de la S.I.M., iii (1907), pp. 1136-43. 


186 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


a number of chansons by Lassus. But the chansons of Lassus, he says 
(in the dedication of the Livre of 1571), are ‘difficiles et ardues’, and 
so, by way of contrast, he has put into this new book chansons that 
are "beaucoup plus legieres’, of the kind formerly known as voix de 
ville and now called airs de cour.! This is the first use of a term, vaude- 
ville, that (along with airs, first used in Costeley's Musique of 1570) 
was to become general for this kind of lighter song, in both solo and 
ensemble versions: the précieux of the court embraced the music of 
the streets. 

Of the twenty-two chansons in Le Roy's collection thirteen are 
taken from the settings of verses by Ronsard, Desportes, and other 
leading poets published the previous year by Nicolas de La Grotte, an 
admired performer on keyboard instruments. Le Roy may have been 
influenced in his choice by the simple, clear-cut melodies and homo- 
phonic texture of La Grotte's chansons. His songs are not ‘straight’ 
transcriptions and are indeed often more expressive than the originals. 
He doubled the vocal lines in his lute parts. But he introduced varia- 
tions into both the lute and voice parts as well; his lute parts (as in La 
Grottes ‘Las! que nous sommes misérables’) sometimes look for- 
ward to the style brisé of the Gaultiers, and he introduced into them 
little flourishes to underline key words. He published two versions of 
four of the chansons, one with a simple lute part, the other, *plus 
finement traitée’, with a rather more elaborate one, though not so 
elaborate as the second versions of Milán's songs.? Ex. 68, showing 
the opening of a chanson (i) in its original form and (ii) as treated by 
Le Roy, illustrates his art of arrangement. The music is by La Grotte 
and the poem by Ronsard; it was almost certainly performed in the 
second form in a sumptuous masque staged at Fontainebleau in 1565:3 


1 The dedications of the Livre of 1571 and of the 1574 translation of the Instruction 
in La Laurencie, Mairy, and Thibault, op. cit., pp. xxv-xxxvilandlvi- [lvii], respectively. 

? See p. 136. 

3 (i) La Fleur des musiciens de P. Ronsard, ed. Henry Expert (Paris, 1923), p. 62; 
(ii) La Laurencie, Mairy, and Thibault, op. cit., p. 167. Alsa cf. Pruniéres, ‘Ronsard et 
les fétes de cour', Revue musicale, numéro spécial; Ronsard et la musique (May, 1924), 
pp. 34-37. 


LE ROY’S PUBLICATIONS 187 


(I am Love, great master of the gods, I am he.) 


FRENCH SONG IN THE EARLY SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 


It is curious that no more solo songs were published in France until 
1608. The civil wars that rocked France during the earlier part of the 
intervening period cannot alone have been the reason for this, since 
more than five hundred ensemble airs were published between 1576 
and 1600.1 It is possible, however, that publications involving lute- 
tablatures were temporarily abandoned because of their expense. It 
is also possible that, as a result of Le Roy's publications, people 
could now be expected to arrange their own solos at home if they 
wanted to. That musicians, at least, continued to think in terms of 
tunes separable from lower parts is shown by the publication in 1582 of 


1 Cf. Kenneth Jay Levy, ‘Vaudeville, vers mesuré et airs de cour’, Musique et poésie 
(Paris, 1954), p. 189, with a list of books in n. 19. 


188 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


Airs de plusieurs musiciens réduits à quatre parties,! in which tunes by 
other composers are re-set for four voices by Didier Le Blanc, and by 
the way in which the top parts stand out against a homophonic 
background in the airs of such men as Jehan Planson and Charles 
Tessier (the latter published by Thomas Este in London in 1597). 
There is also the evidence of Jehan Chardavoine's Recueil des plus 
belles et excellentes chansons en forme de voix de ville (1576), which 
consists of 190 unaccompanied tunes probably sung by the ordinary 
townsfolk ; their more popular toneis well illustrated if Chardavoine's 
symmetrical melody for Ronsard’s celebrated poem ‘Mignonne, 
allons voir si la rose' is compared with the top part of Costeley's 
‘learned’ four-part setting published in 1570.? Finally, Pierre Cerveau 
provides a link with the practice in other countries when he remarks 
in the preface to his four-part Airs of 1599 that “according to the 
most learned musicians of this time' the top part only of an air could 
be sung, with the lower parts played on instruments. 

The first French solo songs of the seventeenth century are the 
twenty-six airs de court (sic) in that huge international rag-bag of lute- 
music, the Thesaurus harmonicus (Cologne, 1603) of Jean-Baptiste 
Besard, a Frenchman trained as lawyer and lutenist and living in 
Germany.? Most of these songs, too, have clear-cut melodies of a 
popular cast; in ‘Si jamais mon âme blessee’,* on the other hand, the 
movement is completely held up by embellishments as indiscrimin- 
ately applied as in Nauwach’s * Amarilli' (see p. 183). 

After a curious six-year hiatus, during which no airs of any kind 
appeared, solo song eventually got under way in France in 1608 with 
the publication of Airs de différents autheurs mis en tablature de luth 
par Gabriel Bataille. This is the first of a series of sixteen such volumes 
that continued until 1643. Bataille, a fine Iutenist himself, intabulated 
the songs in the first six (to 1615); the arrangements in the next two 
(1617-18) are by the composers *eux mesmes’; and those from the 


1 Reprinted complete by Expert in Monuments de la musique française (Paris, 1925). 

3 Both reprinted in La Fleur des musiciens de P. de Ronsard, pp. 74 and 44, respectively. 
Or cf. Julien Tiersot, *Ronsard et la musique de son temps’, Sammelbände der interna- 
tionalen Musikgesellschaft, iv (1902-3), pp. 132-3, where the same comparison is made. 
Also cf. Claude Frissard, ‘A propos d'un recueil de ‘‘ chansons" de Jehan Chardavoine’, 
Revue de musicologie, xxx (1948), p. 58. 

3 These songs have been reprinted in several different places. The largest selections 
are those of Chilesotti in Biblioteca di rarità musicali, vii (Milan, 1914) (eleven airs) and 
in ‘Gli airs de cour di Besard’, in Atti del Congresso Internazionale di Scienze Storiche, 
viii, for 1900 (1905), pp. 131 ff. (nine of the same airs and one additional one). There are 
three airs in Airs de cour pour voix et luth (1603-1643), ed. André Verchaly (Paris, 1961), 
pp. 4-9. Cf. Lavignac and la Laurencie, op. cit. i, p. 670, for a facsimile of an air. 

* Reprinted in Biblioteca di rarità musicali, vii, p. 14. Facsimile reprint in Georg 
Kinsky, A History of Music in Pictures (London, 1930), p. 135. 


FRENCH SONG IN THE EARLY SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 18 


ninth book (1620) onwards are by Antoine Boésset, who from 1626 
was superintendent of chamber music at court. Other song-books of 
this time include five (1624-35) by the admired singer Étienne 
Moulinié and eight (1615-28) brought out by the printer Pierre 
Ballard and consisting of tunes only.! The books are quartos, often 
running to seventy folios. Most of the songs they contain are still 
arrangements of ensemble music, and the mainly chordal lute parts? 
generally keep pace with the vocal lines; the basso continuo is not 
found in French music of this date. There are no bar-lines. 

The songs fall into four main groups. (1) Airs de cour proper: most 
of the more serious secular songs belong to this group; although even 
drinking songs are occasionally called airs, it is true on the whole to 
say that this type of song became more précieux and less popular over 
the years. (2) The more light-hearted chansons, with squarer and 
catchier tunes and sometimes based on specific dance rhythms. They 
seem to have become more popular towards 1630 at the expense of 
airs proper. (3) Psalms: these are strictly outside the range of this 
chapter. The eleven psalms in Bataille's books, nearly all composed 
by him, are, however, among the noblest French songs of the period; 
their melodies, resembling those in the Huguenot psalter, are set 
against lute accompaniments richer and more polyphonic than those 
of the other songs. The psalms are among the few French songs of the 
time actually conceived as solos.? (4) Récits: these form an essential 
part of ballets de cour.* 


GUEDRON AND THE RECIT 


The récits are the only French songs of this period to show even 
a semblance of Italian influence. Pierre Guédron, the leading French 
composer of the age, is the only one who seems to have studied 
Italian music, and it was he who composed most of the known récits. 
Like the psalms they are written expressly as solos. In their lute parts 


5 For fuller surveys than can be given here cf. Théodore Gerold, L'Art du chant 
en France au XVII’ siècle (Strasbourg, 1921), рр. 1-95, Verchaly, ‘Poésie et air de 
cour en France jusqu'à 1620', Musique et poésie (Paris, 1954), p. 211, and idem in 
Roland-Manuel, op. cit., pp. 1532-43. The most important selection of reprinted airs is 
Verchaly, Airs de cour (with introduction and detailed commentaries), which contains 
90 airs; there are 24—all but two different —in Peter Warlock, French ayres from Gabriel 
Bataille's Airs de différents autheurs (1608-1618) (London, [1926]). Verchaly's volume 
appeared after this chapter had been written. 

2 On the lute parts, see Verchaly, ‘La Tablature dans les recueils frangais pour chant 
et luth (1603-1643)’, in Le Luth er sa musique, ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1958), p. 155. 

3 Cf. ‘Tous ceux qui du Seigneur ont crainte’, reprinted in Verchaly, ‘Gabriel Bataille 
et son œuvre personnelle pour chant et luth’, Revue de musicologie, xxix (1947), pp. 19-20. 

* See p. 806. 


190 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


there are chords only on the strong beats, supporting fairly free and 
declamatory vocal lines. But even a typical récit such as Guédron's 
* Quel espoir de guarir’? is comparatively un-Italian. The short embel- 
lishments of récits are much less incisive and passionate than the 
longer ones found in Italian madrigals. The French tended to add 
short, pliable flourishes to many syllables (even mute е’) without 
regard to their emotional significance: the occasional flourish of this 
kind, resembling the one at the beginning of Caccini's ' Perfidissimo 
volto’ (cf. p. 155), affords one of the few points of contact between 
the two nations. Again, French exclamations usually rise through a 
port-de-voix or coulé, whereas Caccini's nearly always fall.? The later, 
more extravagant elaborations of the vocal lines of airs de cour by 
Boésset, Moulinié, and the singer Henry Le Bailly include many pas- 
sages in even note-values that resemble the diminutions ofthe previous 
century rather than the roulades of the finest Italian monodists. We 
are fortunate in knowing the embellishments that they added to 
Boésset's song * N'esperez plus’; while they are typically un-Italian, 
it is significant that, as in Italian arias, the section of the song in 
triple time is much less florid than that in duple time. Embellishments 
of this nature were probably introduced not merely to gratify the 
vanity of virtuosos but to compensate for the narrow range of the 
melodies of all airs except récits and to bring variety to the singing of 
a song with several verses. 

Most of the features of airs that I have mentioned are sympto- 
matic of a general attitude to music, paralleled in other aspects of 
cultural life, that is peculiarly French. The French agreed with Des- 
cartes that the objects of music are to please and to represent human 
feelings in a simple, graceful manner conforming to the ideals of 
précieux society in its avoidance of passionate exaggeration. In his 
récits Guédron merely took over a few gestures from the Italian 
style. He never attempted to adapt that style to French taste. Marin 
Mersenne, the greatest musical theorist in France and an ardent 
champion of solo as opposed to ensemble music, attacked French 
composers for this unwillingness to enliven the soft, undemonstrative 
French style with a strong dose of Italian passion.* (There was, as we 
have seen, more ‘sweetness’ in Italian music than Mersenne seems 


1 Warlock, op. cit., p. 26. 

* Cf. examples in Gérold, op. cit., p. 90. Gérold, on pp. 80-92, gives a very good 
account of this subject. 

з Printed in Marin Mersenne, Harmonie universelle (Paris, 1636), ii, * Traitez des con- 
sonances', pp. 411-14. They are reprinted in Ferand, Improvisation in Nine Centuries, 
p. 107. * Cf. Mersenne, op. cit., pp. 198 and 356. 


GUEDRON AND THE RECIT 191 


to have allowed). Yet his views on Italian music are not typical of 
French thought. The French and the Italians were antipathetic to 
each other's music, and they were to remain so until well into the 
eighteenth century. The literary and musical ties between France 
and Italy in the later sixteenth century, resulting perhaps in as yet 
unexplored links between airs de cour and the lighter Italian forms such 
as the villanella, weakened with the vogue for the more passionate 
solo madrigals in Italy. The one Italian song—an arrangement of 
a villanella by Ruggiero Giovanelli—and the settings by Frenchmen 
of Italian words in the books of solo airs de cour are quite unlike 
Italian monodies.! Caccini and his family seem to have made no 
impression on French composers when they sang at the French court 
during the winter of 1604—5; and the French and the Italians blamed 
one another for the same ‘faults’ in their singing.? 


AIRS DE COUR 


The words of airs de cour are mainly by poets of the second rank, 
who perpetuated Petrarchan themes and vocabulary in amorous, 
passionless poems covering a wide range of forms and metres; the 
verses of most are either four or six lines long. The influence of 
Spanish poetry is also marked. All the songs are strophic, and many 
fall into two repeated halves. The songs of the lighter type, with their 
well-defined outlines and regular rhythms, are well represented by the 
following bergerette by Bataille:? 


Ex.69 


ber - gè- ге Non lé - gè- re En a- 


1. Ma 


-mours, Ме fait re-ge-voir dubientous les jours, Ма ber- 


jours: Jela meine La pour-merne Par les champs, Ой nous prenons en- 


1 Several are reprinted in Verchaly, ‘Les Airs italiens mis en tablature de luth dans les 
recueils frangais du début du XVII* siécle', Revue de musicologie, xxxv (1953), p. 59. 

з Cf. Fortune in Music and Letters, xxxv (1954), р. 214, and Verchaly in Revue de 
musicologie, xxxv (1953), p. 50. 

з Bataille, Airs de différents autheurs, iv (Paris, 1613), fo. 10°. Taken from reprint in 
Warlock, op. cit., p. 20, where it is anonymous and the repeats are written out; the bar- 
lines are Warlock's. Also in Verchaly, Airs de cour, p. 52. 


192 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


-sem-ble de doux pas - se - temps, Je la -temps, 


(My shepherdess, not fickle in love, makes me receive good things every day. 
I lead her through the fields, where we pass the time pleasantly together.) 


Very different from these chansons, and most characteristically French 
of all, are the airs de cour in the first of the four groups listed on p. 189. 
They are of three distinct rhythmic types, though all have peculiar- 
ities of rhythm that render the time-signatures, when they have any, 
meaningless. It is probable that the first type was consciously in- 
fluenced by musique mesurée à lantique, large quantities of which 
were published only in the early years of the seventeenth century, 
some thirty years after Baif founded his academy. In these songs the 
metre of the text is underlined by long notes at the coupes and at the 
ends of the lines.? In ten-syllable lines the coupe comes after the fourth 
syllable, in alexandrines after the sixth. Octosyllabics are commoner 
than these in airs de cour, and they normally have no coupe at all: in 
all these songs, however, a coupe is inserted after the fourth syllable, 
sometimes even on mute ‘e’. In songs of this type a certain monotony 
and hesitancy are inevitable. Here is a strict example? 


1. Cest un a-mant,ouv-rés la por-te, Il estpleind'amouret de foy. 


D 3 
Que fai-tes vous, e-stes vous mor-te? Non,vousne le- stes que pour moy. 


(It is a lover, open the door; he is filled with love and faith. What are you doing, 
are you dead? No, you are dead only for me.) 


D. P. Walker considers that the smaller number of airs of the second 
type were unconsciously influenced by musique mesurée. They have the 
same 'unbarrable' rhythm in minims and crotchets, but *no attempt 
is made to follow the real or imaginary metre of the text’, which ‘is set 


1 See p. 29. 

* Cf. D. P. Walker, ‘The Influence of musique mesurée à l'antique, particularly on the 
airs de cour of the early seventeenth century', Musica Disciplina, ii (1948), p. 141. 

з Bataille, Airs de différents autheurs, ii (Paris, 1609), fo. 10". Taken from Walkers 
quotation in Musica Disciplina, ii (1948), p. 151; the complete song is in Verchaly, Airs 
de cour, p. 24. 


AIRS DE COURS 193 


with a complete disregard for natural verbal rhythm’.! In some later 
airs changes of rhythm are shown by rapidly changing time-signatures, 
but the irregularity is sometimes only imaginary, because the changes 
at cadences from triple to duple time can be regarded as written-out 
ritardandos. Ex. 71 shows two typical lines of a song of this nature:? 


der mon cœur, Cher-chés donc si 


(Your humour is too fickle, fair one, to possess my heart. . . .) 


There remain songs of a third type whose rhythm is like that of 
musique mesurée except that it is based on no metrical scheme. The 
following is the opening of such a song by Guédron:? 

Ex. 72 


(Happy he who can lament freely. . . .) 


ı Walker, op. cit., p. 152. 

* Bataille, op. cit., fo. 20°. Taken from reprint in Warlock, op. cit., p. 4. Also cf. 
Walker, op. cit., p. 154, for three versions of the final cadence in this example. 

з Bataille, Airs de différents autheurs, iii (Paris, 1614), fo. 44”. Taken from reprint in 
Warlock, op. cit., p. 13. 


194 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


The most noteworthy feature here is the distortion of the rhythm that 
allows insignificant words and syllables like ‘se’ and ‘—dre’ to be 
set to long notes. Edward Filmer, who in 1629 published English ver- 
sions of some airs de cour! for four and five voices, mentions this 
point in his preface and rightly observes that such apparently eccentric 
stressing is less offensive in French because tonic accents there are 
weak and versification is syllabic. In couplets, which composers of 
airs de cour set to music much more frequently than did earlier com- 
posers, the latter feature results in misplaced accents. Another in- 
fluence was no doubt the stressing that we have already noticed of the 
fourth syllables in octosyllabics. Although some of them may seem 
rather etiolated, many of these most typically French songs, if they 
are not sung in too rigid or literal a manner, will be found to have an 
elusive, subtle charm that puts them among the most appealing 
lyrical creations of the time; they bear something of the same relation 
to the songs of other countries as do the songs of Fauré and Debussy 
to those of the great German song-writers. 


ENGLISH SOLO SONGS OF THE MID-CENTURY 


As in France and Italy, so too in England there seem to have been 
few secular solo songs in the sixteenth century. But in England two 
important differences must be noted. Firstly, more of the surviving 
songs seem to have been conceived, rather than arranged, as solos 
than in the other two countries. Secondly, in pronounced contrast to 
the situation in France and Italy, comparatively little secular music 
of any kind has survived, at any rate from the fifty years before 
madrigals first appeared, and almost none of it in printed form. I use 
the word ‘survive’ deliberately because the loss or the lack of sources 
is probably the main reason for the apparent scarcity of native secular 
music. For one thing a great deal of singing, notably of the more 
popular kind, must surely have been improvised—a supposition borne 
out by the appearance in English manuscripts from the second half 
of the century of basses associated with improvised singing in Italy. 
Morecver, in more sophisticated circles, the long and hard-dying 
tradition of French culture at the English court, lack of opportunities 
for music-making there, and a general air of austerity after the 
Reformation may, at one time or another during this period, have 
prevented the development of a strong native secular tradition. 

A few four-part songs, probably sung around the middle of the 


1 Cf. example by Antoine Boésset, with the original French version, in Noske, 
op. cit., p. 29; facsimile reproduction of the French version, ibid., p. 13. 


ENGLISH SOLO SONGS OF THE MID-CENTURY 195 


century, survive in scattered manuscript sources. Although some are 
more imitative in texture than the three-part songs of Henry VIIT’s 
reign, it would not have needed much adjustment to sing, say, 
Richard Edwards’s * When griping grief' as a solo to instrumental ac- 
companiment.! Other manuscripts include lute pieces associated with 
verses by such famous poets as Wyatt and Surrey. In one source, for 
instance, there is a Iute piece bearing the title ‘In winter's just return’; 
these are the opening words of a poem by Surrey printed in Tottel's 
celebrated Songes and Sonettes in 1557.? The music, which seems com- 
plete in itself, fits two lines of the poem, which has eighty-two lines 
altogether. The bass resembles the passamezzo antico, the oldest of the 
stylized Italian basses. Was the music, then, sung over and over again 
until the poem was finished, the top part being varied as ottave were 
in Italy? Such a performance must have become intolerably tedious, 
but the possibility cannot be ruled out. Other similar pieces in the 
same manuscript may originally have been treated in the same fashion. 
*Blame not my lute' is the opening of a poem by Wyatt, and a lute 
piece with this title and a bass which is that of the caracossa type of 
folia in triple time was inexpertly scribbled into another important 
manuscript, probably in 1559 or shortly after.? It is difficult to see this 
jog-trot music as an apposite setting of Wyatt's words. The poem, 
however, is probably one of those that Wyatt appears to have written 
to already existing tunes, thus transferring a popular fifteenth-century 
practice to the higher sphere of lyric poetry and helping to initiate 
what became a popular ballad repertory. At the same time we must 
not assume that, conversely, his other lyrics—the great majority— 
required music to complete them: his allusions to music, like those 
of Ronsard, are surely no more than conventional poetic gestures, not 
necessarily calling for complementary music.* 


1 Cf. Denis Stevens, ‘La Chanson anglaise avant l'école madrigaliste’, in Musique et 
poésie (Paris, 1954), p. 125, and * Tudor part-songs', Musical Times, xcvi (1955), p. 362. 

з The poem is in Tottel’s Miscellany, ed. Hyder E. Rollins, i (Cambridge, Mass., 
1928), pp. 16-18, and the music, in Brit. Mus. MS. Royal App. 58, fo. 52, is reproduced 
in Ivy L. Mumford, ‘Musical settings to the poems of Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey’, 
English Miscellany, viii (1957), between pp. 16 and 17, and transcribed in Arthur W. 
Byler, Italian Currents in the Popular Music of England in the 16th Century (Diss., 
Chicago, 1952, unpub.), p. 127. Also cf. Mumford in English Miscellany, viii (1957), 
p. 10, and Byler, op. cit., pp. 47-48. 

3 The poem is in The Collected Poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt, ed. Kenneth Muir (Lon- 
don, 1949), p. 122. The music is in Washington, Folger Shakespeare Library, MS. 
v.a. 1. 59, fo. 4". Its reconstruction in Byler, op. cit., p. 137 (also cf. ibid., p. 58) is printed 
in Mumford, ‘Musical settings to the poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt', Music and Letters, 
xxxvii (1956), p. 318. The preposterous reconstruction in John Н. Long, ‘Blame not 
Wyatt's lute', Renaissance News, vii (1954), p. 129, was commented upon by Otto Gom- 
bosi and Bukofzer in Renaissance News, viii (1955), pp. 12-14. 

* Cf. John Stevens, Music and Poetry in the Early Tudor Court (London, 1961). 


196 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


The last-mentioned manuscript and a few others contain other lute 
pieces associated with courtly verse. On a less sophisticated level, too, 
such popular miscellanies as A Handefull of Pleasant Delites (1566 ?— 
known only from an edition of 1584)! and A Gorgious Gallery of 
Gallant Inventions (1578) are filled with verses, many of them rather 
perfunctory, that were written to existing tunes. That one such tune is 
that of the exquisite song ‘The poor soul sat sighing’,? the best-known 
of the ‘willow songs’, indicates the high quality of the popular music 
that might be associated with these collections. Like Wyatt several 
decades earlier, even the most sophisticated poets did not scorn to 
write poems to such music; to quote only one example, Sidney wrote 
‘The time hath been’ to ‘Greensleeves’.* Italian basses such as 
*rogero' (— ruggiero: cf. p. 141) continued to be used, and it is a 
striking fact that exactly a quarter of the pieces in the large Dallis 
lute-book in Trinity College, Dublin (begun in 1583) are based on 
them;* they may originally have been introduced into England by 
travellers or by the Italian musicians at court. 


SONGS FOR THE CHOIRBOY PLAYS 


A number of the English songs of the second half of the sixteenth 
century are either known, or (from the nature of the words) may be 
assumed, to have been written for plays. These were usually the choir- 
boy plays performed by the boys of chapels in and near London— 
those of the Chapel Royal, for example, under such men as Richard 
Edwards and William Hunnis, or those of St. George's, Windsor, 
under Richard Farrant.5 The Masters of the Children were versatile 
men: Edwards, for instance, was accomplished as playwright,lyric poet, 


pp. 135-9, which gives the most judicious account of this subject and warns against the 
more injudicious assumptions of Mumford, See also Mumford, ‘Sir Thomas Wyatt’s 
Songs: a trio of problems in manuscript sources', Music and Letters, xxxix (1958), 
p. 262. 

1 Cf, Ward, ‘Music for A Handefull of pleasant delites’, Journal of the American Musi- 
cological Society, x (1957), p. 151. 

3 Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 15117, fo. 18. Facsimiles in Warlock, The English Ayre (Lon- 
don, 1926), p. 127, and in Frank H. Potter, Reliquary of English Song (New York, 
[1915], facing p. ix, with transcription on pp. 20-21. Other transcriptions by John P. 
Cutts in * A Reconsideration of the Willow Song', Journal of the American Musicological 
Society, x (1957), pp. 21-23, and, the best, by F. W. Sternfeld, Music in Shakespearean 
Tragedy (London, 1963), which contains the fullest account of the subject. 

* Printed in Pattison, op. cit., p. 175. See also William A. Ringler, Jr.'s edition of The 
Poems of Sir Philip Sidney (Oxford, 1962), pp. 423-34. 

* Dublin, Trin. Coll. D. iii, 30. Cf. Byler, op. cit., p. 61. 

5 For a full account of these plays cf. G. E. P. Arkwright, ‘Elizabethan choirboy plays 
and their music’, Proceedings of the Musical Association, хі (1913-14), p. 117. 


SONGS FOR THE CHOIRBOY PLAYS 197 


andcomposer. Several of the songs that probably they, and colleagues 
like Robert Parsons, composed for their plays survive mainly in two 
sets of part-books.! The opening of theatres in the 1580's and the 
appearance of more literate and exacting audiences produced by the 
expanding grammar schools led to a demand for full-time professional 
dramatists served by adult companies, and the functions of playwright 
and composer ceased to be combined in the same man. Shakespeare, 
just such a dramatist, satirized the choirboy plays, especially their 
absurdly contrived alliterations, in the play scene in A Midsummer 
Night's Dream. 

One or two of the play-songs are found in manuscripts set for 
voice and lute. Such a one is “О death, rock me asleep’,? a very 
beautiful song interesting for being constructed over a kind of ground 
bass. It is one of numerous ‘death songs’ that were especially popular. 
Sentimental legend has it that Anne Boleyn wrote at least one of them 
in prison, but it is much more likely that they are all stage-songs, 
dramatic rather than historical. Another song known only as a lute- 
song is ‘Awake, ye woeful wights’,? which was accompanied by regals 
when it was sung at court, probably in 1564, in Edwards's play Damon 
and Pithias.* This song, then, could easily be accompanied by any 
instrument that happened to be handy. But the accompaniments of 
most of these songs and of others of the time seem definitely to have 
been conceived for a consort (usually a quartet) of viols; some, how- 
ever, are also found adapted to the lute alongside arrangements of 
madrigals. They belong, therefore, to the type of monody recom- 
mended by Doni (cf. p. 155). It is possible that they were influenced 
by the German tenor songs (cf. Vol. III, p. 373, and supra, p. 98), 
which may have been introduced to England by Flemish musicians 
in the royal service, while the string textures no doubt owe a good 
deal to native forms such as the ‘In nomine'. Now, however, the 
vocal part is usually the highest or the second highest line in the 


1 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 17786-91 and Oxford, Christ Church, MSS. 984-8. For a 
fuller account of these and of later songs in the same tradition (discussed infra, pp. 198 ff.), 
cf. Philip Brett, ‘The English Consort Song, 1570-1625’, Proceedings of the Royal 
Musical Association, Ixxxvili (1961-2), p. 73. On the songs in the choirboy plays only, 
also cf. Arkwright, *Early Elizabethan stage music', Musical Antiquary, i (1909-10), 
p. 30, and iv (1912-13), p. 112. The definitive collected edition of all types of consort 
song (excluding Byrd's and some others) is Consort Songs, transcr. and ed. Brett, 
Musica Britannica, xxii (London, 1967). 

* Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 15117, fo. 3 v. Printed in William Chappell, Old English Popular 
Music, 2nd ed., rev. H. E. Wooldridge (London, 1893), i, p. 111, and in Arnold Dol- 
metsch, Select English Songs and Dialogues of the 16th and 17th Centuries, ii (London, 
1912), p. 1. * Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 15117, fo. 3. 

* Cf. Denis Stevens, *Plays and Pageants in Tudor Times', Monthly Musical Record, 
Ixxxvii (1957), p. 8. 


198 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


texture (as in few of the German songs), thus affording further 
evidence of the increasing prominence of upper parts, which we have 
seen as one of the most significant developments in ensemble music 
in the later sixteenth century. These songs are scarcely different in 
texture from Byrd's Psalmes, Sonets & songs of 1588, which, as he 
states in his well-known preface, were ‘originally made for instru- 
ments to express the harmony, and one voice to pronounce the ditty' 
and had words added in the printed versions to what had been string 
parts. Byrd still calls the original solo part ‘the first singing-part’.! 


LATER CONSORT SONGS 


Byrd was easily the most prolific composer of string-accompanied 
consort songs.? In addition to those printed by Fellowes (either as 
solo songs or in Byrd's revisions published in 1588 and indeed in his 
collections of 1589 and 1611 too) a few others have lately come to 
light that are almost certainly by Byrd—on grounds of style, because 
they are so distinguished, because of connexions through some of the 
texts with Sidney's circle (to which, almost alone among musicians, 
Byrd seems to have had access), or because of the overtly Catholic or 
politically dangerous nature of these and others of the texts, which 
only a privileged Catholic like Byrd would have dared to setto music.? 
His songs are of several kinds, and there are both sacred and secular 
ones. He seems to have written very few of them for plays, and these 
not for choirboy plays but for those staged probably by under- 
graduates and lawyers. They are of many different kinds, including 
elegies, ‘death songs’, lullabies and carols, and one or two, such as 
the beautiful Christmas carol ‘ From Virgin's womb’,* were published. 
The melodies of some songs resemble metrical psalm-tunes, em- 
bedded in the polyphony of independent string parts. In other 


1 Cf, pp. 84-85 for a fuller discussion of this volume. Also cf. Dent, ‘William Byrd 
and the Madrigal’, Festschrift für Johannes Wolf (Berlin, 1929), p. 26, David Brown, 
*William Byrd's 1588 Volume', Music and Letters, xxxviii (1957), p. 371, and Joseph 
Kerman, The Elizabethan Madrigal (New York, 1962), pp. 102-5. 

а Cf. the account of them, with a catalogue, in Edmund H. Fellowes, William Byrd, 
2nd ed. (London, 1948), pp. 160-72. Many are reprinted in The Collected Vocal Works 
of William Byrd, ed. Fellowes, xv (London, 1948), three incorrectly, with words added 
to more than one part. Also cf. Brett in Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 
Ixxxviii (1961-2), pp. 81-85. 

* See Brett and Dart, *Songs by William Byrd in Manuscripts at Harvard', Harvard 
Library Bulletin, xiv (1960), p. 343, which not only lists the contents of the important 
MS. Harvard Mus. 30 but links them through handwriting, etc. with several other 
important manuscripts in England and the U.S.A. One of these songs, almost certainly 
by Byrd, ‘Out of the orient crystal skies’, has been arr. Dart (London, 1960). 

* In Songs of Sundrie Natures (1589), reprinted in The Collected Vocal Works, xiii, 
rev. Brett (London, 1962), p. 135. 


199 


songs, such as ‘ Ye sacred muses’ (written on Tallis’s death in 1585)! 


LATER CONSORT SONGS 
vocal and instrumental parts share the same material 


itative 


in imi 


D 


fashion, just as in madrigals. Ex. 73 shows the opening of another 
song of this kind and may serve as an illustration of the kind of 


texture commonly found in string-accompanied songs:? 


z 
S 
o 
u 
a 

© 
© 
© 
S 
v 

5 

Ë 
= 
9 
Б 

4 


When oft he 


1 The Collected Vocal Works, xv, p. 141. 


2 Ibid., p. 135; expression marks, etc., omitted. The original words were a threnody 


for Mary, Queen of Scots, beginning ‘The noble famous queen’. 


200 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


The vocal parts are often rather square, slow-moving, and of narrow 
range, but they may have been ornamented in performance; the words 
are generally set one syllable to a note in an ‘unliterary’ manner 
characteristic of Byrd; hardly any of them are repeated; and the 
musical and poetic stresses coincide. Byrd also devised progressive 
tonal schemes, little of his writing in these songs being modal.! There 
is evidence that songs of this type went on being popular, at least in 
some circles, through the heyday of madrigals and lute-songs in the 
early seventeenth century. Their style was perpetuated, moreover, in 
verse anthems, in a few ayres, and in one or two other kinds of 
music.? 

Most viol-accompanied songs are serious in tone, but a few, such 
as those by one William Wigthorpe and by Richard Nicholson (who 
in 1627 became the first Professor of Music at Oxford) are sprightly 
and homophonic. A song in similar vein is ‘Buy new broom "3 the 
only one of the Songes to three, fower, and five voyces (1571) by 
Whythorne* in which the lower parts lack words: this little piece, 
based on a street-cry, is therefore the only printed sixteenth-century 
English solo song before 1596, as the volume in which it appears 
is the only secular one printed in England between 1530 and 1588. 


THE ENGLISH AYRE 


It was in 1596 that William Barley included in 4 New Booke of 
Tabliture? four unimportant anonymous songs, accompanied by the 
guitar-like bandora, which may have been adapted from polyphonic 
originals. The following year was much more auspicious, for it was 
then that John Dowland published the first of his four books of ayres. 
This volume marks the inception of the English school of lutenist 
song-writers. The printed English ayres resemble the songs of French 
and Spanish composers in that they underwent scarcely any stylistic 
development 3 Dowland's first songs are as masterly and mature as, 
mutatis mutandis, those of Milán, the first of the vihuelistas; and the 
songs of John Attey, published in 1622, would not have been anachro- 
nistic in 1597. During the quarter-century bounded by these dates 
some thirty volumes devoted wholly or partly to ayres were published 

ı Cf. Franklin B. Zimmerman, Features of Italian Style in Elizabethan Part Songs and 
Madrigals (Diss., Oxford, 1955, unpub.), pp. 127-36 and 264-70. 

з Cf. Brett and Dart, ор. cit., pp. 345 and 343. 

: spre in Warlock, The Second Book of Elizabethan Songs (London, 1926), p. 20. 


5 Ed. by Wilburn W. Newcomb as Lute Music of Shakespeare’s Time (London, 1966). 
* See p. 211 for the new declamatory songs of the 1610's, few of which were printed. 


THE ENGLISH AYRE 201 


by a score of composers. All but half-a-dozen had appeared by 1612;! 
the slow rate of publication after this was possibly due to the innova- 
tion of declamatory songs. These are small figures compared with 
those for Italian songs, but they nevertheless reflect a lively interest 
in the medium. Robert Jones published five books, usually with far- 
fetched excuses for doing so; Thomas Campion, like Dowland, pub- 
lished four on his own, and he also shared one with Philip Rosseter; 
nearly all the other composers issued only one each. A book contain- 
ing only ayres would consist of upwards of twenty items. 

Ayres, like English madrigals and Italian monodies, attracted all 
kinds of composers. Most of them lived in London, where all the 
songs were published. Dowland, the greatest composer of ayres, en- 
compassed the emotional range of Monteverdi but specialized in only 
two branches of composition, songs and lute music. Alfonso Ferra- 
bosco the younger and Thomas Ford, like Caccini or d'India, were 
court musicians. Rosseter was a man of the London theatre. John 
Bartlet and Thomas Greaves belonged, like Wilbye, to the musical 
retinues of noblemen. Michael Cavendish was himself of noble birth, 
like Saracini, and dabbled with equal success in this new kind of 
fashionable English music. The very modishness of ayres may well 
have attracted composers who seem, whether by training or tempera- 
ment, to have been ill at ease in them: Giovanni Coperario and Tobias 
Hume, for instance, were much more at home in instrumental music. 
Thomas Morley was the only master of the vocal ensemble to publish 
ayres, and, with one or two splendid exceptions,? they are not among 
his finest music; although, unlike monodies in Italy, ayres were not 
self-consciously advertised as * new'—and indeed they were not at all 
new in the same way—the other great English madrigalists, such as 
Wilbye, Weelkes, and Ward, nevertheless published none at all. 


1 Most are reprinted in The English School of Lutenist Song-writers, ed. Fellowes 
(32 vols. in two series, London, 1920-32). These volumes are unnumbered; for easy 
reference they are numbered in footnotes to this chapter in the order in which they 
appeared. However, both series are now being re-issued, revised by Dart, as The English 
Lute-songs (London, 1959 ff.). These revised volumes are numbered. The pagination of 
their revised material remains unchanged, but it should be noted that they may contain 
additional songs and one or two entire volumes consist of songs not published by 
Fellowes. Many of these songs, including several not in Fellowes's edition, are reprinted 
in Warlock and Wilson, English Ayres, Elizabethan and Jacobean, 6 vols. (London 
{1927-31]). The standard work on the ayres is Warlock, The English Ayre. Other useful 
accounts include Morrison Comegys Boyd, Elizabethan Music and Musical Criticism 
(2nd ed., Philadelphia, 1962), pp. 127—52, and Pattison, ор. cit., pp. 113-40. On the 
relation of words and music in ayres, see also Imogen Holst, Tune (London, 1962), 
pp. 79-90, Henry Raynor, ‘Framed to the Life of the Words’, Music Review, xix (1958), 
p. 261, and especially Wilfrid Mellers, Harmonious Meeting (London, 1964), Chaps. 7-9. 

2 Such as “Thyrsis and Milla’, recorded in The History of Music in Sound, iv. 


202 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


Neither did Byrd or Gibbons. The verses of which ayres are settings 
are consistently of high quality and admirably suited to musical set- 
ting: the serious ones the equal of the finest Italian ones, the lighter 
ones considerably more refined than their Italian counterparts.! 
Nearly all are anonymous; only a small proportion are Italianate or 
known to be translations of Italian poems. Very few were set more 
than once, as so many Italian verses were. 

Ayres, again like madrigals and monodies, seem to have been so 
popular that very few were allowed to remain in manuscripts un- 
printed. Although the myth has been exploded that used to see every 
literate person in Elizabethan England as an accomplished singer or 
lutenist, capable of adequately performing at sight the music of com- 
posers who must, from the point of view of difficulty, have been 
regarded as the Stravinskys or Hindemiths of their day, the fact 
remains that many members of the middle classes must have bought 
ayres to sing and play at home. Certainly the aristocracy were con- 
tinually sending to London for new ones as they appeared.? There 
must have been plenty of copies available, for the surviving records 
of a lawsuit show that the edition of Dowland's Second Book of 
Ayres ran to 1025 copies;? but Dowland was a famous man, and the 
editions of lesser composers' ayres may well have been smaller. 

We do not know whether the clearly defined preferences of many 
composers for either madrigals or ayres were reflected in their cus- 
tomers' tastes. Cavendish and Greaves included both ayres and 
madrigals in their only publications, which suggests that perhaps they 
were not. On the other hand, ayres need not be treated exclusively as 
solos: several composers provided their ayres with three lower vocal 
parts so that they could be sung if desired as quartets. These vocal 
parts are set out on the open folio page, as shown in pl. II, in such 
a way that four performers could all sing from the same copy, with or 
without a lute as appropriate. Such ayres are the only songs discussed 
in this chapter that were explicitly intended by their composers to be 
performed in two quite different ways. Thus did the composers set out 
to attract as wide a public as possible: that Dowland at first succeeded 
in doing so the five editions of his first song-book testify. Campion 
has this to say about the matter in the preface to his Two Bookes of 


1 They are reprinted in Fellowes, English Madrigal Verse, 1588-1632 (3rd. ed., rev. 
and enlarged Sternfeld and David Greer, Oxford, 1967), pp. 337-676. 

* Cf. Walter L. Woodfill, Musicians in English Society (Princeton, 1953), especially 
Chap. ix and Appendix B. 

* Cf. Margaret Dowling, ‘The Printing of John Dowland's Second Booke of Songs or 
Ayres’, The Library, 4th ser. xii (1932-3), p. 367. 


THE ENGLISH AYRE 203 


Ayres (c. 1613): * These ayres were for the most part framed at first for 
one voice with the lute or viol, but upon occasion they have since been 
filled with more parts, which who so please may use, who like not may 
leave. Yet do we daily observe that when any shall sing a treble to an 
instrument the standers-by will be offering at an inward part out of 
their own nature. . . .' Better by far to give such enthusiasts parts to 
sing from than to allow their inexpert improvisations to ruin the 
harmony. Dowland started this fashion in his first song-book (1597); 
the following is part of the title-page: “The First Booke of Songs or 
Ayres of foure parts with Tablature for the Lute. So made, that all 
the parts together, or either of them severally, may be sung to the 
Lute, Orpherian, or Viol de gambo. . . .' (This means, incidentally, 
that Cavendish's 74 Ayres in Tabletorie to the Lute . . . (1598) are the 
earliest English ayres printed expressly as solos without alternative 
four-part versions; six others in his book are set for four voices.) 

The phrase ‘or either of them severally’ is clearly absurd —nobody 
was expected to sing an alto part, for instance, as a solo. This clumsy 
phrase, invented no doubt by the publisher (as may be deduced from 
its reappearance on the similarly worded title-page of Jones's First 
Book in 1600), merely means that the top part may be sung by itself 
to an instrument. The lute was the really popular household instru- 
ment of the time and the one, presumably, to which ayres were most 
frequently sung. The wire-strung orpharion was a kind of cittern. Two 
popular instruments of the time not mentioned on Dowland's title- 
page are the virginals and the lyra-viol. The virginals is recommended 
only by Martin Peerson for his Private Musicke in 1620 as an alterna- 
tive to the now equally rare consort of viols. The bass viol played lyra- 
way from tablature found an enthusiastic champion in the eccentric 
Hume (who was later quite mad). ‘Henceforth’, he cries in the pre- 
face to his Musicall Humors (1605), ‘the stateful instrument Gambo 
Violl shall with ease yield full various and as deviceful music as the 
lute.” In the preface to A Pilgrimes Solace, published seven years 
later, Dowland, with sustained indignation appropriate to the greatest 
lutenist of his time, rebuked him for his impudence. 

Dowland's own idiomatic writing for the lute, born of his skill as 
a performer, was indeed an important factor in shaping the English 
ayre. The various other elements, not all of them English, that went 
to form the ayre are best studied in his songs, not simply because 
he was also the greatest song-writer of his time—-indeed one of the ` 


1 The complete preface is reprinted in Warlock, The English Ayre, p. 83. (The songs 
in Hume's volume are among those not reprinted by Fellowes.) 


204 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


greatest of all time—but also because he spent so much of his life 
abroad and must have been unusually well aware, for a composer of 
that time, of musical activity outside his own country. The evidence 
of his songs will be supplemented with briefer consideration of the 
more personal aspects of the songs of other composers. 


THE WORK OF DOWLAND 


One influence upon ayres, though not the most important, was that 
of the consort songs already discussed. This influence can perhaps be 
seen in three wonderfully expressive songs in Dowland’s last song- 
book, A Pilgrimes Solace (1612), the most passionate and contra- 
puntal of them all.! Instead of alternative four-part versions these 
songs have parts for a gamba and obbligato parts for a treble viol, 
which plays a role similar to that of the highest part in those consort 
songs whose second-highest lines are the vocal ones. The legacy of 
these songs is also to be seen in certain pages of the less familiar 
Songs for the Lute Viol and Voice (1606) by John Danyel, brother of 
the poet Samuel Danyel. Danyel deserves to be ranked second only 
to Dowland if only because of the tragic power of his two lamenting 
song-sequences, in which his passion burst through the confines of 
the strophic form and demanded fresh music for each verse. In one 
of these works, “Сап doleful notes’? he boldly and imaginatively 
employs the chromatic writing beloved of the madrigalists. The 
following example shows a characteristic passage from the other, 
‘Grief, keep within’ :? 


1 The English School, 13% ser. xii, pp. 36-51. 
* [bid. 2nd ser. viii, p. 36. 
з Ibid., p. 24. This extract is from pp. 25-26; expression marks, etc., omitted, 


THE WORK OF DOWLAND 205 


heart, myheart Thatknowsthe rea 


swell, burst and 


D 
Иш sl 
H LO) 


A second, more widespread influence was that of dance music, 
which plays a conspicuous role in Dowland’s influential first song- 
book in particular. Dowland's dances for lute were among the most 
popular of the time both at home and abroad. Several of his songs 
certainly, and others presumably, were created by the simple expedient 
of adding words to these dances,! a practice that would undoubtedly 
have horrified the Florentine purists but (as we have seen from A 
Gorgious Gallery) was popular in England. These songs may be gal- 
liards, almans, or corantos; they are made up of the usual four-bar 
phrases and are in the usual ternary (or sometimes binary) form, with 
each section repeated; usually, like most ayres, they are unambigu- 


1 Cf. Diana Poulton, ‘Dowland’s Songs and their Instrumental Forms’, Monthly 
Musical Record, Ixxxi (1951), р. 175. 


206 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


ously in major or minor keys;! and the rhythms are of course clear- 
cut. For example, the melody of the familiar *Now, o now I needs 
must part” is a coranto, which was widely but mistakenly known in 
its instrumental form as * The Frog Galliard'. 

It may be no accident that a voix de ville, ‘Hélas, que vous a fait’, 
in the already-mentioned Recueil (1576) of Jehan Chardavoine has the 
same persistent trochaic rhythm as this song of Dowland's and that 
all the dance-forms that Chardavoine lists in his preface are found in 
the English song-books.? Dowland says, moreover, in the preface to 
his book of 1597 that he had written most of its contents some years 
previously. Now in the early 1580's, while in the service of the Eng- 
lish ambassador, he had, to quote the same preface, ‘travelled the 
chiefest parts of France, a nation furnished with a great variety of 
music'. He may well have met composers of airs de cour like Planson 
and the Tessiers; certainly he must have known their music. That the 
French edition of Guillaume Tessier's Premier livre d'airs (Paris, 1582) 
was dedicated to Queen Elizabeth I and Charles Tessier's Premier 
livre de chansons et airs de court (1597) was published in London by 
Thomas Este, one of Dowland's publishers, may have been due to his 
efforts. It would not be surprising, then, to find French influence in 
his own songs: in fact it is possible to say that, through them, ‘the 
English ayre was a vigorous offshoot of the French air de cour" 3 The 
very term ‘ayre’ is literally taken over from the French. Dowland's 
ayres are strophic; he seems to have preferred poems with eight- and 
ten-syllable lines; the range of his melodies is almost invariably that 
of an octave or less: these are some of the regularly recurring French 
features of his songs. The setting of the words here is also clearly 
indebted to French practice:5 


x 
m А | ILL ER EEN ES SEN ЕНН e, 
VU г SS DEER ER GER [IT 


Come a- way, come, sweet love! The gol-den morn - ing breaks; 


Campion, himself an eminent poet, interested in versification, was, 
however, the only English song-writer to experiment with musique 


1 On the tonal aspects of Dowland's ayres, cf. Edward E. Lowinsky, Tonality and 
Atonality in Sixteenth-century Music (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961), pp. 54—61. 

2 The English School, 1st ser. i, p. 22; Musica Britannica, vi (2nd. ed., London, 1963), 
p. 10. f 
з Cf. Dart, ‘Rôle de la danse dans Г “ayre” anglais’, Musique et poésie (Paris, 1954), 
pp. 207-8. 

4 Translated from Dart, in Musique et poésie (Paris, 1954), p. 205. 

5 The English School, ist ser. ii, p. 42; Musica Britannica, vi, p. 18. 


THE WORK OF DOWLAND 207 


mesurée—in the song * Come, let us sound with melody', published in 
Rosseter's Booke of Ayres. The four-part versions of Dowland's 
ayres resemble the French airs, with an injection of the counterpoint 
that he must have studied during his later journeys in Germany and 
Italy; from Marenzio, whom he knew personally, he may also have 
learned how to handle chromatic harmony. As an illustration of a 
four-part ayre, the first half of one in short galliard form from his First 
Book? is reproduced on pp. 208-9 (Ex. 76). The lute part does not 
always follow the vocal parts so closely as it does in this song. 

Sometimes the words fit the inner parts rather clumsily, just as in 
many ayres the words of later verses have to be adjusted to fit the 
music that the composers wrote with only the first verses in mind. It 
is often possible to say with a fair degree of certainty whether the solo 
or the four-part version of an ayre was the original one. Dowland's 
* Burst.forth, my tears’,® for instance, evidently originated as a solo. 
On the other hand, the dignified songs at the end of A Pilgrimes Solace 
and songs as different in mood as the madrigalian ‘Go, crystal tears’ 
and the canzonet-like *Wilt thou, unkind, thus reave me'* seem to 
have been conceived as contrapuntal ensemble music and are less 
expressive as solos. 


CAMPION AND ROSSETER 


In many of the tripping lighter ayres counterpoint was out of place. 
Campion and Rosseter pay it scant attention in the preface—prob- 
ably written by Campion—to their ayres of 1601: Campion here 
equates ayres only with this lighter kind and likens them to epigrams, 
‘then in their chief perfection when they are short and well seasoned’. 
But he is quick to point out that *a naked ayre without guide or prop 
or colour but his own is easily censured of every ear, and requires so 
much the more invention to make it please'. One is reminded of 
Doni's rejoinder to those adherents of counterpoint who scoffed at 
monody as being easier to write than counterpoint: is it easier, he 
asked, to paint a nude than a clothed Боду? Of the ayre-composers, 
Campion, with his leanings towards humanism, came closest to the 
Florentines in denouncing word-painting and the exclusive cultivation 
of music “which is long, intricate, bated with fugue, [and] chained 

1 The English School, 1st ser. xiii, p. 25. 

* Dowland, Ayres for four voices, transcf. Fellowes and ed. Dart and Fortune, in 
Musica Britannica, vi, p. 30. Cf. pl. II. 

3 Ibid., p. 13, and The English School, 1st ser. i, p. 30. 


* Dowland, Ayres for four voices, pp. 15 and 24, respectively, and The English School, 
1st ser. i, p. 34, and ii, p. 58, respectively. 5 Cf. Doni, Compendio, p. 124. 


SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


208 


| 


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ab - sence mournd, Lives 


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eed 
ee 


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ab - sence mournd, Lives 
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A- wake, sweet love, 


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209 


CAMPION AND ROSSETER 


| , (ll 
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210 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


with syncopation’. Many of his songs reflect his views, and even in 
the most intense ones he is careful to preserve the original poetic 
metre and to avoid repeating even the most emotional words— quite 
the opposite of Dowland's methods. In fact, in the work of the lutenists 
as a whole, really imaginative serious songs are easily outnumbered 
by light songs of comparable invention, enchanting settings—some- 
times suggested by popular musicl—of what Campion calls ‘ear- 
pleasing rhymes, without art', supported by a lightly sketched-in lute 
accompaniment. Jones wrote many songs in this vein. The Dowland 
who plumbed the depths of passion and despair displays equal genius 
in less weighty songs ranging from the resigned tranquillity of * Me, 
me, and none but me” (one of the most heartbreakingly beautiful of 
all ayres), through the elegance of ‘Sleep, wayward thoughts’? to the 
engaging artlessness of *Fine knacks for ladies'.* But it is Rosseter 
who is the real master of the airy nothing. It is often tempting to over- 
estimate serious music at the expense of lighter music just because it 
is serious. Let us give his due, then, to a composer who can sustain 
this level through twenty songs: 


Ex. 775 


Till shethathates doth love re- turn, 


1 Cf. the illuminating remarks on songs by Jones and Rosseter, with comparative 
examples, in Greer, * “ What if a day "—an Examination of the Words and Music’, Music 
and Letters, xliii (1962), pp. 313-14 and 316-18. 

2 The English School, ist ser. x, p. 17; Musica Britannica, vi, p. 56. 

з The English School, 1st ser. ii, p. 50; Musica Britannica, vi, p. 21. Recorded in The 
History of Music in Sound, iv. 

* The English School, 1st ser. vi, p. 48; Musica Britannica, vi, p. 39. 

5 The English School, 1st ser. ix, p. 64; phrasing omitted. 


CAMPION AND ROSSETER 211 


Соте a- way, соте a - way, my 


ITALIAN INFLUENCES IN THE AYRE 


Dowland and Ferrabosco are two composers of ayres whose song- 
books include songs written for plays and masques. They are also— 
apart from Nicholas Lanier and one or two others who wrote a few 
unpublished declamatory masque-songs'—the only two who wrote 
ayres at this period showing the influence of recent developments in 
Italian music, a limited influence, in fact occurring mainly in masques.? 
(The songs of Coperario are sometimes said to be Italianate, too, 
but they are nothing of the kind, although some of them do fore- 
shadow the continuo-songs of the next generation of English com- 
posers.)? They show this influence more authoritatively than do the 
songs of any of their non-Italian contemporaries. 4 Musicall Banquet 
(1610), edited by Dowland's son Robert and including Italian, French, 
and Spanish, as well as English, songs, is in this context a ‘key’ 
publication, for not only the presence of the four Italian songs but 
even more noticeably the style of two of its three songs by John 
Dowland seem to argue a lively interest, on the part of some influential 
musicians at least, in the newest Italian music; and there was also the 

1 See р. 815. 

* Cf. Ian Spink, ‘English Cavalier Songs, 1620-1660', Proceedings of the Royal 
Musical Association, \xxxvi (1959-60), pp. 61-65. There are some good examples in 


Songs and Dances for the Stuart Masque, ed. Andrew J. Sabol (Providence, Rhode 


Island, 1959). 
з Coperario's complete songs, not reprinted by Fellowes, have been edited by Gerald 


Hendrie and Dart (The English Lute-songs, 151 ser. xvii, London, 1959). 


212 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


example of the admittedly rather feeble Italian songs that Angelo 
Notari, an Italian musician at the English court, published in his 
Prime Musiche Nuove in 1613.1 The Italian songs in A Musicall Ban- 
quet include three from the earliest monody-books—a madrigal by 
Melli, and ‘ Amarilli', and ‘Dovrò’, dunque, morire’ from Caccini's 
Le Nuove Musiche, each with an instructive chordal accompaniment in 
tablature. Dowland wrote songs both in the urbane diatonic style of 
Caccini and, more successfully, in the dramatic, pathetic style of such 
men as d'India and Saracini. In ‘ Far from triumphing court”? he uses 
Caccinian arioso for a strophic poem, and it is therefore a type of 
song found, in Italy, almost exclusively among the ‘arias’ of Le Nuove 
Musiche, which may have influenced it (see p. 168). Ferrabosco's 
setting of Donne's ‘So, so, leave off’ (from his Ayres of 1609) is a 
similar, slightly tentative hybrid. In the following example the opening 
bars are compared with those of a solo madrigal by d'India. If they 
are sung expansively and not ' rather fast' (as Fellowes directs) it will 
be seen how far an Englishman (albeit one with an Italian composer 
for father) assimilated the new Italian style; his weakest moment is 
his tame harmonization of the potentially passionate cadence in bars 
4-5: 


1. So,so, leave off thislastla- ment- ing kiss, which sucks two 


1 Cf. Spink, ‘Angelo Notari and his “Prime Musiche Nuove" ', Monthly Musical 
Record, lxxxvii (1957), p. 168. 

2 The English School, 1st ser. xiv, p. 104. 

* (i) Ibid. 2nd ser. xvi, p. 13 (expression marks, etc., omitted); (ii) d'India, Le 
Musiche . . . libro terzo (Milan, 1618), p. 12. 


ITALIAN INFLUENCES IN THE AYRE 213 


Per-ché non di- co bhi-me, per-ché non di- co, 


(Gi) O my beloved, where are you? Why do I not say ‘alas!’ ?) 


Dowland’s ‘Welcome, black night';! a masque-song from A Pil- 
grimes Solace existing only in solo form, is, especially at the begin- 
ning, likeItalian monody seen through unwilling, half-comprehending 
French eyes. (It is perhaps from France, in fact, rather than from 
Italy that there came the main foreign influence on English songs of 
the next generation—just, as has been shown, as French influences 
were important in shaping the ayre at the end of the sixteenth cen- 
tury.) But there are no half-measures about the two great songs in 
which Dowland adopted the passionate accents of the more intense 
Italians. One is a setting of an Italian poem, ‘Lasso, vita mia'.? The 
other is ‘In darkness let me dwell"? This magnificent song, published 
in his son's anthology, is the nearest thing to a solo madrigal in 
England, where madrigals were never composed as solos; the poem 
is not in fact a madrigal, but it has one verse only. Dowland's free, 
stylized declamation vividly translates into musical terms the 
heightened tones of emotional speech, the pace being adjusted to the 
mood of the moment with a mastery paralleled in Italy only in the 
pages of d'India and very few other composers. Here is the last part 
of this neurotically intense song, where, it will be noticed, the com- 
poser calls for passionate use of Caccini’s ‘livelier exclamation’ (cf. 
also Ex. 51) and returns with original and telling effect at the end to 
the mood of the opening:* 


Thus wed 


1 The English School, 154 ser. xiv, p. 91. ? [bid. xiii, p. 46. 
$ Ibid. xiv, p. 116. * Ibid. pp. 119-20; phrasing omitted. 


SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


214 


liv - ing, die, 


till death do come, 


5 
c 
v 

el 

e 


death, 


till death, till death do come, till 


ITALIAN INFLUENCES IN THE AYRE 215 


ORNAMENTS IN MANUSCRIPT VERSIONS 


The comparatively small number of Jacobean songs surviving only 
in manuscript includes the justly famous setting of Ben Jonson’s 
* Have you seen the bright lily grow’, which is probably by Robert 
Johnson.? Several manuscripts include versions of ayres by the 
lutenists, notably Campion, whose words and music differ widely 
from those in the printed song books? Such manuscripts are valuable 
for one reason in particular: they record the ornaments with which 
singers embellished the original plain versions.* Not only ayres were 
treated in this way. A manuscript at Cambridge contains, as well as 
ayres by Dowland, Morley, and other lutenists, a florid, complete 
version in two long sections for voice and bandora of one of the 


1 Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 15117, fo. 17" and other MSS. Facsimile in Potter, op. cit., 
facing p. x, with transcription on pp. 28-29. Other transcriptions in Dolmetsch, op. cit. i 
(London, 1898), p. 6, and Robert Johnson, Ayres, Songs and Dialogues, transcribed and 
edited by Spink, The English Lute-Songs, 2nd ser. xvii (London, 1961), p. 64. 

2 Cf. Spink's note, ibid., p. 75. 

3 Cf. especially Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 24665 (‘Giles Earle's book’, dated 1615). On the 
later, different treatment of an ayre by Campion as a continuo song cf. Vincent Duckles, 
‘The Gamble Manuscript as a Source of Continuo Song in England’, Journal of the 
American Musicological Society, i. 2 (1948), pp. 26-28. 

* For a fuller account of these embellishments, see Duckles, *Florid Embellishment 
in English Song of the late 16th and early 17th Centuries’, Annales musicologiques, 
v (1957), p. 329. 


216 SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 


loveliest of the late sixteenth-century songs for voice and viols, 
‘Pour down, you pow'rs divine’ (‘Pandolpho’), probably by Robert 
Parsons.! Italian songs, too, were treated in this way. The ubiqui- 
tous ‘Amarilli’ turns up twice more,? as does the anonymous song 
“О bella pit’, also, like * Amarilli', printed in A Musicall Banquet. 
That Caccini’s Le Nuove Musiche was known at first hand, however, 
seems to be proved by the presence in one source of ‘Dolcissimo 
sospiro” (original version quoted in Ex. 57). Sometimes only the 
cadences are ornamented to any great extent, but in other decorated 
songs one finds more repetitive, indiscriminate embellishment, 
the product of the singers’ delight in stylized decoration for its own 
sake. The following example shows the opening of a song by Campion - 
(i) in its published form and (ii) with the addition of typical roulades 
of this second kind and with a typical textual variant: 


eve-ning beams are set? 


1 Cambridge, King’s College, Rowe Library, MS. 2. Cf. Philippe Oboussier, * Turpyn's 
Book of Lute-Songs', Music and Letters, xxxiv (1953), pp. 147-8. First part printed as 
a consort song in Warlock, The Second Book of Elizabethan Songs, p. 16, and [by 
Arkwright] in Musical Antiquary, i (1909-10), pp. 35-40; printed complete—the first 
part as a consort song, the second with bass lute—in Musica Brittannica, xxii, p. 10. 

2 Brit. Mus. MS. Egerton 2971, fo. 28°, and Brit. Mus. Royal App. 55, fo. 7”. 

з Brit. Mus. MS. Egerton 2971, fo. 22’, and Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 29481, fo. 13. 

* Brit. Mus. MS. Egerton 2971, fo. 24”, 

5 (i) The English School of Lutenist Song-writers, 2nd ser. x, p. 32; (ii) Brit. Mus. Add. 
MS. 29481, fo. 20. 


ORNAMENTS IN MANUSCRIPT VERSIONS 217 


Will you find no feign-ed 


-clu - - - - ded be? Will you find no 


As the century wore on there was a tendency in England to use 
ornaments to intensify expression. But this development and indeed 
the study of the English continuo songs that began to appear in the 
second decade of the century are best left, for the sakeof continuity, 
until a later volume.! The real dividing-line (though not a very marked 
one) between the old style and the new occurs in the early 1620's. 
The great composers of the Jacobean age nearly all died at this period 
within a few years of one another, and the development of English 
music passed into the hands of young men who were virtually un- 
known before 1620. 


1 See Vol. VI. 


V 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE 
CONTINENT-1 


(a) THE FRANCO-FLEMINGS IN THE NORTH 


By NANIE BRIDGMAN 


JOSQUIN'S SUCCESSORS 


The Franco-Flemish school did not die out with Josquin, and the style 
of which this great master had been so brilliant an exponent was con- 
tinued by a whole generation of musicians throughout the sixteenth 
century, until the appearance of Lassus. But whereas the earlier school 
had evinced the boldness and progressiveness characteristic of great 
ages, the later made no innovations, and indeed was content to prac- 
tise—often with great talent—the strict Netherland style, quite un- 
affected by influences from Italy. It should be understood, however, 
that these remarks apply only to those composers who did not settle 
away from their Northern homes—and who should therefore be 
regarded as the true representatives of Netherland art in the sixteenth 
century, whereas the art of such a man as Willaert, for example, is 
inconceivable apart from Italy. 

As with the preceding generation—and in contrast with what was 
happening in France at the same time—church music dominated 
musical life. For all these musicians, secular chansons seem to have 
been no more than an amusement, and their church music is superior 
in both quantity and quality. Moreover, as they were often churchmen 
themselves, all more or less connected with the Imperial court, it was 
to be expected that they should devote themselves chiefly to religious 
music. What encouraged them all the more to do so was the fact that 
often enough they were in a position to hear excellent performances 
of their works, not only in church but on the occasion of diplomatic 
conferences and ceremonial entries of the Emperor into cities, when 
the singing of at least a motet was a recognized part of the proceed- 
ings. The choirs, most carefully recruited, were still the only pro- 
fessional organizations capable of overcoming the difficulties of so 
complicated an art; and these were to be found not only in churches, 
for—as the Venetian ambassador himself admitted—the Emperor 


JOSQUIN’S SUCCESSORS 219 


had ' the fullest and most excellent choir in Christendom’.! The Regent 
of the Netherlands—Margaret of Austria at Mechlin and afterwards 
Mary of Hungary at Brussels—also maintained a private chapel. 
The forms in use were still, therefore, those of the Catholic liturgy: 
Masses, motets, Magnificats, and Lamentations. The Masses were for 
the most part missae parodiae, in which the canto fermo technique was 
abandoned in favour of the newer style where all voices were equally 
important. If in these works the composers showed more evidence of 
erudition than of inspiration, they tried in their motets, on the other 
hand, to make the music suit the words—encouraged no doubt by the 
more varied texts, and thus developing a tendency already adumbrated 
by Josquin which was to find its chief representative in Lassus. Al- 
though Josquin was closer than they were to the Renaissance spirit, 
and had a stronger sense than they had of plastic beauty and expres- 
siveness, they were none the less his direct disciples, much more so than 
the French composers of the same period. But whereas Josquin was 
not the slave of any one procedure and varied his musical language, 
trying any experiment that might lead to a beautiful result, his succes- 
sors on the contrary all worked in the same style, the style so aptly 
described by Charles Van den Borren as ‘theimitative syntactic style’,? 
and in no other. What was only occasional with Josquin became, with 
them, a 'sovereign principle'. The method consisted in the provision 
of each verbal phrase with its own musical theme, stated by each voice 
in free imitation, the continuity of the musical argument never being 
interrupted by a cadence. The musical phrases interlock in a closely 
knit web, with an almost complete absence of the two-part episodes 
typical of the previous age; nor is there any tendency toward the new 
style of accompanied monody. This is what Hermann Finck meant 
when he said of Gombert: ‘Is enim vitat pausas et illius compositio 
est plena cum concordantiarum tum fugarum ? (“For he avoids pauses 
and his composition is filled not only with full chords but with imita- 
tions"). This style was certainly the best suited to the a cappella 
performance which was becoming more and more common, but it 
hindered the understanding of the words, since these musicians sacri- 
ficed the text to purely musical considerations. Their art, while it was 
the logical and inevitable conclusion of all that had been done in the 
previous age, could not on the other hand be very fruitful for the 
future; it led to a dead end and provoked the Palestrinian reaction. 


1 André Pirro, Histoire de la musique de la fin du XIV* siècle à la fin du XVI* (Paris 
1940), p. 308. 

* *Quelques réflexions à propos du style imitatif syntaxique', Revue belge de musi- 
cologie, i (1946), p. 14. з Practica musica . . . (Wittenberg, 1556). 


220 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT-—1 
NICOLAS GOMBERT 


Many musicians of that time found their destinies linked with that 
of Charles V or some other member of the Habsburg family. This 
Emperor, very musical himself (the Netherland organist Bredemers 
had been his tutor), attracted to his domestic chapel at least two of 
the greatest musical figures in the first half of the sixteenth century: 
Gombert and Créquillon. 

We know neither the date nor the place of birth of Nicolas Gom- 
bert, described by Finck as ‘Jusquini piae memoriae discipulus 1— 
which would explain why he wrote an elegy on that master's death.? 
He is known to have been ‘maistre des enffans de la chapelle de nostre 
empereur"; he appears in a list of payments for 2 October 1526, but 
in none later than 28 December 1540.? He afterwards lived at Tournai, 
but it is not known when or where he died. The chief events of his life 
are the travels he undertook in Spain, Italy, and Germany as the 
Emperor's maitre de chapelle. Of all musicians of that age he was 
undoubtedly the most brilliant exponent of the style which we have 
defined in general terms. It is at the same time worthy of note that he 
deliberately avoided any display of learning and was able to achieve 
the greatest simplicity. His motet ' Diversi diversa orant',* in which 
each of the four parts has a different liturgical melody allotted to it, 
each plainsong theme being varied after its first simple statement, will 
suffice to show the extent of his erudition and his skill in combining 
with ease a number of pre-existent themes. But he set no great store 
by such academic exercises, and would seem to have been more con- 
cerned with inventing melodies of a new type, suited to the words, and 
thus with laying the foundations of a new musical language. His 
themes have a plastic and expressive value which makes him both a 
worthy disciple of Josquin and a forerunner of Lassus. His works, 
which reflect the tendency of his age in that they include no more than 
60 chansons? as against 10 Masses, 8 settings of the Magnificat, and 
160 motets, appeared in print at various dates between 1529 and 1600.5 

All his ten Masses, except the “Missa tempore paschali’, are com- 
posed in the manner of missae parodiae, one being based on the simple 
plainsong *Da pacem', two on chansons and the remaining six on 
motets. The Mass ‘Je suis déshéritée " provides a good example of the 

! Op. cit. 

? Published in Werken van Josquin des Prés, ed. Albert Smijers, i (Amsterdam, 1921). 

* Joseph Schmidt-Górg, Nicolas Gombert, Kapellmeister Karls V: Leben und Werk 
(Bonn, 1938), p. 73. * Published ibid., p. 23. 5 Cf. p. 13. 


* Complete edition edited by Schmidt-Górg, Nicolai Gombert: Opera Omnia (Rome, 
1951- ), in progress. 7 Ibid. i, p. 81. 


NICOLAS GOMBERT 221 


composer's technique, for this very expressive chanson by Cadéac! 
was very well suited to Gombert's sensitive talent, and he made ad- 
mirable use of it: for instance, the employment of the theme with a 
leap of a fourth to express supplication in the ‘ Miserere’ of the Agnus 
Dei. The whole melody of the chanson is to be found in each section 
of the Mass, and it is frequently recalled by quotation of its opening 
phrase. A Mass of this type enables us to understand why well-known 
chansons were chosen for such a purpose: on the one hand, the choir- 
boys would find it easier to sing melodies which they already knew by 
heart, and on the other, the congregation would take a greater interest 
in following a ritual in which a familiar tune played so important a 
part. Contrary to his usual practice, Gombert here uses the canto 
fermo technique, in that he has the entire melody of the chanson sung 
unaltered in the superius in the first section of the Credo and in the 
last, six-part, Agnus Dei. 

Like most of his contemporaries Gombert usually laid out his 
motets? for five voices. It is in his motets that the characteristics of his 
art stand out most clearly: simplicity and clarity, which by no means 
excludes elegance, and a fondness for stretching out his themes, which 
are very flexible and often inspired by Gregorian chant. Unlike his 
predecessors, when Gombert used a plainsong melody he did not 
reduce it to a long-note canto fermo, but allowed it to appear in its 
own character, as it were, applying the same technique of variation 
as with a melody of his own invention, as in the five-part motet 
*Inviolata'. Nevertheless melismata are infrequent in his work; his 
melodic line employs quite small intervals, and his rhythms are very 
simple, nearly always in tempus imperfectum, hardly ever in the tempus 
perfectum so much used in the previous period. Despite his observance 
of the sovereign principle of systematic imitation, Gombert also em- 
ployed the homophonic style for particular passages of the text; but 
he never adopted the dry syllabic style of French music. He was very 
skilled in the use of dissonant suspensions, as Palestrina was later; 
like all his contemporaries he usually avoided note-against-note dis- 
sonance. He shows a certain fondness for chords of the sixth, and the 
progressions of the two outside parts in tenths, which he still intro- 
duces sometimes, recall the principles of Gafurius. What is especially 


1 Published by Attaingnant in 1533 as the work of Lupi, but attributed to Cadéac 
in numerous later sources. Reprinted by Eitner in 60 Chansons (Publikation älterer 
praktischer und theoretischer Musikwerke, xxiii) (Leipzig, 1899), p. 20, and in Schering, 
Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen (Leipzig, 1931), p. 115. 

2 On the motets, see particularly Hans Eppstein, Nicolas Gombert als Motetten- 
komponist (Würzburg, 1935). 


222 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


noteworthy about him is his knowledge of the art of singing (he was, 
after all, by profession a singing-master), and the moulding of his 
themes shows him to have been a musician who understood the voice, 
No better examples of this could be found than the motet ‘Gaudeamus 
omnes"! or the final ‘Alleluia’ of the motet ‘Inter natos mulierum’.? 
The Benedictus of his Mass ‘Je suis déshéritée’, where the melodic line 
of the superius tends toward the top of the register, and theelegy on the 
death of Josquin, in which the bass descends to the low E and D, show 
the range of vocal resources that he explored. Gombert, ‘qui omnibus 
musicis ostendit viam’,as Finck said? was certainly the greatest musician 
of his generation, and has the merit of having been the first to perfect 
the style followed by all his contemporaries. Of these at least two— 
Créquillonand Clemens non Papa—showed marked originality of mind. 


THOMAS CRÉQUILLON 


Thomas Créquillon, who like Gombert was maitre de chapelle—or, 
at least, master of the choristers—to Charles V, may for various 
reasons be compared with his predecessor, whom he almost equalled 
in talent. All the remarks of general character just made about Gom- 
bert can also be applied to Créquillon, so completely do these two 
masters sum up in their work all the characteristics of the music of 
the time. We know as little of Créquillon's life as of Gombert's, 
whom he succeeded as master of the enfants de la chapelle in 1540. 
(Apparently he died in 1557 at Béthune, where he had held a canonry 
since 1555.) A churchman himself, Créquillon wrote best for the 
Church, although he was the only Netherland musician of his genera- 
tion who composed more chansons (192)* than motets (116); to the 
latter category, however, must be added settings of the Lamentations, 
for four and five voices, and five psalms in French. His first motet was 
published in 1545 by Kriesstein at Augsburg, his earliest Masses in 
1546 by Susato at Antwerp, and his works appeared in the printed 
collections as late as 1636. Créquillon was always held in the highest 
esteem by his contemporaries even after his death: Pietro Cerone 
quotes him as an example alongside Willaert and Cipriano de Rore,’ 
Sweertius calls him *musicus excellens', and still later, in 1689, 
Berardi considered him a worthy representative of the older school of 
composers." In his own day his works were copiously transcribed for 
instruments and his chanson ‘Un gay bergier’ was one of the most 


1 Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, p. 36. 2 Ibid., p. 16. 

з Op. cit. * Cf. p. 16. 3 EI Melopeo y maestro (Naples, 1613), p. 89. 
* Athenae Belgicae (Antwerp, 1628), p. 693. 

* Miscellanea musicale . . . (Bologna, 1689), p. 40. 


THOMAS CREQUILLON 223 


famous of the century. He has, however, been unjustly neglected in 
our time, and very few of his works have been reprinted. 

Fifteen of Créquillon's sixteen Masses are missae parodiae, eight of 
them based on chansons and seven on motets—among them three 
chansons and two motets by the composer himself. The remaining one 
is built, in accordance with the old canto fermo method, on the Ger- 
man song ‘Kein Adler in der Welt'.! All these Masses are written in 
a more or less freely imitative style, with short homophonic passages 
set to certain important parts of the text (often for * Et incarnatus est"), 
and keep more or less close to the model on which they are based. 
Sometimes the composer borrows only a few short passages from his 
model, with which the Mass will then have only a very remote con- 
nexion. This is the case, for example, with the Masses ‘Domine Deus 
omnipotens’ and ‘Mort m'a privé'—even though the models are the 
composer's own works. The ‘parody’ technique is basically a matter 
of variations; variations not only in melody but also in harmony and 
rhythm, asin the Credo ofthe Mass ‘Sedireje]’osoie’,? which is founded 
not so much on the chanson as on a theme suggested by the chanson: 

Ex. 81 


-te - - ram pa- - - - = tris 


1 W, Lueger, Die Messen des Thomas Crecquillon (Bonn dissertation, 1948. Un- 
published). * Munich Staatsbibl. 40; transcribed, Lueger, op. cit., p. 102. 


224 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


Créquillon's fondness for square-cut motives often has the effect of 
making the over-long periods of his music somewhat cold; but when 
he imparts greater vigour to them—making a real musical motive out 
of a simple theme by the device of syncopation, for example—his art 
takes on an energetic character very personal to him. The most re- 
markable section of his Mass ‘Domine Deus omnipotens' (for six 
voices) is the final Agnus Dei; though written in eight parts, it does not 
give the impression of a double chorus—rather is it a compact body 
of sound, sustained by an idea in the bass which sounds like an 
instrumental theme. 

His Lamentations, published in 1549 by Montanus and Neuber 
with a dedication written by the poet and historian Caspar Bruschius, 
have much dramatic vigour and great expressive power. In the first, 
for five voices, on the word ‘convertere’ the discantus enters with a 
rising semitone, the a/tus and primus tenor with a fourth, the secundus 
tenor with a third and the bassus with an octave, thus making the 
exhortation stand out strongly. 


THOMAS CREQUiLLON 225 


In his motets Créquillon shows the full measure of his talent and 
employs all the resources of his art in the service of the words. His 
transparent counterpoint is best suited by long, calm, well-balanced 
themes, with octave leaps providing the opportunity for vocal expan- 
siveness, as in ‘Parasti in dulcedine tua’ (the second part of ‘Unus 
panis’):! 


Like Palestrina he had a feeling for scale passages, and in the motet 
*Sed melius est? (the second part of *Ingemuit Susanna’)? he uses 
three series of scales to make a fine peroration. 


1 Liber septimus cantionum sacrarum, published by Phalese in 1559. 
? [bid. 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


mis 


dl 


me 


- mi-ni 


THOMAS CREQUILLON 227 


He tries to suit his opening theme to the general feeling of the words; 
and often, after announcing it, he will restate it in a varied form and 
prolong it with a second phrase set to the same words, a procedure 
which enables the hearer to grasp the general tone of the whole work 
from the outset. Like Gombert, Créquillon uses dissonant suspen- 
sions, sometimes even for expressive purposes, as in the opening of 
‘Verbum iniquum et dolosum’:! 
Ex. 85 


Many examples could be given to show the plasticity and scope of 
Créquillon's themes. If his art seems rational and intelligently planned 
rather than spontaneous, the purity of his melodic gift and the clarity 
of his counterpoint earn him a very honourable rank among his 
Netherland contemporaries and justify Ambros's eulogistic verdict.? 

In 1548 three other musicians in the service of Charles V joined 
with Créquillon in bringing out a collection of four-part motets 
(Cantiones selectissimae), in which they were described by their pub- 
lisher, Ulhard of Augsburg, as ‘eximii et praestantes Caesareae majes- 
tatis capellae musici’. Only Créquillon, however, really deserved such 
praise. The organist Jean Lestainnier died too young to leave any very 
significant work.? Nicolas Payen doubtless enjoyed a great reputation, 
since he was entrusted with the writing of an eight-part motet on the 
death of the Empress Isabella, ‘Carole, cur defies Isabellam, curve 
requiris?’ A more important body of work has come down to us from 
Cornelius Canis, who was maistre des enffans in 1542 and left the 
Imperial chapel in 1556;* we have a six-part Mass and twenty-six 
motets by him. 


CLEMENS NON PAPA 


Standing rather apart from the official world, and not apparently 
awarded many honours, lived one of the greatest composers of this 
generation: Jacobus Clemens ‘non Papa’. His religious music—16 


1 Liber tertius ecclesiasticarum cantionum, published by Susato in 1553. 

3 Geschichte der Musik (Leipzig, 2nd ed., 1881), iii, p. 311. 

* G. Van Doorslaer, Jean Lestainnier organiste-compositeur (Malines, 1921). 
* Schmidt-Górg, Nicolas Gombert, p. 63. 


228 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


Masses, 15 settings of the Magnificat, and 230 motets, to which may 
be added his 158 Souterliedekens—is of great importance. Of his per- 
sonal life little is known. Although he composed some of his motets 
to the glory of Charles V, he does not seem ever to have been in the 
Imperial service. (In 1544-5 he was succentor at Saint-Sauveur at 
Bruges, and an account-book of the Onze Lieve Vrouwe-Broederschap 
at "e Hertogenbosch refers to him in 1550 as ‘sanger ende componist’. 
He died about 1556.)! 

Fifteen of his Masses are based on polyphonic compositions, seven 
on chansons and eight on motets, according to the principle of the 
missa parodia? The remaining опе, a ‘Missa pro defunctis’ built on 
the Gregorian melodies, was long thought to be partially lost, and was 
reprinted only in 1959.2 All the Masses are written in the syste- 
matically imitative style, but the Mass ' Miséricorde',* based on two 
of the composer's own chansons, shows a special concern with textual 
clarity, most of the main sections opening with a distinct statement of 
the words in the strictest homophonic style. The variation-technique 
which the composer applies to his chosen themes is always original 
and interesting. He adds to them themes of his own invention, return- 
ing to his basic material only at significant points of the text as if to 
emphasize their importance. 

Clemens non Papa left a considerable number of motets, set for the 
most part to Biblical words. Although the texts are short, his motets 
are often long—even too long, for he was fond of repeating the words 
to fresh musical ideas; in * Erravi sicut ovis',5 for example, the first sen- 
tence is sung three times, each time toa different melody in the superius: 


Ex. 86 


2 For biographical details see K. Ph. Bernet Kempers, Jacobus Clemens non Papa und 
seine Motetten (Augsburg, 1928), and the notice prefaced to his Clemens bibliography, 
Musica Disciplina, xviii (1964), p. 85; also R. Lenaerts, ‘Voor de biographie van 
Clemens non Papa’, Tijdschrift der Vereeniging voor Nederlandsche Muziekgeschiedenis, 
xiii (1929), p. 178. 

2 J, Schmidt[-Górg], ‘Die Messen des Clemens non Papa’, Zeitschrift für Musik- 
wissenschaft, ix (1926-7), p. 129. 

з By Bernet Kempers in Clemens non Papa: Opera Omnia (Rome, 1951-  ), viii. 

* Ibid. і, p. 1. 5 FromScotto's Motetti del laberinto (Libro secondo) (Venice, 1554). 


CLEMENS NON PAPA 229 


pe-ri 
-  ri-jit, 


Er - ra wi  si-cut о - vis quae pe- - 


-vi si - 
Er - ra 


o visquae 


- -ri - it. Er-ra - vi si- cut 


Although his themes are well chosen, he contented himself too readily 
with the formulae of a musical language which he had evolved for 
himself at an early date—a fact which helps to explain his high produc- 
tivity. To produce expressive effects he seldom had recourse to dis- 
sonance, but rather to certain melodic intervals, such as the minor 
sixth at the beginning of 'Delicta juventutis?’ (the second part of 


230 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


*Erravi sicut ovis’) or of ‘Vox in Rama'.! Noticeable in his work is 
a special treatment of the upper voice which sets it apart from the rest. 
To it he entrusted certain ostinato motives such as that of the bells in 
* Angelus Domini'.? Similarly, in the *Domine Deus' of the Mass 
‘Languir my fault’, the superius persistently repeats the first four notes 
of Claudin de Sermisy's chanson? His rhythm is more lively than 
Gombert's, and his melodic line more sinuous, moving more readily 
by leap than by step. It was from a study of the works of Clemens 
non Papa, among others, that Edward Lowinsky argued that there 
had been, in the performance of motets, a practice of musica ficta 
which became a highly organized chromaticism that probably had to 
be kept as a secret craft for religious and political reasons.* It is 
possible that the audacities of this kind to be found in Clemens non 
Papa's motets were tolerated from one of his modest social status, 
whereas the official positions of Gombert and Créquillon obliged 
them to keep to traditional ways. 

Although they belong to the religious side of Clemens non Papa's 
output, the Souterliedekens published by Susato in 1556-7 do not 
come within the scope of this chapter, as they were not intended for 
use in church. They are three-part harmonizations of popular tunes 
adapted to the Dutch version of the psalter, and were meant to be 
sung in the home.5 


RICHAFORT AND SOME LESSER FIGURES 


Among the musicians in the service of the House of Habsburg were 
also those employed by Mary of Hungary: Jean Richafort, ‘prêtre et 
chantre de la reine’ in 1531, Benedictus Appenzeller, who was in 
charge of her chapel from about 1540 to 1550, and Roger Pathie, her 
organist. Those of the Imperial Chapel in Vienna included Jean Guyot 
de Chatelet, known as Castileti, who was Kapellmeister for a few 
months in 1563-4, and his successor Jacob Vaet, who in his turn was 
followed in this post by Philippe de Monte. And, finally, there was 
Pierre de Manchicourt, who was in the service of Philip II until 1564, 
in which year he died at Madrid. 


1 Opera Omnia, ix, p. 105; also reprinted in A. T. Davison and Willi Apel, Historical 
Anthology of Music, i (Cambridge, Mass., 1946), p. 134, and Bernh ard Meier, Das 
Chorwerk, lxxii (Wolfenbüttel, 1959), p. 6. 3 Opera Om nia, ix, p. 99. 

з Ibid. v, p. 69, with the chanson on p. 103. 

* Secret Chromatic Art in the Netherlands Motet (New York, 1946). 

5 Reprinted in Opera Omnia, ii; see also Bernet Kempers, ‘Die Souterliedekens des 
Jacobus Clemens non Papa', Tijdschrift der Vereeniging voor Nederlandsche Muziek- 
geschiedenis, xii (1928), p. 261; xiii (1929), pp. 29 and 126. 


RICHAFORT AND SOME LESSER FIGURES 231 


Of these, Jean Richafort deserves special mention. He was magister 
cantus to the church of Saint-Rombaut at Malines from 1507 to 1509, 
but all trace of him is then lost until 1531, when his name is found in 
the household records of Mary of Hungary. May he not perhaps, in 
the interval, have been drawn into the orbit of the French court? The 
cathedral organist at Angers, Jean Daniel, known as Mitou, did in 
fact refer to him, along with other musicians who were all in the king's 
service, in a Noél written about 1525: 


En ce petit hostelet 

Richard fort ne fut saulvaige 
Deschanta ung motelet 

Dieu scet s'il estoit ramaige.! 


He died about 1548. His earliest motet was published in 1519, and 
although the bulk of his work is not great —4 Masses, 3 Magnificats, 
35 motets, and 17 chansons—it is enough to prove that he had a very 
personal style.? 

His six-part Requiem Mass is evidence of his command of compli- 
cated technique. It complies with two conditions: on the one hand the 
superius sings the proper liturgical text, a free treatment of Gregorian 
melody, on the other Josquin’s canon ‘Circumdederunt me dolores 
mortis’ is sung by the two tenors almost throughout. This double 
canto fermo is twice replaced by a canon of Richafort's own on 
a phrase (C'est douleur non pareille") from Josquin’s chanson 
*Faulte d'argent'; the double reference to Josquin—whose pupil 
Richafort is said to have been—suggests an association with 
Josquin's death. Despite these technical pre-conditions, Richafort's 
Requiem is both expressive and plastic; the Entombment is sug- 
gested by descending scales, and the words ‘non timebo' are sung by 
men's voices only.The Mass is a sombre and touching work, in which 
the bass states each intonation before the other parts take it up. 

In his Magnificat quinti toni? Richafort manages to alternate the 
sharply cut motives so dear to the French with the longer-breathed 
lines of the Flemish composers. The two-part ‘Fecit potentiam" sec- 
tion is reminiscent of similar episodes in Josquin, and Richafort 
emphasizes the words ‘ Dispersit superbos’ by setting them to a scale- 
passage in the a/tus while the upper voice recites on a monotone in 
syncopated rhythm: 

ee Noéls de Jean Daniel dit Maitre Mitou (ed. be Н. Chardon, Le Mans, 1874), 
р 


E G. Van Doorslaer, Jean Richafort maítre de chapelle-compositeur (Antwerp, 1930). 
з From Magnificat omnitonum cum quatuor vocibus (Venice, 1562). 


232 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


nd 


Dis-per - sit eg: D - - per - bos 


Richafort's motets found much favour with his contemporaries, 
and were frequently chosen as models for missae parodiae. His 
*Christus resurgens' inspired a Mass by his contemporary, Van 
Pulaer, and a Mass by Palestrina based on the same theme has been 
discovered in a Mexican library.! ‘Quem dicunt homines’? was used 
for Masses by Josquin, Divitis, Mouton, Morales, and Palestrina; 
while Gombert, Claudin de Sermisy, and Lupi each composed a Mass 
on ‘Philomena praevia temporis ameni’. This secular motet,? to a 
Latin text about the nightingale heralding the spring, has been printed 
in collections of religious motets; in it the composer introduces 
numerous melismatic passages which sometimes stray beyond the 
limits of the mode. The supple line of the final section, to the words 
* Avis predulcissima, ad me, queso, veni', is worthy of notice: 


pq 
d 


N 
b 
» 
[ 


vis pre - 


ў 


А - vis pre - dul-ci - - - ssi- 


1 R. Stevenson, ‘Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century Resources in Mexico’, Fortes 
(1955), p. 13. 

з From Motetti del fiore, liber primus (Lyons, 1532); opening portion reprinted in 
Oxford History of Music, ii (Oxford, 1905), p. 269. 

* Cambrai, Bibl. de la Ville, Ms. 125-8. 


233 


RICHAFORT AND SOME LESSER FIGURES 


| || 


ve - 


so 


Ad meque|- 


ll |: 
IN 


- ssi - 


Ad me que- 


JF 


ve 


so " 


so ve-ni 


A 


ad me que- 


ni. 


ve 


-ni 


234 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


as is also the melodious opening of the second part, in which the bass 
has a different theme from the other three voices. 

Benedictus Appenzeller has left us, among other things, a four-part 
motet on the death of Josquin. ‘Musae Jovis ter maximi’,! in which 
the expressive contrast between two low and two high voices shows 
him as a worthy disciple of the master. His double canon 'Sancta 
Maria', dedicated to Mary of Hungary, was once worked into the 
design of a tapestry; and his church music (thirty-five motets, a Mass, 
and an Agnus Dei) appeared in print between 1532 and 1569. 

Although the textbooks do not devote much space to him, the work 
of Jacob Vaet, standing between Gombert's and that of Lassus, is by 
no means inconsiderable; it includes 9 Masses, 8 Magnificats, and 76 
motets, and consists almost entirely of church music, to which, as he 
said, he had devoted himself from his earliest years: ‘Ego itaque cum 
prima mea aetas sacrae Musices studio addicta fuisset.'? Only three 
chansons by him are known. Vaet was a transitional composer, as may 
be observed from the evolution that took place in his style. For, 
whereas his motets in three, four, or five parts are still mostly written 
in accordance with the principle of continuous imitation in Gombert's 
manner, those for six or eight parts show new tendencies and we are 
confronted with a progressive undermining of this sovereign principle 
by the various devices of free imitation already employed, though 
more timidly, by Clemens non Papa and his contemporaries. Vaet's 
later style is marked also by a bolder use of dissonances and by a 
freer use of accidentals, tending towards the supersession of the old 
modal system. Whereas Gombert's influence can be detected in his 
earliest motets, those of his later period certainly show that of Lassus, 
as witness his motet * Vitam quae faciunt beatiorum', written in 1559; 
*darinnen hatt er des Orlando “Tityre tu patulae" wollen imitiren’, 
as was remarked by Dr. Seld, the vice-chancellor of Albrecht V of 
Bavaria.? It was Vaet also who composed an elegy on the death of 
Clemens non Papa, ‘Continuo lachrimas’, in which, in accordance 
with tradition, he used the Introit of the Mass for the Dead as canto 
fermo.* 

Pierre de Manchicourt, on the other hand, belonged to the more 
conservative branch of the Netherland school, and remained faithful 
to the style of his predecessors. His contrapuntal learning seems too 

1 Printed in Werken van Josquin des Pres, i, and in R. J. Van Maldeghem's Tresor 
musical, xiv (1878), p. 34. 

2 Milton Steinhardt, Jacobus Vaet and his Motets (East Lansing, Mich., 1951), p. 5. 


з Tbid., p. 10. 
* On Vaet, see also infra, p. 267. 


RICHAFORT AND SOME LESSER FIGURES 235 


often to have served him instead of inspiration; the value of his motet 
* Ave virgo Cecilia" lies chiefly in the skill with which he uses constant 
double counterpoint in the imitative treatment of two themes in each 
section. Nevertheless, such things as the Benedictus of his Mass ‘Gris 
et tanné' suggest that a better knowledge of his work would enable us 
to do his musicianship better justice. In any case, his preface to the 
Ars versificatoria of Petrus Pontanus (Paris, 1520), concerning the 
accentuation of Gregorian chant, shows clearly that he was held in 
high esteem by the humanists of his day. 

To give a correct picture of Netherland music at this period, we 
should, instead of limiting ourselves to the most illustrious names, 
cite in addition the host of composers whom we now regard as of 
secondary rank, either because very little of their work has come down 
to us or because they were less prolific. Some of them enjoyed, none 
the less, a great reputation with their contemporaries and filled im- 
portant posts in the great chapels. Such were Jean Courtois, maítre de 
chapelle at Cambrai, who, for a visit of Charles V to that town on the 
20 January 1540, composed a four-part motet ‘ Venite populi terrae’,? 
performed by thirty-four of the cathedral singers before the bishop's 
palace; Jean de Hollande, choirmaster of Saint-Sauveur at Bruges in 
1541; Gheerkin de Hondt, whose career was spent at 's Hertogen- 
bosch; Lupus or Lupi; a name which may stand for two composers 
whose works, since their names were similar, are not always easy to 
distinguish—Lupus Hellinck (d. 1541), who is known to have been at 
Utrecht and afterwards at Bruges, and Jean Lupi (d. 1539), who lived 
at Cambrai;? Laurent de Vos, brother of Martin de Vos the painter, 
who was hanged at Cambrai in January 1580 for writing a motet with 
a political significance; Pevernage, active at Antwerp; and Hubert 
Waelrant, who was not only a composer and teacher but a music 
publisher of Antwerp, where he died in 1595. Sweertius described 
Waelrant as novorum appetens’, and indeed study of his work shows 
him to have been a musician with a great love of novelty who has 
hitherto been unjustly neglected.* Later still, but by no means the 

‘least of the Netherlanders, stands the isolated figure of Sweelinck— 


! Printed by J. Delporte in ‘L’Ave virgo Cecilia de Pierre de Manchicourt', Revue 
liturgique et musicale (1936-7), p. 113. 

2 Published by N. Bridgman in ‘La participation musicale à l'entrée de Charles Quint 
à Cambrai le 20 janvier 1540”, Les Fétes de la Renaissance, ii (Paris, 1960), p. 235. 

* See Gustave Reese, Music in the Renaissance (London, 1954), pp. 306-7, and the 
articles on these composers by Hans Albrecht and Ludwig Finscher, Die Musik in 
Geschichte und Gegenwart, vi, col. 105, and viii, col. 1315. Hellinck's motet *Panis quem 
ego dabo' has been published by Schmidt-Górg as a supplement to Kirchenmusik- 
alisches Jahrbuch, xxv (1930). 4 Lowinsky, op. cit., p. 70. 


236 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


essentially an instrumental composer and a Protestant, though his 
Cantiones sacrae (Antwerp, 1619), with organ сопііпио are an impos- 
ing contribution to Latin church music. 


CONCLUSION 


The musicians whom we have been considering lived in a country 
whose political and geographical structure was somewhat peculiar, 
having been artificially produced by the accidents of royal marriages 
and premature deaths. Although national schools, in the strict sense, 
did not yet exist, it was during the course of the sixteenth century that 
each European country began to manifest an artistic style with quali- 
ties of its own. But can any such unity be recognized in the musical 
art of the empire of Charles V, who had recently added Spain to his 
family dominion of Burgundy and the Netherlands? The Emperor 
often journeyed to Spain, and while there he was always accompanied 
by his Flemish chapel. His musicians therefore lived for frequent 
periods in Spain; and since music in that country had not only reached 
a high stage of development but possessed a very individual character, 
marked by ‘Mediterranean’ respect for the words (shown in a homo- 
phonic style far removed from the elaborate erudition of the Nether- 
landers and nearer to popular music, as is shown by the contents of 
the Cancionero de Palacio)? one might be tempted to suppose that the 
mutual influence exerted by these two tendencies would have given 
rise to a new form of art, constituting a quasi-national music for the 
dominions of Charles V. In fact, it did nothing of the kind. 

It has often been said that a decisive stamp was set upon Spanish 
music by Northern polyphony, and it is indeed true that Morales and 
Guerrero employed Netherland technique. Further traces of the 
Franco-Flemish musicians' visits to Spain are to be found in the 
numerous manuscripts of their works still reposing in the libraries of 
that country.* Manuscripts containing Netherland compositions are to 
be found as far afield as Mexico, where Charles V sent as first teacher 
of music a Fleming, Fray Pedro de Gante. The Franco-Flemings also 
bulk largely in the collections of instrumental music put together in 
Spain during the sixteenth century. On the other hand, the Northern- 


1 Edited by Max Seiffert, Werken van Jan Pieterszn. Sweelinck, vi (Leipzig and The 
Hague, 1899); many motets published separately, notably by Bank (Amsterdam). 

* Printed by Higini Anglés in La Musica en la Corte de los Reyes Católicos, ii and iii 
(Barcelona, 1947-51). See Vol. III, pp. 352 and 377 ff. 

* See Chap. VI. 

* See, for instance, Lenaerts, Nederlanse Polyfonie uit Spaanse Bronnen (Monumenta 
Musicae Belgicae, ix), (Antwerp, 1963). 


CONCLUSION 237 


ers do not seem to have been in any way influenced by Spanish music, 
and neither Gombert nor Créquillon shows any sign of having been 
affected by his sojourn in Spain. Gombert's only Spanish chanson! is 
written in the purest imitative style, and neither he nor his fellows 
built any of their Masses on Spanish melodies. Théy remained faithful 
to the style they had devised for themselves, and one cannot even 
detect any evolution in their work. This conservatism, maintained by 
the various social and political factors which inevitably arise in such 
circumstances, was doubtless encouraged by the personal taste of 
Charles V, who always retained an affection for his native Flanders. 
The facts that no Spaniard was a member of his chapel and that none 
but Netherland works were sung at official ceremonies are enough to 
show that he also was unmoved by the music of his new domain. 
While Northern sculptors and painters were strongly affected by 
Spanish influence, so that one can speak of a ‘Hispano-Flemish’ 
School of painting, nothing similar can be detected in the field of 
music, where influence operated in one direction only and no new 
style attested to the reality of an empire which had no underlying 
unity.? These musicians, sometimes described paradoxically as ‘the 
Spanish Court composers', actually upheld to the last the cause of 
Netherland music and demonstrated the supremacy which it still 
enjoyed. 


(b) FRANCE IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 
(1520-1610) 


By FRANGOIS LESURE 


ORIGINS OF THE FRENCH STYLE 


It is still difficult to distinguish the main lines along which church 
music developed in sixteenth-century France, because of the lack of 
modern reprints? and musicological studies.* The following is there- 


1 Printed by К. Mitjana and J. Bal y Gay in the Cancionero de Upsala (Mexico City, 
1944), p. 125. 

2 N. Bridgman, ‘Les échanges musicaux entre l'Espagne et les Pays Bas au temps de 
Philippe le Beau et de Charles-Quint' (La Renaissance dans les provinces du nord (Arras, 
1955). 

* Henry Expert has published modern editions of Masses by Certon and Goudimel in 
Monuments de la musique francaise au temps de la Renaissance, ii and ix (Paris, 1925 and 
1928), and a separate edition of Janequin’s Mass ‘La Bataille’ (Paris, 1947). Albert 
Smijers began and A. Tillman Merritt completed a new edition of the thirtecn books 
of motets published by Pierre Attaingnant in 1534-5 (Paris and Monaco, 1934-1963). 

* The most important—and even so it is not concerned with vocal music—is Yvonne 


238 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


fore no more than a preliminary inquiry, a provisional synthesis 
intended to indicate the possibility of detailed analyses rather than 
to sum up the results of any already in existence. 

While we cannot speak of a specifically ‘French’ music before the 
death of Josquin, yet after this date (1521) the characteristics of 
a national style appeared almost at once. Throughout the first half of 
the century the figure of Josquin seems nevertheless still to be hovering 
in the background: a precursor whose works were no longer very 
much sung but to whose example one referred because of the roads he 
had opened up. Even Ronsard, in 1560, included the majority of con- 
temporary French composers in an imaginary list of his pupils, al- 
though not one of them perhaps had ever been acquainted with his 
supposed teacher. Adrian Le Roy, who as late as 1555 published a 
collection of his motets, wrote of him in the highest terms in a dedica- 
tion to the patron, Jacques Aubry, speaking of him as a hero who had 
*omnes omnium modulationum et cantum ideas in animo impressas 
atque insculptas’. In the reign of Louis XII and at the beginning of 
that of Francis I, the influence of musicians from the northern pro- 
vinces (such as Brumel, Févin, Gascongne, and Mouton) was pre- 
dominant at the Court, at Notre-Dame, and at the Sainte-Chapelle; 
but the composers of the next generation in Paris came from a much 
wider range of districts. Whatever the reasons, a sharp change of 
style followed. When Louis Van Pulaer, a native of Cambrai, left 
Notre-Dame in 1527; his departure marked not only the end of the 
wave of Northern musicians coming south, but above all a break in 
stylistic tradition. The true successors of Josquin were henceforth 
unmistakable Flemings, while the French school of church music was 
to develop along its own lines. 

Doubtless the vogue, after 1520, of the Parisian type of chanson, 
with its forceful rhythm and its absolute control by the words, partly 
explains the nature of this change: a lack of both breadth and tension 
in the melody, obsession with the declamatory style yet at the same 
time an absence of expressiveness—such were the new features which 
religious art in France inherited from the chanson. This style, which 
owed so little to that of neighbouring lands, was to enjoy a certain 
success in Europe, which will be referred to later, and which was 


Rokseth's La Musique d'orgue au XV* et au début du XVI" siècle (Paris, 1930); see also for 
a very rapid sketch of the subject Francois Lesure, ‘La Musique religieuse en France au 
XVI” siècle’, Revue musicale, no. 222 (1953-4), p. 61, with a chronological table of 
works. 

. 1 F, L. Chartier, L'ancien chapitre de Notre-Dame de Paris (Paris, 1897), p. 76. There 
is a modern edition by J. Delporte of Van Pulaer's Mass ‘Christus resurgens’ (cf. p. 232) 
in the Collection de polyphonie classique. 


ORIGINS OF THE FRENCH STYLE 239 


perhaps due to ‘that French simplicity which does not tax the listener, 
but persuades him that he perfectly understands the musician, will 
have no trouble in following him, and will know at once where he is 
going’.! In other words, composition means an honest craft in which 
masterpieces were the exceptions, but which was perfectly in place in 
a society that knew nothing of mystical passion and had lost the 
serenity of a deep-seated faith. 

Moreover, one can detect a decadence in the art of singing in the 
choir-schools. Claudin de Sermisy put this very plainly in a letter to 
the Duke of Ferrara: ‘It is difficult at present to find good children 
in France. I think their mothers must be dead.” The French had re- 
tained an even dimmer memory of Latin accentuation than their 
neighbours; so that when Ammerbach, of Basle, sent his two sons in 
1501 to study in Paris, he warned them against the bad prosody cur- 
rent in that city, urging them not to lengthen short syllables.? Peter 
Wagner has noted a number of passages from French Masses of the 
sixteenth century which fully justify such a warning.* 


FRENCH TENDENCIES IN MASS AND MOTET 


The form most cultivated was the setting of the complete Ordinary 
of the Mass, though one still finds a few isolated Credos, reminiscent 
of the days, not so far distant, when Petrucci had published a collec- 
tion of Mass-fragments. Such are the eight-part Credo by Jean Mail- 
lard (published in 1557) and the ‘ Patrem de la Bataille’, also for eight 
voices, by Jean Larchier (preserved in manuscript).® French Masses 
were nearly always for four voices, but usually included sections for 
two, three (Benedictus), or five voices (Agnus). They are short works, 
both in those sections where the text is of some length and also in 
the Kyrie? and Agnus, where few melismata are to be found and the 
imitation is rudimentary. All these features distinguish them from the 
kind of Mass then in favour among the Netherlanders or in Italy. 
Finally, apart from a very few Masses ad placitum (by Cadéac, 
Sermisy, and Le Jeune), they are all parody-Masses, their themes 

1 Andre Pirro, Histoire de la musique de la fin du XIV* siécle à la fin du XVI* (Paris, 
1940), p. 239. 

* Undated letter (probably to Ercole II) printed in Henry Pruniéres, L'Opéra italien en 
France avant Lulli (Paris, 1913), p. xv. 

з Quoted by Pirro, "L'enseignement de la musique aux universités françaises’, Acta 
Musicologica, ii (1930), p. 47. 

* Geschichte der Messe (Leipzig, 1913), p. 253. 
* К. W. Hiersemann's Catalogue 392 (Leipzig, 1911), p. 18. 


* There is a Kyrie of only six bars in a Mass by Cléreau quoted by Wagner, op. cit., 
p. 250. 


240 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


borrowed from motets or chansons, even from some with decidedly 
uninhibited texts (e.g. the Masses ‘M’amie un jour’ by Maillard and 
“О gente brunette’ by Nicolas de Marle). When a Mass was based 
on a Gregorian chant, the composer might use the liturgical material 
very briefly (as in the Mass ‘Veni sponsa’ by J. Leleu) or almost in 
its entirety. Lastly, the Proper of the Mass was sometimes given a 
polyphonic setting; thus, in the first printed collection of polyphonic 
church music ever to appear in France, the Contrapunctus seu figurata 
musica published by Guaynard at Lyons in 1528, there are four-part 
Introits, Offertories, and Graduals for solemn festivals, with canti 
fermi generally in the tenor.! 

In motets the composers preferred to base their work on the Grego- 
rian melodies of psalms, antiphons, or sequences; one no longer finds 
anything like the chanson-motets with Latin tenors by Compére or 
Agricola in the Odhecaton. The text of the motet was generally divided 
into two sections—into still more at the end of the century. It was not 
so regularly set for four voices as the Mass; often there were five or 
more parts. But the most distinctive feature of the French motet was 
the way in which the words were treated; sixteenth-century French 
composers attached more importance to clear comprehension of the 
words than to strictly musical elaboration. This technique seems to 
have arisen in the earliest years of the century; probably the earliest 
dated examples of it are two three-part motets by Brumel, “Mater 
patris’ and ‘Ave ancilla Trinitatis', published in Petrucci's Odhecaton 
Canti B, in which the text is set syllabically almost throughout. 

Finally one might regard as a separate genre the polyphonic Pas- 
sions of the dramatic type, as distinct from those motets on Passion- 
tide texts which are found with other motets in the collections of the 
period. Two of these were published in 1534 by Attaingnant in the 
Liber decimus of his series of motets: one anonymous, the other by 
Claudin de Sermisy.? The latter, a Passion according to St. Matthew, 
is constructed entirely on a single melody, that of the turba. It is 
written for low voices and only the crowd passages are set consistently 
in four parts, while the words of Judas, St. Peter, or Pilate may be set 
for two or four voices. In this genre may also be included the Lamen- 
tations of Jeremiah, at which Sermisy, Dominique Phinot,? Leleu, 


1 Georg Eisenring, Zur Geschichte des mehrstimmigen Proprium Missae bis um 1560 
(Düsseldorf, 1913), and Walther Lipphardt, Die Geschichte des mehrstimmigen Proprium 
Missae (Heidelberg, 1950), p. 45. 

* Otto Kade, Die ältere Passionskomposition bis zum Jahre 1631 (Gütersloh, 1893), 
pp. 121 and 127. 

3 Edited by Mason Martens (Brooklyn, N.Y., 1961). 


FRENCH TENDENCIES IN MASS AND MOTET 241 


Genet,! and Cadéac tried their hand, and in which homophonic 
passages were traditionally of great importance. 


THE LYONS SCHOOL 


The two principal centres at which composers published their works 
were, in the first half of the century, Lyons and Paris. Only a few of 
the most representative figures of this earlier generation can be men- 
tioned here. 

Lyons occupied a unique position by reason of its favourable situa- 
tion between Italy and the Netherlands. Parisians were less influential 
there than Italians and Northerners, generousiy welcomed by the 
printer Jacques Moderne. But there also existed a Lyons school 
proper, one representative of which was Francois Layolle, organist at 
Florence, who died about 1540. Layolle published three Masses (one 
of them on Josquin’s chanson "Adieu mes amours’) and a score of 
motets,? in which he displays a very keen sense of colour and effective 
contrast, as in * Veni in hortum meum’.? These works enjoyed a lasting 
success, if we may judge by the number of foreign manuscripts in 
which they are included. Another Lyonnais was Pierre Colin, Mod- 
erne's most notable discovery, who published 10 Masses, 15 motets, 
and 8 settings of the Magnificat; he was later in charge of the music 
at Autun Cathedral, and when Lyons ceased to be a centre of music- 
printing he entrusted his works to Nicolas du Chemin. It is curious 
that we find two of his Masses (‘Christus resurgens’ and * Beatus vir") 
in an Italian publication side by side with Palestrina's * Missa Papae 
Marcelli’ and a Mass by Gastoldi.* A third was Pierre de Villiers; his 
three-part canonic Mass ‘ De Beata Virgine', whose affinities are rather 
with the Northern style, justified that reproach of ‘science fantastique’ 
mentioned by Charles de Sainte-Marthe in a poem written in the 
musician’s honour.’ Lastly, the most important of this school, apart 
from Layolle himself, was certainly Dominique Phinot, who lived at 
Lyons where the printer Beringen issued his motets and chansons, 
dedicated to leading personages of the district such as César Gros, 
sieur de Saint-Jouaire, or Francois Bonvalot. Among his motets, some 

1 On Genet’s Lamentations, see Vol. III, pp. 298-9. 

2 Two specimens printed in Ambros-Kade, Geschichte der Musik, v (Leipzig, 1889), 


pp. 201 and 204; opening of ‘Noe, noe’ in Oxford History of Music, ii (Oxford, 1905), 
p. 264. 

з G. Tricou, ‘Les deux Layolle et les organistes lyonnais du ХУІ siècle’, Mémoires 
de la Soc. litt., hist. et archéol. de Lyon, 1896-7, p. 229; J. Killing, Kirchenmusikalische 
Schätze der Bibliothek des Abbate F. Santini (Münster, 1908), p. 39. 

* A collection, without date or title-page, in the library of Milan Cathedral. 

5 La Poesie frangoise (Lyons, 1540), p. 97. 


242 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


ninety in all, are five for double choir (published in 1548) which derive 
from the Venetian style and testify to a feeling for effect which ensured 
him a great influence on his age.! 
With this group should also be included Elzéar Genet, of Carpen- 
tras? who, after a brilliant career in the papal chapel, retired to 
Avignon, where Jean de Channey printed five of his Masses on French 
chansons, Lamentations which were to enjoy a lasting success at Rome, 
and hymns and motets. Most of these have not, unfortunately, been 
republished. The comparatively severe style of ‘Carpentras’ greatly 
diminishes the value of the still current semi-legend of the * Palestri- 
nian reforms’. As a further proof of the close links binding the south 
of France with Rome we may mention the presence of Jean Lhéritier 
at Avignon in 1540 as ‘тайге de chapelle to the Cardinal-Legate'.? 


THE PARIS SCHOOL 


The style of music in Paris was much more uniform and much 
more typical of what foreigners normally regard as the French style. 
Willaert and Verdelot were certainly known there, for Attaingnant 
published their works, but for a long time composers seemed almost 
impervious to the development of church music in Italy and the 
North. On the other hand, foreigners sometimes welcomed the work 
of such men as Claudin and Certon (Morales was later to write a Mass 
on his motet ‘Si bona suscepimus"), though the publishers of Venice 
and Nuremberg seem to have done,so only for the sake of including 
specimens of all kinds in their collections. 

Claudin de Sermisy (though he died as late as 1562) was, thanks to 
his Italian connexions, the first ‘Parisian’ composer to be published 
in Italy, even before Attaingnant had begun printing. He wrote, as 
early as 1529, a ‘Praeparate corda vestra' in the typical form of the 
French motet: it follows its text closely, without any very unexpected 
features, and is constructed on a rhythmical theme and with a repeat 
of the last phrase as in a chanson. Claudin remained faithful to this 
form throughout his motets—some seventy in all, for three, four, five, 
or six voices, in which he treats the Gregorian melodies with care and 
sets himself ‘to interpret accurately the saddest of liturgical texts’. In 
general he shows more contrapuntal sense than other Frenchmen of 
his day, especially in his thirteen Masses which mark “the sum of his 

1 On Phinot, see Gustave Reese, Music in the Renaissance (New York, 1954), p. 349, 
.and Lesure's article in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, xii, col. 1210. 

з See Vol. III, р. 298. 


3 Lesure, ‘Notes pour une biographie de J. Lhéritier’, Revue de musicologie, xli (1958), 
p. 219. 


THE PARIS SCHOOL 243 


achievements’,! although one feels an ever-present tendency to return 
to syllabic treatment. (The Mass ‘ Domine quis habitavit, which makes 
important concessions to the Northern tradition, is an exception.) 
Not only does Claudin quite often make use of canonic writing; he 
shows many other signs of deep musicianship, such as the extended 
vocalizations on ‘Amen’ in ‘Regi seculorum’, his happy use of se- 
quence in ‘Nisi Dominus’, the rhythmic alternations of ‘Veni Sancte 
Spiritus’ and ‘Lava quod est sordidum’, and, in general, the interest 
of his melodic lines. The writing of a three-part Magnificat, preserved 
in manuscript in the Milan Library, is so closely knit that one might 
take it for an instrumental fantasia. 

Clément Janequin (d. 1558)—a whole volume of whose motets has 
probably been lost—left only two Masses (on the themes of two of 
his chansons) and one motet. Although he held the posts of master of 
the choir-school and composer-in-ordinary to the king, he does not 
seem to have been suited to church music. His Mass ‘La Bataille’ 
follows too closely the various sections and themes of his chanson 
‘La guerre’.? Listeners could not fail to recognize ‘Avanturiers bons 
compagnons’ behind ‘Quoniam tu solus sanctus’, and there is more 
expressiveness in ‘Bruyés, bonbardes et canons’ than in *Cujus regni 
non erit finis’ which is note for note the same. However, his motet 
*Congregati sunt’? shows more sense for motet style, in its most 
French form with a natural tendency to rapid declamation. 

It would need the discovery of a very great masterpiece to redeem 
Pierre Certon, master of the children of the Sainte Chapelle (d. 1572) 
from Pirro’s merciless, indeed over-severe, judgement on his church 
music A sketchy structure, monotony of device, over-indulgence in 
two-part passages, imitation loosely constructed and too soon given 
up, accentuation constantly faulty. Pirro goes so far as to wonder 
whether he was trying to ‘turn the Roman liturgy to ridicule’. Certon’s 
technique may be studied in the opening of his Mass ‘ Dulcis amica ',5 
the basis of which is one of his own motets;* the first Kyrie makes use 
of the first section of the motet, the Christe of the second, and the 
second Kyrie of the last; and the same procedure is followed in the 


1 Pirro, Histoire, p. 319, and Lesure's article in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegen- 
wort, xii, col. 562. з See 

* Ed. Lesure (Monaco, 1949). Expert's edition of the Mass ‘La Bataille" (Paris, 
1947) was his last publication. 

* Pirro, Histoire, p. 320. 

* The Masses ‘Sur le pont d'Avignon', * Adjuva me’ and ‘Regnum mundi’ have been 
published by Expert, Les Monuments de la musique francaise au temps de la Renais- 
sance, ii. 

* Printed, with Kyrie I of the Mass, in Peter Wagner, op. cit., p. 246. 


244 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


Credo, as if the composer were afraid to abandon his ready-made 
framework for a moment. 

Perhaps when all the remaining material is published we shall find 
that the three great chanson-composers just discussed are not also the 
best French composers in the domain of church music. And, knowing 
this, we may find that Pierre Vermont, the elder, a musician of the 
Sainte Chapelle from 1509 to his death in 1532 (except for a short stay 
in Italy) stands out as one of the most interesting of the Parisian group. 
In his *Ave Virgo gloriosa' he writes with ease in six parts on a canto 
fermo (*O pia, o clemens’), and indulges in long vocalizations in 
* Benedicat nos Deus noster’, following up this invocation with ‘Deus 
misereatur nostri', a work whose equal one may seek in vain in the 
music of his Parisian contemporaries. For the purposes of the Chapelle 
Royale he wrote a motet in five parts in honour of St. Denis.! His 
brother, Pierre Vermont the younger, also composed motets which it 
is often difficult to distinguish from those of his senior; his model 
appears to have been Prioris, whose serene Requiem Mass he desired 
should be performed at his own funeral. 

Another outstanding personality was Hesdin (Nicolle des Celliers) 
(d. 1538), master of the choir-children in the cathedral at Beauvais, 
whose ease of writing has caused a Mass of his, ‘super Benedicta’, to 
be taken for the work of Willaert.? His three motets in Attaingnant's 
Fourth Book, on texts in honour of the Virgin, are written in a pellu- 
cid and varied style which sets them apart from the Parisian manner.? 

Guillaume Le Heurteur, a much later successor of Ockeghem at 
St. Martin's, Tours, was one of those sixteenth-century churchmen 
who made fun of their colleagues in their chansons, as, for example, 
when he described the adventures of a priest who sang an ‘Agnus 
grignoté', or those of the “white monks' with whom Rabelais 
also concerned himself in the same district. Whether he wrote 
for four, five, or six voices, his motets on the Antiphons of Our 
Lady (published in 1545) all follow the same pattern, and he seems to 
have had no idea of the resources of polyphony. The little vocaliza- 
tions which he scattered through his works serve only a decorative 
purpose, as it might be in a chanson. Once indeed, in ‘In te Domine 
speravi’, he sets the text syllabically, perhaps because it is a verse of 
a psalm forming part of the Office for Holy Thursday. But when the 

1 In Smijers, Treize livres de motets parus chez P. Attaingnant, iii (Paris, 1938). 

a Myroslaw Antonowytsch, Die Motette * Benedicta es’ von Josquin des Prez und die 

Messen ‘super Benedicta’ von Willaert . . . (Utrecht, 1951), p. 11, attributes this Mass to 


Willaert on stylistic grounds. 
з Reprintedin Smijers, Treize livres de motets, iv (Monaco, 1960), pp. 103, 157, and 182. 


THE PARIS SCHOOL 245 


liturgical text calls for rejoicing he still subordinates his music to the 
words, as in ‘Noe, Noe, natus est Christus’. 


Ex. 89 
No e, No - e, No e 


No - 
Cake / .— / — —1—4 
LE E e 1. —- —10-—1 
г Ja — Se Oe НА 
НИ с ————d1— es НН. 


ji 
Lei 
S 


ou Uy. 
wu ihr 
La ll 
Le ei 
NL” 
No - 


Ha 


CM cl 
w. ej 
9—3 
e па - tus est |Chris - tus 


m 
vg 
Y 
lit 


d 
2, 
o 
LI 
^ Q 


Zh: . eg E o. ———4——Hm-———1-—r 

[-423: ER 1—————- ———1. eT БЕ E 

[A LÍIL———————Ài—— гг рр 

[^——— гг р] 
Ho - di -|e na- tus est Chris - tus 


LI 
| 


| 
Q 
y 


li 


- di- e na - tus est Chris - - - tus 
Marked by more varied resources is the four-part ‘Christum ascen- 
dentem’ in which the choir frequently divides antiphonally and the 
composer uses triple time in the final section to indicate the Christian "e 
hope in the Holy Spirit on Ascension Day. 

Of the life of Jean Maillard we know nothing; which is perhaps the 
reason why none of his motets (some seventy-five in all) and none of his 
four Masses have so far been republished.! His first collection, dating 


1 The portrait generally accepted as his looks more like that of a magistrate. Unfor- 
tunately the name is not uncommon: there were two men named Jehan Maillart living 
in Paris in 1541; one of them procurator in the Ecclesiastical Court, the other first 
usher in the Chambre des Requétes (Archives nationales, Minutier central, viii, 69). 


246 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


from 1555, contains only motets in one section; at the end are two 
six-part motets in canon, ‘Surrexit Dominus’ and ‘Fratres me elonga- 
verunt’. Lassus, who made new versions of several of his motets on 
Antiphons, knew his work well; so did the lutenists such as Adrian 
Le Roy, who were doubtless attracted by his rather short rhythmic 
units with hardly any continuous movement, as at the beginning of 
the five-part motet ‘Domine si tu es’. 


Ex. 90 


Do-mi- ne si tue 


-mi - ne si tu es ju-be me ме ~ пі-ге 


In his Mass ‘Je suis déshéritée' the references to Cadéac's chanson are 
positively obsessive, the culmination coming in the first 4gnus, where 
the whole chanson is introduced unchanged; in the 1553 edition, in 
case anyone should be unfamiliar with fashionable songs, Maillard 
even prints the whole text of Cadéac's profane work under the words 
of the Agnus. 

Pierre Cadéac himself, master of the choristers at Auch Cathedral, 
first made a name as a writer of chansons and then published a whole 
book of motets in four, five, and six parts (1555), and six Masses in 
which he shows a certain originality in the thematic treatment. And 
he employs alternation of imitative with note-against-note writing.! 

Of the six Masses by Pierre Cléreau, master of the choristers at Toul 
Cathedral—all published in Paris by Nicolas du Chemin—the most 
valuable are the Requiem, which strictly carries out the liturgical in- 
tentions, and the Mass ' Caecilia Virgo', in which he purposely uses 
black notation.? The rest of his work gives the impression of having 
been composed somewhat hurriedly.? 


! See Reese, op. cit., p. 341. 4 See p. 290. 
* Peter Wagner, op. cit., p. 250. 


CLAUDE GOUDIMEL 247 


CLAUDE GOUDIMEL 


It is impossible to discuss here all the French composers of repute 
during the first two-thirds of the century. One can only mention the 
names of the Parisians Mathieu Sohier and Jean Hérissant, and the 
provincials Jean Guyon (Chartres), Simon de Bonefond (Clermont- 
Ferrand), Vulfran Samin (Amiens), Nicolas de Marle (Noyon), Bar- 
thélemy Beaulaigue (Marseilles), or refer in passing to such isolated 
figures as Antoine de Mornable, private musician to the Duc de Laval, 
whose motets and Masses are found in the publications of Attaingnant, 
Nicolas du Chemin, Adrian Le Roy, and Robert Ballard.! 

But special attention must be given to Claude Goudimel (d. 1572), 
whose famous settings of the Huguenot Psalter? have obscured the 
rest of his achievement. Actually he contributed with equal distinction 
to the music of the Catholic liturgy, with his five Masses, five motets, 
and three settings of the Magnificat, all composed before he left Paris. 
In 1553, when he was in charge of Nicolas du Chemin's publishing 
house, he noted three chansons in the Quart livre of his rivals Le Roy 
and Ballard, and based on them his Masses * Tant plus je mets' (the 
theme by Maillard), * De mes ennuys' and ‘Le bien que j’ay’, both by 
Arcadelt.? (‘De mes ennuys’ had already inspired the lutenists.) The 
choice of these models, fairly broad and not too rhythmical, shows 
him as a musician determined to treat the Mass as a truly religious 
composition and at the same time to reconcile French brevity with 
depth. When the need arose, he would modify one of his sources (*De 
mes ennuys’) or use only a very short element of the chanson (‘Le bien 
que j’ay’), and in any case never regarded his borrowed themes other- 
wise than as points of departure. The serenity of his writing explains 
how he was for a time supposed to have been the teacher of Pales- 
trina; and in the latter's ‘ Missa brevis '*the three-part Benedictus may 
even have been inspired by that of Goudimel’s Mass ‘Audi filia’ :® 

1 For details of the composers here referred to, see François Lesure and Geneviève 
Thibault, *Bibliographie des éditions musicales publiées par N. Du Chemin', Annales 
musicologiques, i (1953), p. 269, and Bibliographie des ouvrages publiés par A. Le Roy et 
R. Ballard (Paris, 1954). Beaulaigue's 14 motets have been published by A. Auda, 
B. Beaulaigue, poéte et musicien prodige (Woluwe-St. Pierre, 1958). 

2 See p. 443. 

3 The Masses, ‘Tant plus je mets’ and ‘De mes ennuys’ have been republished by 
Expert, Monuments de la musique frangaise au temps de la Renaissance, ix (Paris, 1928), 
‘Le bien que j'ay' by Charles Bordes, Anthologie des mattres religieux primitifs, Livre des 
Messes, ix (Paris, 1894). * See pp. 320 ff. 

s Pirro, Histoire, p. 297. The Mass ‘Audi filia’ has been republished by Expert, 
Monuments, ix, and separately in Répertoire des maîtres musiciens de la Renaissance 


francaise (Paris, 1929). Several complete movements from Goudimel's Masses are 
printed in Wagner, op. cit., p. 260. 


248 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


ve Be - - ne-di - ctus 


All the same one must not credit him with miracles; the big twelve- 
part ‘Salve Regina’ for three choirs is a forgery, due to nineteenth- 
century enthusiasm for his personality.! 


THE ADVENT OF LASSUS 


The year 1564 saw the publication in Paris, by Le Roy and Ballard, 
of the earliest religious works of Lassus; this is a cardinal date, mark- 
ing the beginning of an almost absolute hegemony. The success of this 
new composer was considerable from the first, and seemed to eclipse 
the activities of the French school. For, although until about 1570 the 
older generation—the generation of Certon, Maillard, and Marle— 
and a few younger composers such as Claude Le Jeune were fairly 
active, no more than five or six religious publications by French com- 
posers between 1570 and 1582 have been preserved, and none after 
thát date. It is perhaps symbolic that the old Missae tres of Sermisy 
should have been reprinted in 1583. Lassus himself was so careful to 
cultivate the French public that in 1571 he empowered his friend Le 
Roy to print for the first time a score of recently completed motets,? 
and in 1587 entrusted the same publisher with the manuscripts of two 
Masses C Locutus sum’ and ' Beatus qui intellegit?) which had not yet 
been printed. He even composed Masses d la francaise, keeping very 
close to his models (Certon’s ‘Frère Thibault’ and Sermisy’s ‘La, la, 

1 The fanciful attribution of this work to Goudimel is repeated by Reese, op. cit., 
p. 502, though he had himself cast doubts on it in Notes, vi (1948), p. 99. 


* Moduli quinis vocibus (Lesure and Thibault, Bibliographie . . . Le Roy et Ballard, 
no. 151). 


THE ADVENT OF LASSUS 249 


maitre Pierre") and sometimes hardly modifying their counterpoint at 
all.! Moreover, he did not disdain to compete in the риу de musique 
at Evreux, where motets of his carried off the prize in 1575 and 1583. 


*RONSARD'S MUSICIANS’ 


All the same, it would be an exaggeration to speak of a decline in 
the French school. Publishing was adversely affected by the terrible 
internal upheavals that the country was undergoing, but there was no 
real break in the tradition of the choir-schools. The list of awards at 
the Evreux puy from 1575 to 1589 proves this; every year a prize was 
awarded for a motet by some Parisian or provincial master, and 
various newcomers won their spurs there: du Caurroy (1576), Mau- 
duit (1581), Blondet (1583), Paschal de L'Estocart (1584), and many 
others who never attained the dignity of print, such as Michel Nicole, 
Michel Malherbe (of Coutances) Adrian Allou (of Tours), Jean 
Boette (of Evreux), and others.? 

The generation of composers known as " Ronsard's musicians’ was 
far from neglecting church music. The Toulouse master, Guillaume 
Boni, applied his slightly mannered technique to the most challenging 
liturgical texts; if he set the words ‘Terribilis est’ in his motet ‘Amen 
dico vobis’ in madrigal style and indulged in melismas like those of 
the plainsong Alleluias, he was very well able on the other hand to 
represent the idea of death in ‘Tristis es’. Like Costeley (to whom also 
we owe a few motets), he widely exploited the resources of chromati- 
cism, which Claude Le Jeune had perhaps been the first to employ 
for religious purposes in a three-part motet published in 1565.3 More 
interesting still are the motets by Fabrice Marin Caietain, who lived 
at the court of Lorraine in the service of the Guises; they have un- 
fortunately not yet been reprinted; in them the quest for expressive- 
ness manifests itself sometimes in curious vocalizations (as in ‘Ave 
verum’) and constantly in chromaticism. Such a work as ‘Estote 
fortes in bello’, for example, in which the composer follows the 
melody of the antiphon for the Common of Apostles, cuts completely 
across the French tradition in its narrower aspect and is a work of 
great value. 


1 Pirro, Histoire, p. 338, and Peter Wagner, op. cit., p. 359. On Lassus’s church music 
generally see infra, pp. 333 ff. 

з Th. Bonnin and A. Chassant, Puy de musique, érigé à Evreux, en l'honneur de madame 
Sainte-Cecile (Evreux, 1837). 

3 ‘Nigra sum sed formosa’, in Modulorum ternis voc. (Lesure and Thibault, Biblio- 
graphie . . . Le Roy et Ballard, no. 98). 


250 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


THE POST-TRIDENTINE REFORMS 


Let us now consider the basic problems set by the reactions of 
musicians to the post-Tridentine reforms. The instructions issued by 
the Council of Trent in the sphere of music amounted to hardly any- 
thing;' and it does not seem that there was in the minds of the reformers 
any more specific intention than to put an end to anarchy and deca- 
dence in the liturgy. This intention was given quite a different turn by 
Palestrina (or, more probably, his son Iginio under his name), Zoilo, 
and Guidetti, who dealt a severe blow to the traditional chant 
by their application of mensural values and other mutilations.? 
(Unfortunately the revised Pontificale Romanum issued in 1596 by 
order of Clement VIII served as a model for French publications.) 
But a return to something like liturgical purity in polyphonic church 
music may be observed long before that date: for example, in the 
four-part Litanie in Alma Domo Lauretano entirely in note-against- 
note style (1578), in the Psaumes et Cantiques qu'on chante en la 
Chapelle de la Congrégation (1583)—the only evidence of interest in 
liturgical song shown by Le Roy and Ballard—and finally in the 
Instruction pour apprendre à chanter à 4 parties selon le plain chant les 
Pseaumes et Cantiques (1582) in which an obscure Caen musician, 
Laurens Dandin, contented himself with harmonizing the Magnificat 
in note-against-note style in each of the eight tones, and ‘In exitu'. 

The Jesuits did not wait for the completion of the post-Tridentine 
reforms before severely regulating the old forms of ‘learned’ music. 
Consider, for example, the result of visitations carried out between 
1576 and 1587 in a Parisian Jesuit college by the Provincial of the 
Order: the function of instruments and the importance of polyphonic 
music were prescribed with great strictness; works in which there was 
too much musical development, or excessive repetition of words, were 
rejected ; the Masses and motets of Lassus were prohibited; moreover, 
*motets shall be discontinued altogether unless by permission of the 
Rector; in their place an Antiphon of the Virgin shall be said, with 
fauxbourdons'. Finally there was a renewal of the prohibitions which 
the Church had never really succeeded in imposing since the thirteenth 
century: * Adrationem cantus attinet, illud generatim omnino caveatur, 
ne quippiam cantetur compositum ad leves cantiunculas seculares, 


1 See p. 317. | 

2 See Augustin Gatard, La Musique gregorienne (Paris, 1913), рр. 86 ff. or Otto 
Ursprung, Die katholische Kirchenmusik (Potsdam, 1931), p. 198; the standard work is 
Rafael Molitor, Die Nach-Tridentinische Choralreform zu Rom. 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1901-2). 
‚Also infra, pp. 368 and 394. 


THE POST-TRIDENTINE REFORMS 251 


multoque lascivas, aut etiam ad cantionum belli, ut vocant, cum 
in cultu divino hujusmodi profana minime deceat, sed tota musica 
gravis sit, tempori accommodata, non prolixa; quaque pietatem rede- 
leat, et excitet devotionem.' (As concerns song in general let all beware 
not to sing anything fitted to trivial secular—much less light-minded 
—ditties or to songs of war as they are called, since in divine worship 
profanity of this kind is specially unbecoming; but let all music be 
serious, suited to the occasion, not prolix; by which piety may be 
restored and devotion excited.) 


CATHOLIC PSALM-SETTINGS 


For a long time non-Huguenot musicians did not hesitate to set the 
Marot-Béze Psalter? to music. Here there was still no clear distinction 
between Catholic and Calvinist music. About 1542 there was a craze 
for the psalms at Court, and, as de Villemadon remarked in 1559, 
musicians occupying the most strictly official posts, ‘indeed all the 
musicians of our country, vied with each other in setting the aforesaid 
psalms to music’*—a remark aimed at Certon, Janequin, Thomas 
Champion, Mornable, Arcadelt, and others, who do not appear at 
any time to have attached themselves to the new religion. And Ville- 
madon adds that both Francis I and Henry II had a great liking for 
psalms. The mere act of translating the psalms into the vulgar tongue 
was thus not an offence in itself. But once the critical period was over, 
the Catholics wanted their own vernacular texts. One of the earliest 
was Pibrac’s Quatrains, set to music by Boni, Planson, L’Estocart, 
and Lassus himself: a naively pious version whose popularity lasted 
well into the seventeenth century. Then, most important of all, came 
the new translation of the psalms by Philippe Desportes. And in 1607 
the Jesuit Michel Coyssard, in his Hymnes sacrez, published even 
French paraphrases of the Credo, ‘Pangue lingua’, ‘Conditor alme’, 
*Stabat mater’, &c., to be sung to the original plainsong. He protested 
against those who reproved him for translating the doctrine into the 
vulgar tongue by reminding them of the terms in which the Cardinal 
in charge of the Inquisition at Rome had approved of his work in 
1597; and in the course of his arguments he wrote in defence of popu- 
lar hymns and Christmas carols, the music of Antoine de Bertrand 
(a posthumous book of Airs spirituels), and the Psalms of Desportes.* 

1 Bibl. nat., lat. 10989. 2 See p. 442. 
* O. Douen, Clément Marot et le psautier huguenot, i (Paris, 1878), p. 284. 
4 The rise in popularity of Desportes’s psalms may be studied in a bibliographical 


article by André Verchaly, ‘Desportes et la musique’, Annales musicologiques, ii (Paris, 
1954), p. 271. 


252 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


There were musicians who had preceded Coyssard in this field; as 
early as 1587 Le Long had composed Nouveaux cantiques spirituels 
for four voices, containing vernacular translations of ‘Veni Creator’ 
and ‘Veni Sancte Spiritus';! and in 1592 Virgile Le Blanc published, 
in his native city of Lyons, a Paraphrase des hymnes et cantiques 
spirituels, consisting of nine four-part airs to words from’Coyssard’s 
translations of the Credo, "Ave maris stella", and the Te Deum; they 
could also be sung to the superius alone. 

Finally, in the early years of the seventeenth century, theatrical 
performances, mostly favoured by the Jesuits, called for musical col- 
laboration, often of considerable importance. One such was the 
Céciliade staged in 1606 by Soret, into which Abraham Blondet, 
maítre de musique at Notre-Dame, introduced a large number of four- 
part choruses in very 'vertical style, including not only the hymn 
sung by St. Cecilia in her boiling cauldron but also the song of 
Valerianus, for which one might justifiably have expected a solo 
voice.? But the monodic style was still identified with profane pur- 
poses, even though Gabriel Bataille, Denis Caignet, and others set 
several of Desportes's psalms for solo voice with lute accompaniment. 


NEW TENDENCIES IN CHURCH MUSIC 


The music of the traditional Latin rite was gradually developing 
towards the style employed a little later by Nicolas Formé (1567- 
1638) and Henry du Mont (1610-84). One of the initiators of this 
style was Jacques Mauduit (1557-1627), whose Requiem Mass, sung 
at the Collége de Boncourt in 1586 for the funeral of Ronsard, called 
for the participation of instruments. Of this work unfortunately only 
the Introit, for five voices, has been preserved. Mauduit also intro- 
duced instrumental parts into the ‘grands concerts des Ténébres’ 
which he organized every year in Holy Week at the Abbaye Saint- 
Antoine.? 

The device of the double choir appeared in France first in the work 
of Eustache du Caurroy (1549-1609), composer of about fifty motets 
and four Masses, only one of which has been preserved. It took firm 
root by the end of the sixteenth century; for example at Notre-Dame 
in Paris the musicians of the Household and those of the Chapelle 
Royale performed a kind of dialogue in the course of the peace 

1 There is a copy in the library of the Brussels Conservatoire. 

? K. G. Fellerer, ‘N. Soret's “La Céciliade" mit Musik von A. Blondet (1606). Ein 
Beitrag zur Geschichte der französischen Oper’, Festschrift Joh. Biehle zum 60. Geburts- 


tag (Leipzig, 1930), p. 47. | 
® Michel Brenet, Musique et musiciens de la vieille France (Paris, 1911), р. 233, 


NEW TENDENCIES IN CHURCH MUSIC 253 


celebrations of 1598. In his Preces ecclesiasticae du Caurroy varies 
the layout of his vocal parts considerably; his motets may be in three, 
four, or even six parts (e.g. ‘In exitu Israel’), while passages for three, 
four, five, and seven voices may occur in the same piece (‘Virgo Dei 
genetrix"). His motets for double choir are for five, seven, and eight 
voices.! His sense of effect is equally keen in his five-part Mass ‘Pro 
defunctis’, which was to enjoy lasting popularity and in which he 
turned his learning to much more felicitous uses than in his secular 
works. The only place in this Mass? where he literally—and very 
happily—quotes a Gregorian melody is in the ‘Lux aeterna’. 

French church music thus developed in the sixteenth century quite 
continuously but almost in a closed compartment until the appear- 
ance of Lassus, who soon became the most frequently performed 
composer in the country. The formation of a ‘national’ style coincided 
fairly closely with the end of the hegemony exerted by French com- 
posers along with the older Netherlanders. There are still too few 
texts available, too many essential problems still unexamined (such 
as the study of liturgical usages and of the provincial choir-schools, 
and the clearing-up of the uncertain boundaries between Catholic 
and Protestant music) for us to be able to pick out the most signi- 
ficant personalities and works of the last two-thirds of the century, 
or to describe with any precision the evolution of the religious style 
in France. But the most striking feature appears to be its parallel 
development with that of the chanson. 


(с) CENTRAL EUROPE 
By H. F. REDLICH 


ISAAC AND HIS SCHOOL 


The overwhelming influence of the Emperor Maximilian's court 
composer, Heinrich Isaac, on music in Germany in the early sixteenth 
century has been described in Vol. III. He founded a whole school 
of composers and his disciples disseminated the principles of his style 
throughout the sixteenth century. The majority of them served under 
him as choirboys and members of the Imperial Court Chapel or as 
singers in the cathedral choir at Constance. The older group, who 
display the psychological and religious peculiarities of the German 
mind at the time of Luther's advent, include Ludwig Senfl, Benedictus 


1 D. Launay, ‘Les motets à double cheur en France dans la premiere moitié du 
ХУП? s.’, Revue de musicologie, xxxix-xl (1957), p. 173. 
* Modern edition by E. Martin and J. Burald (Paris, 1951). 3 See pp. 279-84. 


254 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


Ducis, Balthazar Resinarius, Sixtus Dietrich, and Adam Rener. Their 
religious music reflects the split in the German soul which more or 
less coincides with the announcement of Luther's theses, publicly 
exhibited on the church-door of the Court Chapel of Wittenberg in 
the very year of Isaac's death (1517). 

Although Isaac’s masterpiece, the Choralis Constantinus!—or Chora- 
lis Constantiensis as it should perhaps be called?—had been begun as 
early as April 1508, it was still incomplete when he died. The various 
manuscript parts were copied under Senfl’s supervision in 1530-1 and 
completed by him; in 1537 the Nuremberg publisher Formschneider 
announced his intention of publishing it but many more years passed 
before it was actually published, in three books, in 1550 and 1555. 
The differences of style in the use of dissonance, in the employment 
of the third at cadences, in the variety of sequences, &c., to which 
Louise Cuyler,? Gustave Reese,‘ and others have drawn attention, are 
easily explained not only by the long period of composition but by 
Senfl’s contribution. This is undoubted at the very end of Book III, 
but he may have brought his editorial influence into play throughout 
the whole work. It is almost certain that the later part of the St. Ur- 
sula sequence was written by him.5 


LUDWIG SENFL® 


As with Isaac, there is some uncertainty concerning the dates of 
Senfl’s life. He was born at Zürich c. 1490 and may have lived there 
until about 1504. Shortly after that date he became a pupil of Isaac 
at Constance.” His attachment to Isaac as man and artist is expressed 
in the fifth and seventh stanzas of his autobiographical song ‘Lust 
hab’ ich ghabt zur Musica’, of which the initials of each stanza form 
an acrostic on his own name: 


1 See Vol. III, p. 282. 

3 See Walther Lipphardt, Die Geschichte des mehrstimmigen Proprium Missae 
(Heidelberg, 1950), p. 35. Lipphardt gives particulars of four German manuscripts of 
1500-20 containing polyphonic settings of the Proper of the Mass (Jena, Universitätsbibl. 
30, 33, and 35; Weimar, Stadtkirche, Codex A) which may be regarded as precursors of 
the Choralis Constantinus or are closely related to it. 

з The Choralis Constantinus, Book III (1555) (Rochester, New York, unpublished 
dissertation, 1948). 

* Music in the Renaissance (London, 1954), p. 217. 

5 Cf. the facsimile of the original edition of the St. Ursula seevence in Cuyler, op. cit., 
р. 21. It bears the marginal printed note: * Additio Ludovici ve. fi’s quia hic Isaac obyit 
morte’. Cf. Dr. Cuyler’s edition of Book III (Ann Arbor, 1950), pp. 452 ff. 

€ The name is also spelled Senffl, Saenftli, Senfel; he is sometimes called ‘Schweizer’. 

т Thürlings believes that Senfl had become his pupil as early as 1497: see Denkmäler 
der Tonkunst in Bayern, iii (2), pp. xxvii ff. 


LUDWIG SENFL 255 
Jzac das war der name sein, 
halt wol es werd vergessen nit, 
wie er sein Compositz so fein 
vnd clar hat gsetzt, darzu auch mit 
Mensur hat gziert, dardurch probiert, 
noch heuttigs tags sein lob vnd kunst, 
verhanden ist, Herr Jhesu christ, 
tail Im dort mit göttlichen gunst. 


Sein vleyB der ward an mir erkennt, 
deBhalb trug mir der kayser huld: 
dann weyl man mich sein schuler nent, 
Must ich erfüllen on mein schuld, 

den Chorgsang sein, wie wol da mein, 
Erlernte kunst was vil zu schwach. . . A 


Senfl, who began his career as a male alto in the choir of the 
Imperial Chapel at Augsburg,? Innsbruck, Vienna, and Constance 
under Isaac, became in time his trusted assistant and— possibly in 
1515—his official deputy in the direction of the choir. He must have 
been appointed court composer to Maximilian I shortly after Isaac's 
death (cf. the second of the stanzas quoted above). After the Emperor's 
death in 1519 and the subsequent dissolution of the court chapel, 
Senfl remained at Augsburg where he completed and edited the 
Choralis Constantinus; here he also issued the Liber selectarum cantio- 
num (1520) as a memorial volume dedicated to the late Emperor? and 
the collection of Horatian odes (Harmoniae poeticae) by his later 
friend Paul Hofhaimer. In 1523 Senfl was appointed Musicus into- 
nator at the Bavarian Court Cantorei, a post which may have com- 
bined the office of choirmaster with that of court composer, and 
which he may have held until after 1540. During Senfl’s years in 
Munich he married and had a daughter, but the last fifteen years of 
his life are shrouded in darkness. He certainly had died by 1556; he 
may have died long before that date and probably not in Munich. 
His known sympathy with Luther and the cause of Protestantism 
may be partly responsible for this total obscurity; his sympathies 
may well have cost him the patronage of the Bavarian court. 

Senfl’s relations with Luther are symptomatic of the age. They anti- 
cipate the religious and psychological dualism characteristic of nearly 

1 Complete text reprinted ibid. Appendix, p. cii; the music in J. Wolf-Festschrift 
(Berlin, 1929). 

з Cf. the reproduction of Jörg Breu's paintings on the side-panels of the organ-case 


of the Annakirche at Augsburg, with the supposed portraits of Isaac and Senfl (pl. IIT). 
* Cf. H. J. Moser, article 'Senfl' in his Musiklexikon (Berlin, 1935). 


256 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


all Isaac's pupils. Luther, who was an admirer of Senfl, wrote him a 
letter on 4 October 1530, asking him to compose a motet on the tenor 
‘In pace in idipsum’. This letter! was written during the greatest per- 
sonal and political crisis of Luther's life (that is, shortly after his offi- 
cial clash with Imperial authority at the diet of Augsburg); it elicited 
a sympathetic response and also some music from Senfl.? 


SENFL'S MASSES 

Senfl’s contemporary and posthumous fame rests chiefly on his 
achievement as a master of the polyphonic Tenorlied® and on his 
compositions of Horatian odes.* His church music has become acces- 
sible only in comparatively recent years. As a composer of Masses5 he 
cannot compare with Isaac in fertility or with Josquin in originality. 
The fact that only seven of his Masses exist may or may not prove that 
the species as such held but little attraction for him and that the motet 
with its affinity to the Tenorlied was more congenial to his creative 
temperament. Senfl’s reliance on Isaac’s methods is underlined by 
the somewhat archaic character of the three Missae Dominicales, 
based on the plainsong Ordinary of the Mass. Missa I combines plain- 
song and chanson tenors in typically Flemish fashion 3 


Ex.92 


! Printed in F. A. Beck, Dr. M. Luthers Gedanken über die Musik (Berlin, 1828), p. 58. 

з The motet ‘Non moriar sed vivam’ (the text of which amounted to a concealed 
declaration of sympathy with Luther's cause) and later on the motet ‘In pace’ (which 
has been rediscovered in recent years): cf. Friedrich Blume, Evangelische Kirchenmusik 
(Potsdam, 1931), p. 46; also Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Bayern, iii (2), pp. lii ff. On his 
vernacular church music, see p. 431. з See pp. 98 ff. 

* Varia carminum genera (Nuremberg, 1534), based on the melodies of Petrus Tri- 
tonius (cf. Vol. Ш, p. 371). 

* Reprinted in Sämtliche Werke i (Das Erbe deutscher Musik, v), ed. Edwin Lóhrer 
and Otto Ursprung (Basle, 1937). See also Lóhrer, Die Messen von Senfl: Beitrag zur 
Geschichte des polyphonen Messordinariums um 1500 (Lichtensteig, 1938). H. Birtner 
‘Sieben Messen von Ludwig Senfl’, Archiv für Musikforschung, vii (1942), p. 40; 
Peter Wagner, Geschichte der Messe, i, (Leipzig, 1913), pp. 317 ff. and W. Heinz, 
Isaaks und Senfls Propriumskompositionen in HSS der Bayrischen Staatsbibliothek, Mün- 
chen (Diss., West Berlin, 1952). Wagner prints the Kyries of the Missa ferialis and the 
second Missa Dominicalis complete, with long excerpts from the Gloria of the latter and 
the Gloria of the ‘L'homme arme’ Mass. 

* Reese, op. cit., p. 689, points out that such double canti fermi are usually confined 
to the Credo sections of Netherland Masses. 


SENFL’S MASSES 257 


with the plainsong melody (Vatican XII) in the cantus and * L'homme 
armé' in the lower parts. Equally archaic is the instrumental manner 
in the polyphonic tissue of the Kyrie of the Missa Dominicalis II, 
which seems to have been conceived in the sense of Dufay's Gloria 
ad modum tubae! and may well have required the support of wind- 
instruments. These may have woven garlands of sound based on 
a trumpet-like theme round the plainsong melody in the descant: 


Ex. 93 


In contrast with these features which link Senfl strongly to the fifteenth 
century, certain progressive traits may be observed, especially the 
employment of arpeggios of triads and also a tendency to clear-cut 
diatonic tonality, as in the Missa Dominicalis II: 


1 See Vol. Ш, p. 221. 


258 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


Two missae parodiae, * Nisi Dominus’ and ‘Per signum crucis’, were 
most probably composed in 1530 and 1540 respectively. To Ursprung! 
they seem to indicate a deliberate change of style from the archaic 
canto fermo technique, with alternating unison sections of plainsong, 
to the continuously polyphonic motet style with canonic imitation. 


SENFL'S MOTETS 

The canto fermo technique of five of Senfl’s Masses also plays a 
determining part in his numerous motets, some of which—' Ave rosa 
sine spinis '? (Nuremberg, 1537) and ‘Ave Maria virgo serena'—were 
evidently influenced by Josquin's *Stabat mater'. They too are com- 
posed around secular tenors, as in the case of ‘Ave rosa’: 


Ex. 95 Si - - ne 
(Note-values halved) . 


1 Cf. Preface to Sämtliche Werke, i. 

* Reprinted in Ambros-Kade, Geschichte der Musik, v (Leipzig, 1889), p. 385, and by 
Walter Gerstenberg—with ‘Mater digna Dei'—in Das Chorwerk, lxii (Wolfenbüttel, 
1957). 


SENFL’S MOTETS 259 


which is based on Agricola's chanson ‘Comme femme’, on which 
Josquin had composed his *Stabat mater’.! 

Senfl’s motets are now accessible in two critical editions, which 
between them offer a good cross-section through his prodigious out- 
put. The Magnificat octo tonorum (Nuremberg, 1537) and twelve Latin 
motets (mainly taken from the two publications of 1520 and 1537) 
appear in Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Bayern, iii (2)? (Leipzig, 1903) 
and motets and psalms in the Sämtliche Werke, iii (1) and viii (Basle, 
1939 and 1965). Of the occasional pieces, the funeral motet sup- 
posedly for the Emperor Maximilian I, ‘Quis dabit oculis’,? generally 
attributed to Senfl, is probably a composition by Costanzo Festa.* 
The psalms, clearly modelled on Josquin, divide into two groups: one 
of free invention, the other (though less frequent) revolving round a 
cantus prius factus, sometimes from one of the psalm-tones, as in the 
case of ‘Deus in adjutorium’, from the Liber selectarum cantionum, 
which may be quoted as an example of Senfl’s earlier motet-style: 


Ex. 96 


ISAAC'S OTHER DISCIPLES 


Isaac's other disciples form a compact generation of partly German- 
born composers, following stylistically in the wake of the earlier 


2 See Vol. Ш, p. 270. 

2 From which ‘Salutatio prima’ is reprinted in Davison and Apel, Historical Antho- 
logy of Music, i (Cambridge, Mass., 1947), p. 113. 

3 Reprinted in Sämtliche Werke, iii, p. 17, and Schering, Geschichte der Musik in 
Beispielen (Leipzig, 1931), p. 72. 

4 See Alexander Main, 'Maximilian s Second-hand Funeral Motet, Musical 
Quarterly, xlviii (1962), p. 173. 


260 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


generation represented by Isaac himself, Heinrich Finck, and Paul 
Hofhaimer. The younger generation differs from these pioneers by the 
ambiguity of its relations to the Roman Church and the chief among 
them may be conveniently divided into two groups: 


(a) Sixtus Dietrich (c. 1492-1548) 
Benedictus Ducis (c. 14852-1544) 
Balthasar Resinarius (Harzer) (c. 1480-after 1549) 
Adam Rener (c. 1485-1520) 
(b) Thomas Stoltzer (c. 1480?-1526) 
Arnold von Bruck (c. 1490-1554) 
Stephan Mahu (fl. c. 1540). 


Both groups provided the Roman Church with music for its liturgy, 
yet only the second group were definitely Catholics. As for the first 
group, three of the four direct pupils of Isaac were definitely Protes- 
tants.? The different shades of half-concealed sympathy for Luther 
among group (b) are well known, although they may not always be 
as conclusive as in Senfl’s case. 

The religious ambiguity of the church music of both groups is 
due to the fact that the Lutheran Church continued to use Latin 
Kyries and Glorias, and often Latin settings of the Credo and Agnus, 
as well as Latin motets and Magnificats; consequently a great deal of 
service music was interchangeable in use. German-born composers of 
both faiths throughout the greater part of the sixteenth century pub- 
lished their religious music in an interconfessional atmosphere. Each 
member of the second group at some time entertained relations with 
leaders of the Lutheran movement, yet apparently without forfeiting 
his position as a composer for the Roman rite. This seems to have 
been notably the case of Arnold von Bruck who—although an or- 
dained priest at Laibach (Ljubljana) and Court Kapellmeister of the 
bigoted Emperor Ferdinand I from at least 1527—could with appar- 
ent impunity compose polyphonic settings of some of Luther's most 
celebrated songs, published in 1534 by Ott and in 1544 by Rhaw, both 
open supporters of Luther.* Georg Rhaw's famous collection Newe 
deudsche geistliche Gesenge (Wittenberg, 1544} contains, side by side, 


1 On problematic points in Stoltzer's life, see Lothar Hoffmann-Erbrecht, Thomas 
Stoltzer: Leben und Schaffen (Kassel, 1964). 

* The fourth—Resinarius—was originally a Catholic but turned Lutheran and became 
minister at Böhmisch-Leipa (Ceská-Lipá) in 1534. He had had no connexions with the 
Hussites, as has been suggested: cf. Inge-Marie Schróder, Die Responsorienvertonungen 
des Balthasar Resinarius (Kassel, 1953), pp. 16-17, 43 et passim. 

* Cf. Blume, op. cit., pp. 46 ff., 61 ff. * Cf. ibid., p. 47. 

5 Reprinted by Johannes Wolf, Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, xxxiv (Leipzig, 1908). 


ISAAC’S OTHER DISCIPLES 261 


settings by Catholics such as Isaac, Finck, Stoltzer, and Resinarius 
and compositions by such belligerent Protestants as Ducis and 
Dietrich. This remarkable lack of religious prejudice marked also the 
choice of texts. In the latter half of the century Protestants still wrote 
many motets with Latin texts, and some Catholics (including Lassus 
himself) set Lutheran texts.! 


SIXTUS DIETRICH 


A native of Augsburg, Sixtus Dietrich? was educated in the choir 
school at Constance and at the universities of Freiburg in Breisgau 
and Strasbourg. In 1517 he was appointed prefect of the choir of 
Constance Cathedral where he came at once into contact with Pro- 
testant ideas; he fully shared the struggle of the cathedral chapter in 
favour of Zwinglian Protestantism. He became an open and militant 
Protestant and died at St. Gall (21 October 1548), fleeing from the 
approaching army of Charles V.? Although one of the most prominent 
Lutheran composers, he also entertained relations with the humanist 
Bonifacius Amerbach and with the Swiss reformer Zwingli, whose 
poems he set to music. He was also a friend of Glareanus, to whose 
Dodecachordon he contributed. Dietrich's music consists chiefly of 
canto fermo settings in the great Netherland tradition. We have no 
setting of the Ordinary of the Mass by him, but a number of his 
works are still related to the Roman liturgy.* That links with the 
world of Josquin and Isaac had not yet snapped is shown by the 
quotation of *L'homme armé' in the Magnificat VII toni. Flemish 
polyphony had ceased to be an artistic conviction for Dietrich and 
his generation, but it was still cherished as a tradition.* 


BENEDICTUS DUCIS AND ADAM RENER 


Ducis, Rener, and Resinarius all began their careers as choristers 
in the court chapel of Maximilian I, directed by Isaac. Benedictus 
Ducis? (c. 1480-1544) was a militant Protestant like Sixtus Dietrich, 


1 Reese, op. cit., p. 685. Hans Leo Hassler wrote such motets as late as 1600. 

? See Hermann Zenck's study, Sixtus Dietrich (Leipzig, 1928). 

* Cf. Blume, op. cit., pp. 47 ff. and Zenck, op. cit. 

* His Magnificats were published at Strasbourg in 1535 and 1537; the hymns of his 
Novum opus musicum (Wittenberg, 1545) have been reprinted by Zenck partially in Das 
Erbe deutscher Musik, xxiii (Leipzig, 1942), and complete (St. Louis, 1960), the antiphons 
by Walter Buszin (Kassel, 1964). 

* On Dietrich’s German church music, see p. 434. 

6 A Latinized form of Duch, not ‘Herzog’. See Hans Albrecht, ‘Benedictus Ducis’, 
Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, iii, col. 858. On Ducis further, see p. 433. 


262 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


but evidently a less forceful character. At one time he was believed to 
be identical with two other composers, Benedictus Appenzeller and 
Benedictus de Opitiis, but more recent research has exploded these 
theories.! It seems almost certain that he was a German from the 
neighbourhood of Constance, This is also borne out by his contacts 
with Isaac and his pupils and by his composition of whole cycles of 
the Proper of the Mass (evidently taking his cue from Isaac’s Choralis 
Constantinus and from Dietrich’s cycles of antiphons and hymns). 
Much of his music is lost? and the little that has become accessible in 
modern reprints does not include his Latin church music. 

Even less is known about Adam Rener, who seems to have been a 
chorister of the Imperial Chapel at Innsbruck around 1498 and may 
have received his first musical instruction in the company of both 
Dietrich and Ducis. He was born at Liege between 1480 and 1485 and 
was attached to the Imperial court at Augsburg in 1503 as court com- 
poser. After that he was appointed director ofthe Cantorei at Torgau 
(1507-20) during the reign of Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony, 
as successor to Adam of Fulda. This appointment suggests that Rener 
may have become a Protestant in later years. Nevertheless he com- 
posed numerous Masses, motets, and Magnificats, one of which 
has become famous;? some of them were published by Rhaw in the 
1540's. As the author of most of the ninety-three Proprium com- 
positions of Jena Universitätsbibl. 33 (see p. 254, n. 2) he anticipates 
the style, aims, and liturgical connotations of Isaac's Choralis Con- 
stantinus.* A missa parodia of his, based on Josquin's ‘Adieu mes 
amours', was published by Rhaw in his Opus decem Missarum of 
1541.5 The fact that the canti fermi in Rener's Proprium collection lie 
in the treble links him stylistically with Dietrich and Ducis. 


RESINARIUS (HARZER) 


Another presumed pupil of Isaac and one-time colleague of Die- 
trich, Ducis, and Rener, was Balthasar Resinarius (c. 1480-after 1549) 


! Cf, Albrecht, op. cit. and Dénes Bartha, Benedictus Ducis und Appenzeller (Wolfen- 
büttel, 1930). 

з Among it the Proprium cycles which at one time had been lodged in the Heidelberg 
court chapel to which Ducis may have been attached c. 1522. 

? See T. W. Werner, ‘Die Magnificat-Kompositionen Adam Reners', Archiv für 
Musikwissenschaft, ii (1920), p. 195. 

* Cf. Lipphardt, op. cit., p. 34. 

5 Cf, Willi Schulze, Die mehrstimmige Messe im frühprotestantischen Gottesdienst 
(Wolfenbüttel, 1940), p. 23. 


RESINARIUS (HARZER) 263 


or Harzer. His most important contribution to Latin church music of 
undeniable Roman associations is his Responsorium Numero octo- 
ginta, published in 1543 by Rhaw with a typically Lutheran com- 
mentary. The same publisher had issued during 1540-4 a whole series 
of music for Vespers, beginning with the Vesperarum precum officia of 
1540; and Resinarius also appeared here, in the Hymnorum sacr. Lib. 
I (1542), though this time under his German name, ‘Harzer’. The col- 
lection contains so many hymn texts rejected by the Lutheran Church 
that Rhaw felt obliged to explain that he had included them not 
because of their texts but because of their beautiful music.? Resina- 
rius's Responsorium contains a Summa Passionis, a ‘motet-Passion’ 
in the-manner of Longueval's.? 


HAHNEL, BRUCK, AND MAHU 


Among the lesser lights of this generation of Isaac's pupils who 
seem to have specialized in the composition of Latin church music 
(even if published by the Lutheran, Rhaw) were Johannes Galliculus 
(= Hähnel, alias Alectorius) and Stephan Mahu. Galliculus (born 
c. 1490; fl. 1520-55) composed two Latin but Protestant Easter 
Masses a 4, each containing Introit, Kyrie, Gloria, Alleluia, and the 
Easter sequence ‘Agnus redemit oves' (from ‘Victimae paschali 
laudes"), Evangelium, Sanctus, Agnus, Communio.* The first? was pub- 
lished by Rhaw in his Officia paschalia of 1539. Kyrie, Gloria and the 
Proprium pieces are based on plainsong melodies, either as long-note 
canti fermi or treated freely and imitatively; but the melody and 
German words of the chorale ‘Christ ist erstanden’ are woven into 
the *Prosa de Resurrectione' as tenor and, later, ostinato bass, and 
again quoted in the Agnus Dei: a telling aural symbol of the ambi- 
valent position in which such composers as Háhnel found them- 
selves: 


1 Modern edition in two volumes by Inge-Maria Schröder, Georg Rhau: Musik- 
drucke, i and ii (Kassel and Basle, 1955 and 1957). 

* Cf, Blume, op. cit., p. 64. 

* See Vol. III, p. 276. Resinarius's Passion is described in Kade, Die ältere Passions- 
kompositionen bis zum Jahre 1631 (Gütersloh, 1893), p. 23; it has been reprinted by 
Blume and Schulze, Das Chorwerk, xlvii (Wolfenbüttel, 1937). For Resinarius's Pro- 
testant compositions, see p. 432. 

* Cf. Blume, op. cit., p. 63. Only Credo, Gradual, Offertorium, and part of the Gloria 
are missing; otherwise it would make a complete Roman Mass. Cf. Albrecht, article 
*Galliculus', Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, iv, col. 1293. 

* Reprinted by Blume and Schulze, Das Chorwerk, xliv (Wolfenbüttel, 1936). Cf. 
also Schulze, Die mehrstimmige Messe, pp. 58 ff; Lipphardt, op. cit., p. 50; Reese, 
op. eit., p. 681. ° 


264 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


Ex.97 


(Note-values halved) 


А - gws red-e - mit 


A much more important composer than Galliculus was Arnold von 
Bruck (Arnoldus de Bruck), who served for many years in the Im- 
perial Chapel of Ferdinand I at Vienna.! But although he was prob- 
ably a Catholic and a master hardly inferior to Senfl or Stoltzer, he 
composed remarkably little for the Roman rite.? Not a single Mass 
by him has come down to us, but we have from him one of the 
earliest polyphonic settings of ‘Dies irae’, a four-part composition 
preserved in Munich, Bay. Staatsbibl. Mus. 47, beside Pierre de la 
Rue’s ‘Missa pro defunctis’ (see Vol. IIT, p. 289) :3 


1 See Albrecht, article ‘Arnold von Bruck’, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 
col. 660, for the problems of his biography. 

2 On his Protestant compositions see p. 433. 

* Quoted from P. Wagner, op. cit., who gives a substantial excerpt, pp. 313-17. 


HÄHNEL, BRUCK, AND MAHU 265 


ít is difficult to determine the exact relationship of Stephan Mahu 
to the cause of Protestantism. He can hardly have been a professing 
Protestant,! although the fact that his works were published by Ott 
and Rhaw and the choice of some of his texts suggest that he may 
have been secretly in sympathy with the new faith. Very few of Mahu's 
motets, Lamentations, or Magnificats have been reprinted? Stylisti- 
cally he stands between Arnold von Bruck and Resinarius. 


THOMAS STOLTZER 


Next to Senfl, the most talented German composer of his genera- 
tion was Thomas Stoltzer, court Kapellmeister to the King of Hungary 
(1522-26). Stoltzer was for the Hungary of the early sixteenth century 
what Heinrich Finck had been for the Poland of the late fifteenth.? 
His relation to the religious cleavage is not easy to determine; he 
may have remained a professing Catholic all his life, but it is never- 
theless a fact that he composed in 1526, the year of the disastrous 
battle of Mohács (in which it is commonly believed that he himself 
perished) psalms in Luther's translation. One of them, Psalm 37, 
was composed for Duke Albrecht of Prussia, on the suggestion of the 


! Mahu must have been a Catholic while he occupied the posts of trombonist and 
Vizekapellmeister at the Court of Ferdinand I between approximately the years 1528 and 
1540: cf. Hellmut Federhofer, ‘Biographische Beiträge zu Erasmus Lapicida und Stephan 
Mahu', Die Musikforschung, v (1952), p. 37. 

* The only easily accessible example of his Latin church music is the motet ‘Accessit 
ad pedes', from Rhaw's Symphoniae jucundae (1538), in Schering, op. cit., p. 105. 

3 See Vol. III, p. 286. Fresh biographical information is given by Hoffmann-Erbrecht, 
op. cit. 


266 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


Queen of Hungary, and Stoltzer's letter accompanying this com- 
position is the only personal document we have.! It is particularly 
interesting because in it the composer points out that in composing 
it he had thought of the 'Khrumphórner' ? an indication that much 
of the polyphony of this period was probably meant to be executed 
partly or wholly with instrumental support. Of Stoltzer's Latin 
church music, only a little of which is available in modern reprints,® 
special mention should be made of the antiphon ‘Admirabile com- 
mercium" as one of his most felicitous works; also of the plainsong 
Masses (Missale 1543, Kónigsberg MSS. 1968) of which the second 
and third are headed ‘Duplex per totum annum St. Thomas Stoltzer'.5 
This Latin church music of Stoltzer's is more austere and linear- 
polyphonic than his music based on German words; it is stylistically 
related to Isaac and Finck. 

Stoltzer was also drawn on by Rhaw in his Hymnorum sacr. lib. I 
of 1542, which contains thirty-seven hymns by him. His motets and 
Latin psalms were published between 1538 and 1569. 


VAET, REGNART, AND BUUS 


After the generation of Isaac's pupils, Catholic church music in 
central Europe was dominated by the giant figure of Lassus at the 
ducal court of Bavaria, from 1556 onward, and that of de Monte at 
the Imperial Court in Vienna or Prague from 1568. The work of these 
very great masters is discussed separately in a later chapter, but their 
stature should not distract attention completely from the other dis- 
tinguished musicians who served the Habsburgs and the princes of the 
Empire—mostly Franco-Flemings, like Lassus and de Monte, but 
including also native composers such as Aichinger and Blasius Amon. 

Arnold von Bruck's successor as Hofkapellmeister to Ferdinand I 
was a colourful character but mediocre and unprolific composer 
named Pieter Maessins (Massenus),’ who had served Charles V as a 


1 Reprinted by Otto Gombosi in his preface to Das Chorwerk, vi (Wolfenbüttel, 
2nd ed., 1953). 

* Krummhorns: see p. 740. 

3 Thomas Stoltzer: Sämtliche lateinische Hymnen und Psalmen (ed. Albrecht and Gom- 
bosi), Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, xv (Leipzig, 1931); Thomas Stoltzer: Ausge- 
wühlte Werke (ed. Albrecht), Das Erbe deutscher Musik, xxii (Leipzig, 1942); Missa 
paschalis (ed. Hoffmann-Erbrecht), Das Chorwerk, Ixxiv (Wolfenbüttel, 1958.) 

* Das Erbe deutscher Musik, xxii, no. 12. 

* Cf. Schulze, Die mehrstimmige Messe, рр. 50 ff. 

* See pp. 333 ff. and 350 ff. 

7 Othmar Wessely, article ‘Maessins’, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, viii, 
col. 1466. 


VAET, REGNART, AND BUUS 267 


condottiere before serving his brother as a musician. He held the post 
from 1546 probably till his death in 1563, and was succeeded for a 
short while by Jean Guyot de Chatelet and then by a much more 
distinguished figure, Jacob Vaet, who died in the prime of life on 
8 January 1567 and was followed the next year by de Monte. A native 
and choirboy of Courtrai, where Maessins had been the drunken, 
neglectful, and duelling master of the choristers for two or three years 
(1540-3), Vaet seems to have been recruited by his old master for the 
service of the Habsburgs in 1553.! After some years in the court chapel 
at Prague under Maximilian he was appointed Obrister Kapellmeister 
of the Imperial Chapel in Vienna on 1 December 1564. His eminence 
is underlined by the fact that his death was commemorated in three 
notable elegies, one of which, * Defunctum charites Vaetem moerore: 
requirunt', was composed by his pupil Jacob (or Jacques) Regnart. 

As has been shown in an earlier section? Vaet represents with 
special clarity the development of the Netherland technique after 
Gombert. And he made one major essay in the double-choir technique 
of the Venetians: his Te Deum for double choir, possibly composed 
shortly before his death and published posthumously in Pietro Giova- 
nelli's Novus thesaurus musicus (Venice, 1568). 

An interesting feature of Vaet's motets? is the occasional employ- 
ment of the technique of ‘parody’; thus one of his settings of ‘Salve 
Regina’ was composed ‘Ad imitationem iay mys mon coeur’ and his 
*Huc me sidereo', ‘Justus germinabit', and * Aspice Domine' ‘are 
parodies of like-named compositions by Josquin des Prés, Eustatius 

 Barbion, and Jachet de Mantua respectively’. Most of his nine 
Masses are likewise ‘parodies’ on sacred or secular models by Mou- 
ton, Clemens non Papa, Lassus, Créquillon, and hirıself. 

Vaet's friend Jacob Regnart (c. 1540-99), one of a Douai family 
of five musical brothers, held various posts in the court chapels at 
Innsbruck, Prague, and Vienna. He was best knc wn for his secular 
songs, such as the Kurtzweilige teutsche Lieder nach Art der Neapoli- 
tanen oder welschen Villanellen? but he was a copious composer of 
church music. His 150 motets were published as Sacrae cantiones 
(1575 and 1577), Mariale (a collection of Marian motets), and in a 

: Milton Steinhardt, Jacobus Vaet and his Motets (East Lansing, Mich., 1951), p. 4. 

з Modern editions include six motets edited by E. H. Meyer, Das Chorwerk, ii, three 
printed complete in Steinhardt, op. cit., two hymns (ed. Steinhardt), Musik alter Meister, 
viii (Graz, 1958), and ‘Rex Babylonis' (with the missa parodia on it by Johannes de 
Cleve), ibid. xii (Graz, 1960). The reprints in Commer, Collectio operum musicorum 


Batavorum (Berlin, 1844—58), are unreliable. 
* Steinhardt, Jacobus Vaet, pp. 56-57. 5 See p. 107. 


268 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


third book of Sacrae cantiones prepared by his widow, who also pub- 
lished three books containing twenty-nine of his Masses, some of 
which are based on German popular songs. 

Another Flemish musician in the Imperial service at this period was 
Jacques Buus (Bohusius), court organist at Vienna from 1551 till his 
death c. 1564. Buus was essentially an instrumental composer,! but 
he published a number of motets as well as secular vocal music. How- 
ever, as an associate of Willaert's in Venice and first organist at 
St. Mark's from 1541 to 1550, he may be more appropriately con- 
sidered in a later section.? 


JOHANNES DE CLEVE 


Of the same age as Vaet was Johannes de Cleve who was born 
c. 1529, probably at Cleve, near the Dutch frontier, and who died on 
14 July 1582 at Augsburg? He was active in Vienna, Graz, and Augs- 
burg. Cleve's reputation is chiefly based on his Masses, which (like 
de Monte's)* represent a late flowering of the missa parodia at the very 
end of the polyphonic period. Two of these Masses, the six-part ‘Dum 
transisset sabbatum" and the five-part ‘Tribulatio et angustia’,® are 
based on Responsories of his own. The four-part chanson Mass on 
Claudin de Sermisy's ‘Vous perdes temps’,® though more homo- 
phonic, similarly testifies to the conservatism of this composer whose 
music harks back to the days of Josquin and Pierre де 1а Rue, without, 
however, rivalling their contrapuntal ingenuity or melodic inventive- 
ness. 

Cleve's motets,’ which follow in the wake of Vaet, like his Masses, 
express an evident desire to capture the stylistic conditions and 
austere atmosphere ofearlier Flemish polyphony. Outstanding among 
them are the eight-part " Erravi sicut ovis’, the five-part ‘Domine Jesu 
Christe’ and ‘Domine clamavi' and the four-part ‘In nomine Jesu’ 


1 See pp. 552 and 603. 

2 See pp. 292-3. 

* Cf. Osthoff, article ‘de Cleve', Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ii, col. 1504. 

* See pp. 355 ff. 

5 Reprinted in Maldeghem, Trésor musical for 1878, p. 15, and 1879, p. 3 respectively. 
Peter Wagner, Geschichte der Messe (Leipzig, 1913), pp. 209 ff., gives an interesting 
analysis of Cleve's peculiar parody technique. 

* Reprinted by Federhofer, Musik alter Meister, i (Graz and Vienna, 1949). See also 
Federhofer, ‘Zur Neuausgabe der vierstimmigen A cappella-Messe “Vous perdes temps" 
von Johannes de Cleve', Aus Archiv und Chronik (Blätter für Seckauer Diözesan- 
geschichte) ii (1949), p. 52. 

7 See Leichtentritt, Geschichte der Motette (Leipzig, 1908), pp. 90 ff. Cleve's first two 
books of Cantiones sacrae (1559) were reprinted complete by Maldeghem, Trésor 
musical (1865-80). 


JOHANNES DE CLEVE 269 
and ‘Filiae Jerusalem’, the opening of which may be quoted as typi- 


The treble entry on ‘filiae’ at the end of the quotation is the beginning 
of a statement of the theme in augmentation. 


CHARLES LUYTHON 


The Antwerp-born Charles Luython (Luthon, Leuthon, Luyton) 
(c. 1557-1620) belongs to the next generation. He studied in Vienna 
under Vaet and de Monte, and spent his life chiefly in the service of 
Maximilian 11(1564—76) and Rudolf II (1576-1612). He was appointed 
third court organist at Prague on 1 January 1582, succeeded de Monte 
as court composer in 1593, became first organist there on 30 June 
1596, and was finally dismissed with his colleagues in 1612 on the 
death of Rudolf. Luython was distinguished as a composer of Masses 
(six preserved, five reprinted by Commer), three of which! belong to 


1 Musica sacra, xvii (1877) and xix (1878). 


270 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


the curious genre of the missa quodlibetica. Vaet also composed a 
Missa quodlibetica cum quinque vocibus! and a still earlier example is 
Isaac's ‘Missa Carminum' (see Vol. III, p. 281). But according to 
Schletter's catalogue of the City Library of Augsburg? two of these 
Masses are based on Italian madrigals, * Amorosi pensieri’ and * Tirsi 
morir volea', and Peter Wagner, who quotes the complete first 
Kyries of all three, shows that they all appear to be straightforward 
*parody' Masses; he also draws attention to their brevity and com- 
pression. Wagner believed that these Missae quodlibeticae—two in 
four parts, the third in only three—were deliberately written in a 
simple style and designed for modest choral conditions, or alterna- 
tively that this simplicity indicates the beginning of decadence from 
a higher artistic ideal. It is possible that the type of missa quodlibetica 
presented here may anticipate the missa brevis (with its telescoping 
of liturgical text and its grotesque simultaneity of different lines of 
text) which became so popular in the church music of the Austrian 
provinces in the mid-eighteenth century. 

Luython's Masses, including the ones just discussed, were first pub- 
lished in 1609 by Nikolaus Strauss in Prague. Their music is of 
remarkable nobility and technical finish, but conservative in its Pales- 
trinian idiom. It is the music of a latecomer on the scene who managed 
to remain untouched by basso continuo technique or the harmonic 
innovations of the generation of Marenzio and Monteverdi, although 
as an organist he did not remain untouched by progressive tendencies, 
and his ‘Fuga suavissima’ on three themes‘ is not unworthy to be 
compared with similar experiments by Sweelinck and Frescobaldi. 
He also possessed an archicembalo (mentioned by Michael Praetorius 
in his Syntagma) with special keys for sharps and flats. 

As a prolific composer of motets,’ most of them in six parts (Prague, 
1603), he remained—as in his Masses—intrinsically a traditionalist, 
occasionally influenced by the homophonic tendencies of the post- 
Palestrinian Italians. Among his best-known ecclesiastical composi- 
tions are his Lamentationes (Prague, 1604). 


NATIVE GERMAN COMPOSERS 


The native composers of the Empire at this period seem specially 
linked with Italy. Gregor Aichinger (1564-1628) in his youth studied 
in Venice with Giovanni Gabrieli, and Blasius Amon (c. 1560-90) may 


1 Nuremberg, Lorenzkirche Bibl., MS. sign. 227 (dated 3 September 1573). 

2 Berlin, 1878: supplement to Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte, x and xi. 

$ Op. cit., рр. 230-7. 4 See p. 657. 
'5 See Albert Smijers, Karl Luython als Motettenkomponist (Amsterdam, 1923). 


NATIVE GERMAN COMPOSERS 271 


have been a pupil of Andrea; their liturgical music clearly shows the 
influence of contemporary Italian methods of choral polyphony. Born 
at Ratisbon, Aichinger spent most of his life in the service of the 
Fuggers at Augsburg. He was one of the first German composers to 
adopt the basso continuo:! in his Cantiones ecclesiasticae (Dillingen, 
1607). His earlier works are related on the one hand to the Italians, 
on the other to Lassus. His beautifully clear textures are illustrated 
by his five-part ‘Maria uns tröst”? which he contributed to a set of 
thirty-three pieces by various composers—including Hassler, Erbach, 
Regnart, and Luython—on the same musical theme, set by the Augs- 
burg Kapellmeister Bernhard Klingenstein (1545-1614) and published 
by him in 1604 under the title Rosetum Marianum. 

Blasius Amon seems to have been the first German composer to 
adopt the technique of cori spezzati in his ecclesiastical music. A 
Tyrolese by birth, Amon had a typically Austrian career. He was a 
member of the court chapel of Archduke Ferdinand I at Innsbruck, 
and joined the Franciscan monks there in 1578, becoming cantor of 
the Cistercians of the Heiligenkreuz Monastery in 1585. In 1587 he 
entered the Franciscan monastery in Vienna. Perhaps his most sig- 
nificant publication is the Sacrae cantiones (Munich, 1590) which 
contains both motets for double chorus in the Gabrieli manner and 
motets in which six parts are manipulated so as to give an impression 
of two four-part choirs. Even the earlier Liber cantionum (Vienna, 
1582)* shows Venetian influence in its harmonic, rather than linear, 
writing. Organ tablatures of some of Amon's choral compositions, 
preserved in manuscript,® indicate that they must have been accom- 
panied on the organ. When Johannes Donfried included works by 
Amon in his Promptuarium musicum, iii (Strasbourg, 1627), he added 
continuo parts. In Amon's four-part Masses (Vienna, 1588), the pre- 
dilection for writing in few parts suggests a relationship with the 
Missae quodlibeticae of Luython. 


1 See infra, p. 545. 
3 Edited by Joseph Funk in the series Musica orans, xxiv (München-Gladbach, 
n.d.), Aichinger's ‘Missa paschalis’, ibid. xxiii. A quantity of Aichinger's church music 


Commer, Musica sacra, xvi (1875) and xxviii (1887), and Theodor Kroyer, Denkmäler 
der Tonkunst in Bayern, x (1) (Leipzig, 1909). Aichinger’s four-part ‘Factus est’ is easily 
accessible in Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 188. 

3 See Arnold Geering, article ‘Amon’, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, i, 
col. 429, and Coecilianus Huigens, ‘Blasius Amon’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, 
xviii (Vienna, 1931), p. 3. 

* Both these volumes reprinted by Huigens, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Oesterreich, 
xxxviii (1) (Vienna, 1931). 

5 Munich, Bay. Staatsbibl. Mus. 263; Vienna, Minoritenkloster, Mus. 8. 


272 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


JACOBUS DE KERLE 
Another important musician, active at Augsburg and Prague, was 
Jacobus de Kerle, whose affinities are with Palestrina and the Roman 
school. De Kerle was born c. 1532 at Ypres and died on 7 January 
1591 at Prague. He went early to Italy, was appointed magister cap- 
pellae at Orvieto in 1555, and published hymns and Vesper psalms 
(Rome, 1558) and Magnificats (Venice, 1561). In 1562 in Rome he 
entered the service of the Bishop of Augsburg, Cardinal Otto Truch- 
sess von Waldburg, whom he eventually accompanied to Germany 
and Spain. In 1582 he entered the Emperor's service and finally held 
the position of court chaplain to Rudolf II at Prague until his death. 
Through his connexion with Cardinal Truchsess von Waldburg he 
became involved in the activities of the Council of Trent! Although 
not yet director of the Cardinal's private chapel, he was already com- 
missioned by him in the autumn of 1561 to compose for the Council 
his famous Preces speciales? (Venice, 1562), which were repeatedly 
performed at Trent and influenced the decision to permit the con- 
tinued use of polyphony in church music, albeit in simpler form and 
with special emphasis on clarity of declamation. The ten Preces are 
responsorially constructed prayers, each closing with doxology and 
Kyrie. The music shows a striking similarity to certain deliberately 
simple Masses and motets by Palestrina, as may be seen from the 
opening of no. 6, ‘Pro remissione peccatorum’: 
Ex. 100 , ро 


- - gne 
1 See pp. 250 and 317. 
* Reprinted by Otto Ursprung, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Bayern, xxxiv (Jg. 26) 
(Augsburg, 1926). See also Ursprung, Die katholische Kirchenmusik (Potsdam, 1931), 
pp. 184-5, and Jacobus de Kerle. Sein Leben und seine Werke (Munich, 1913). 


JACOBUS DE KERLE 273 


Kerle's Mass ‘Regina coeli"! (for two tenors and two basses), with 
its passages of simple homophony such as the following: 


Ex.101 


in a style intent on clarity of declamation and subservience to the 
liturgical words, was in Ursprung's opinion probably the earliest 
*reform-Mass', composed after the Preces, whereas the rest ofthe Sex 
Missae (Venice, 1562) must have preceded them. As Peter Wagner 
points out? Kerle's other Masses reveal old stylistic traits as well as 
‘reforming’ tendencies. Among these the four-part Mass on the hexa- 
chord theme ‘Ut re mi fa sol la? certainly shows strong links with the 
style of the old Flemish Mass, particularly in the Kyrie and Agnus. 
In all the other Masses plainsong themes are used. Yet the simplifica- 
tion of polyphony and the insistence on verbal clarity clearly antici- 
pate the style of Palestrina’s ‘reform’ Masses, such as the ‘Missa 
Papae Marcelli which was probably composed in the winter of 
1 Maldeghem, Tresor, xxiii (1887). 


2 Op. cit., pp. 212 ff. 
* Maldeghem, op. cit. xxiv (1888). 


274 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


1562-3! and, if so, is antedated by Kerle's work by a whole year. 
In that case, the title of ‘Saviour of Church Music’, awarded to 
Palestrina for several centuries, should be transferred to Kerle. 

Kerle’s ‘Responsoria’ and hymns as well as his motets are not- 
able for similar qualities of style. Outstanding among the motets is 
*Exsurge', in two sections? in which the predilection for parallel 
chords of the sixth reminds one of Palestrina. The splendid eight- 
part ‘Si consurrexit’ ends with actual double-choral writing. 


‘HANDL, GALLUS VOCATUS’ 


One of the most interesting Austrian composers of the end of the 
century was ‘Jacobus Handl, Gallus vocatus, Carniolanus’ as he calls 
himself in the prefaces to his four books of Masses (Prague, 1580). 
Born in 1550, he was a member of the Imperial Chapel in Vienna in 
1574 and Kapellmeister to the Bishop of Olmiitz (Olomouc) from 
1579 to 1585 when he went to Prague. There he remained, as cantor 
in the church of St. Johannis in Vado, till his death in 1591. 

Handl is a strikingly individual figure, yet at the same time very 
characteristic of his period. As Paul Pisk has put it,? his technique is 
‘a completely individual fusion of the Netherland style with the Vene- 
tian’. His employment of double choirs is Venetian; his preference for 
major-minor tonality to the modes and his occasional boldly expres- 
sive chromaticism stamp him as ‘baroque’, and as such he will be 
referred to in a later chapter.‘ Yet he also looks back to much earlier 
practices. Nearly all his Masses are missae parodiae® and the models 
include not only motets, five of them his own, but German songs, 
Créquillon’s ‘Ungaybergir’ (as he spells it), and madrigals. Some are 
missae breves, sometimes almost as melodious and perfunctory as the 
earlier French chanson-Masses*—the first Kyrie of his Mass on Las- 
sus’s ‘Im Mayen’ is just four bars long—but really closer, as Peter 
Wagner says, to Luython’s missae quodlibeticae. And he employs the 
Netherland devices of a hundred years before: in the ‘Pleni’ of his 


1 See Knud Jeppesen, ‘Marcellus-Probleme’, Acta Musicologica, xvi-xvii (1944-5), 
p. 11, but particularly pp. 34-38. 

з Reprinted by Proske, Musica Divina, Annus I, ii (1854), p. 88; second section in 
Davison and Apel, op. cit., p. 163. 

* Preface to Jakob Handl (Gallus): Sechs Messen, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Oester- 
reich, xlii. 1 (Vienna, 1935), p. iv. 

* See p. 545. 

5 See Peter Wagner, op. cit., ff. 330-41, and Paul Pisk, ‘Das Parodieverfahren in den 
Messen des Jacobus Gallus’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, v (Leipzig and Vienna, 
1918), p. 35. 

* See supra, pp. 239-40. 


*HANDL, GALLUS VOCATUS’ 275 


six-part Mass ‘Elisabeth Zachariae’ he develops three parts out of one 
marked ‘Trinitatem in unitate veneremur’. 

More important than Handl's Masses are his motets,! above all the 
collection of 374, for the entire liturgical year, in the four volumes of 
his Opus musicum (Prague, 1586-91).? These range from the simplest 
four-part chordal pieces, such as the lovely arrangements of * Resonet 
in laudibus ? and the well-known ‘Ecce quomodo"* to psalm-settings 
for twenty-four voices (in four choirs), but between these extremes lie 
a great number of four- and five-part pieces of normal ‘late Nether- 
land" polyphony. 


(d) THE VENETIAN SCHOOL 


By H. F. REDLICH 


BEGINNINGS OF THE VENETIAN SCHOOL 


It was only at the outset of the cinquecento that Venice became one 
of the musical nerve-centres of northern Italy. Although San Marco 
had been completed by 827, it was only c. 1312 that a large organ was 
installed® and in 1316 that the appointment of an organist (one 
Zucchetto) was recorded.® Nearly a hundred years later still —in 1403 
—a singing school was founded. Organ and choir became the natural 
media for the special devotional music composed by the later so-called 
* Venetian school’ of the seicento. 

Approximately in 1470 organ pedals were installed and c. 1490 a 
second organ with pedals was built by the Venetian Fra Urbano. 
Starting with 20 August 1490, a 'second organist' was regularly 
appointed at St. Marke? the first being Francesco d'Ana (died 


1 Оп Handl’s motets, see Leichtentritt, op. cit., рр. 290-7, and Edward W. Naylor, 
‘Jacob Hand! (Gallus) as Romanticist', Sammelbände der internationalen Musikgesell- 
schaft, xi (1909), p. 42; also Dragotin Cvetko, Gallus, Plautzius, Dolar et leur euvre 
(Ljubljana, 1963). 

* Reprinted by E. Bezecny and J. Mantuani, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Oesterreich, 
vi (1); xii (1); xx (1); xxiv; xxvi (1899-1919); many of Handl's motets are published 
separately by Bank (Amsterdam). See also infra, p. 545. 

* Various modern reprints. 

* Often reprinted, e.g. in Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 174. 

5 See Vol. III, p. 34. 

* Istituzioni e monumenti dell'arte musicale italiana, i (1931), p. xix. 

? Lists of the organists are given by Carl von Winterfeld, Johannes Gabrieli und sein 
Zeitalter (Berlin, 1834), i, pp. 198-9, and Fr. Caffi, Storia della musica sacra nella già 
cappella ducale di San Marco in Venezia dal 1318 al 1797 (Venice, 1855; facsimile re- 
print, Milan, 1931), pp. 53-55. See also Istituzioni, i, pp. xxxix and lxiv. 


276 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


c. 1502-3) who had earlier been organist of San Leonardo in Venice. 
He was an early frottolist whom Einstein calls ‘the only Venetian 
musician of any importance as a productive artist'.! A ‘Passio sacra’ 
of his was printed by Petrucci after 1501.? 

Petrucci's activity as a music-printer naturally gave a great impetus 
to musical production in Venice from 1501 to 1511, when he trans- 
ferred his business to his birthplace, Fossombrone, near Ancona, and 
his printing works in Venice was taken over by Scotto and Niccolo 
de Raffael. After the death of Pope Leo X (1521) and still more after 
the sack of Rome (1527), Venice—though past her political prime— 
became ever more important as a centre of European music. After the 
catastrophe, Rome gradually became “more a centre of church music, 
while in Venice even church music takes on a secular colouring’.? 
It is typical that Verdelot, who was a singer at St. Mark’s—Vasari 
actually says maestro di cappella,’ though this cannot be correct—in 
the early part of the century, is famous as a madrigalist while his 
church music? lies in oblivion. 

It was at this period—the late 1520's—that the greatest personality 
in the history of Venetian music first entered the city: Adrian 
Willaert. 


WILLAERT AND THE CORO SPEZZATO 


For many years Willaert was regarded as the chief founder, if not 
the actual inventor, of the technique of so-called coro spezzato or 
coro battente which became the chief characteristic of Venetian church 
music of the seicento. However, research has shown that Willaert, 
in his famous Salmi spezzati of 1550, only perfected an already 
existing choral practice, especially at home in northern Italy.* The 


1 The Italian Madrigal (Princeton, 1949), i, p. 41. 

з Two motets by him are reprinted in Torchi, L'arte musicale in Italia, i, pp. 13 and 17. 

* Einstein, op. cit. i, p. 319. 

* Ibid., p. 155. 

* On Verdelot's church music, see Ambros, iii, pp. 293-4. Some of his motets have 
been reprinted by Maldeghem, Tresor musical, ii, xxiii, and xxviii, and by Smijers and 
A. Tillman Merritt in their edition of Treize Livres de motets parus chez Pierre Attain- 
gnant, i, ii, iii, iv, x, xi (Paris, 1934-63). 

* Cf. Hermann Zenck, ‘Adrian Willaerts “Salmi spezzati” (1550)', Die Musik- 
forschung, ii (1949), p. 97; Giovanni d'Alessi, *Precursors of Adriano Willaert in the 
practice of Coro spezzato', Journal of the American Musicological Society, v (1952), 
p. 187; Manfred Bukofzer, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music (New York, 
1950), pp. 180 ff. Bukofzer refers here to two MSS. (Modena, Bibl. Estense, a. M I. 11- 
12, olim lat. 454-5) dating from the middle of the fifteenth century, that ‘call for two 
choirs which sing, polyphonically, alternate stanzas of the hymns or alternate lines of the 
psalms'. 


WILLAERT AND THE CORO SPEZZATO 277 


original title of the Salmi is as follows: Di Adriano et di Jachet i 
Salmi Apertinenti Alli Vesperi Per tutte le Feste Dell’anno, Parte a 
versi, et parte spezzadi [sic], Accomodati da cantare a uno et duoi 
Chori, Novamente posti in luce et par Antonio Gardane con ogni 
Diligentia ristampati et Corretti in Venetia Appresso di Antonio 
Gardane 1557. The collection, which includes compositions by Phinot, 
Giovanni Nasco (‘Maistre Jhan’), and Heinrich Scaffen, in addition 
to the psalms by Willaert and Jachet (da Mantova) to which the title 
refers, contains three different types of antiphonal setting of the 
psalms:! 


1. Salmi spezzati, i.e. psalms composed for double choir. 

2. Salmi а versi con le sue Risposte, i.e. psalms in which the separate 
verses, in four-part settings based on the Gregorian tones, may 
be sung by one or by two choirs. 

3. Salmi a versi senza Risposte, i.e. psalms in which monophonic 
plainsong intonation alternates with simple four-part harmoni- 
zation of the psalm-tone. 


It is the first group, consisting of only eight pieces by Willaert, 
which earned special fame for its composer and to which Zarlino’s 
description?—long misinterpreted—must have referred. They differ 
essentially from earlier psalm compositions for double chorus by Fra 
Ruffino Bartolucci d’Assisi (maestro di cappella at the Cathedral of 
Padua from 1510 to 1520) and by his assistant Francesco Santacroce 
(alsó called Patavino, i.e. from Padua)? which seem to have been 
composed in 1524 or earlier. While the great Fleming strictly pre- 
serves the unity of each psalm verse, his Italian predecessors frequently 
split up the verse into short dialogue exchanges between both choral 
groups, regardless of its unity. The excerpts on ff. 278-9 from settings 
of Psalm 112, ‘Laudate pueri',* demonstrate the intrinsic difference 
between Ruffino's vivacious, syllabic, and declamatory choral dia- 
logue, pointing towards the Gabrielis, and Willaert's choral antiphony. 

The Salmi spezzati were the result of more than twenty years of 
choral practice at St. Mark's, where Willaert had succeeded to the post 


1 Cf. Zenck, op. cit., p. 98. 

з Istitutioni harmoniche (Venice, 1558), iii, chap. 66. The whole paragraph is quoted 
in English translation in d'Alessi, op. cit., p. 188. 

® Excerpts printed by d’Alessi, op. cit. Gustave Reese, Music in the Renaissance 
(London, 1954), p. 285, mentions a Mass ‘Verbum bonum’, for two four-part choirs, 
by Ruffino. 

* Quoted from d'Alessi, op. cit., pp. 196 and 201. 


Ex.102 


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b: 
u 
Б 


- cu-la 


in se 


et 


th 


EI 
A 
a 
a 
o 
t 
8 
л 
с 
& 


men, sæ ~ 


280 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


of maestro di cappella on 12 December 1527. (The Doge Andrea 
Gritti forced his election upon the Procurators, who favoured Lupato, 
the assistant of Willaert's predecessor, the Frenchman Pietro de Ca' 
Fossis.)! Between Willaert's appointment to St. Mark's and the date 
of his death (7 December 1562) lie thirty-five years of impressive 
activity, during which he was distinguished not only as director of a 
famous ecclesiastical choir, but as a composer of Masses, motets, and 
vesper psalms,? in addition to his achievements as a composer of 
chansons, madrigals, and instrumental music which are discussed else- 
where in this volume.? 

At the time of his appointment, Willaert (born at Roulers in Flan- 
ders or perhaps at Bruges, c. 1490, and therefore in his late thirties) 
was at the summit of his creative powers and already well acquainted 
with musical life in the north of Italy. He was a pupil of Mouton.* 
After a period of legal study at the University of Paris, Willaert 
seems to have gone to Italy by 1518. He may have stayed іп Rome? 
but he was certainly attached to the ducal house of Este in Ferrara 
from 1522 to 1525, and subsequently to Cardinal Este at Milan from 
1525 to 1527. In the latter year Willaert became cantor regis Ungariae, 
but a stay of his in Hungary, then mostly in Turkish hands, seems 
very unlikely.5 Apart from a small number of early works, such as 
the Mass ' Mente tota’ written c. 1517, four motets (Bologna, Codex 
Rusconi), a St. John Passion, and ‘Lamentationes Jeremiae’ (both 
in Bologna manuscripts), the bulk of Willaert's religious music was 
written during his tenure of office in Venice. 


WILLAERT'S MASSES 


Only nine of Willaert's Masses are known at present, and only one 
is available in a modern critical edition.” Five four-part Masses are 


1 Cf. Einstein, op. cit. i, p. 320. 

* Yet, according to Gerstenberg in his preface to the Opera Omnia, v (Rome, 1957), 
Willaert, unlike so many of his colleagues, was never given ecclesiastical status. 

® See pp. 14, 45, and Chap. XI. 

* See Vol. III, pp. 297-8. 

5 He certainly composed his famous duo cromatico, ‘Quidnam ebrietas’ for Leo X: 
cf. Ambros, Geschichte der Musik, iii (Leipzig, 3rd ed., 1893), p. 524, and J. S. Levitan, 
‘Adrian Willaert's famous Duo, “Quidnam ebrietas”’, Tijdschrift der Vereeniging voor 
Nederlandsche Muziekgeschiedenis, xv (1938), p. 166. The title of this textless piece 
appears to be a playful allusion to Horace, Epistolae, i. 5. v. 16 and 18. 

* Cf. Otto Gombosi's review of Erich Hertzmann, Adrian Willaert in der weltlichen 
Vokalmusik seiner Zeit (Leipzig, 1931) in Zeitschrift fiir Musikwissenschaft, xvi (1934), 
p. 54. Gombosi believed that Willaert was for a time a member of the chapel of Ferdi- 
nand I, then titular King of Hungary. 

? The doubtfully authentic ‘Benedicta es’, edited by Anton Averkamp, Vereeniging 


WILLAERT’S MASSES 281 


preserved in the original Venetian edition of 1536: ‘Quaeramus cum 
pastoribus’, ‘Gaude Barbara’, ‘Christus resurgens’, ‘Laudate Deum’, 
and ‘Osculetur me'.! Of the other surviving Masses two five-part 
Masses, * Benedicta es’ and a nameless one, two in six parts— Mente 
tota’ and ‘Mittit ad virgmem’—are preserved in various manuscript 
sources.? They are practically all ‘parody’ Masses. ‘Mente tota’ is 
based on the fifth section of Josquin's motet * Vultum tuum’; Lenaerts? 
describes its completely canonic construction which, he says, ‘moves 
in a sphere quite different from that of Josquin's motet'. The other 
six-part Mass, ‘ Mittit ad virginem’, a very late work, is modelled on 
a motet by Willaert himself.* * Queramus cum pastoribus’, * Laudate 
Deum’, and ‘Gaude Barbara’ are based on motets by Mouton, 
‘Christus resurgens’ on one possibly by Mouton but more probably 
by Richafort. The five-part Mass based on Josquin’s ‘Benedicta es’ 
by either Willaert or Hesdin is preserved in eight manuscripts,’ of 
which two give it to Willaert, three to Hesdin, and three are anony- 
mous. The case for ascription to Hesdin was put by Smijers,® but 
Antonowytsch gives it on stylistic evidence to Willaert.” It is particu- 
larly unfortunate that this is the only Willaert Mass at present avail- 
able in print. 

Antonowytsch's detailed study of 'Benedicta es', of which the 
Hertogenbosch manuscript? dates from c. 1530, shows the surprising 
degree to which the mature Willaert—if it was he—still depended on 
the concepts of style established by Josquin. Its parody-technique, 
absorbing literally large tracts of Josquin's motet, and also its close 
thematic adherence to the original plainsong, underline the retrospec- 
tive character of this Mass, conceived in the spirit of Ockeghem and 


voor Nederlandsche Muziekgeschiedenis, xxxv (Amsterdam, 1915). The extant Masses 
will be published in vols. ix and x of the Opera Omnia, edited by Zenck and Gerstenberg, 
(American Institute of Musicology, 1950- A. ` 

! Cf. Hermann Beck, ‘Adrian Willaerts Messen’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 
xvii (1960), p. 215; В. B. Lenaerts, ‘The 16th century Parody Mass in the Netherlands’, 
Musical Quarterly, xxxvi (1950), p. 410; F. X. Haberl, *Messen Adrian Willaerts, 
gedruckt von Franc. Marcolini da Forli’, Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte, iii (1871), 
p. 81. 

* See Beck, op. cit., for location of the manuscripts. 

з Op. cit, p. 416. See also his ‘De zesstimmige mis “Mente tota" van Adriaen 
Willaert’, Musica Sacra, lxii (1935), p. 153. 

* Printed in Opera Omnia, v, p. 173. 

5 Cf. Beck, op. cit., p. 222. 

$ ‘Hesdin of Willaert’, Tijdschrift der Vereeniging voor Nederlandsche Muziekgeschie- 
denis, x (1915), p. 180. 

* Die Motette ‘ Benedicta es’ von Josquin des Prez und die Messen ‘super Benedicta’ 
von Willaert, Palestrina, de La Héle und de Monte (Utrecht, 1951). 

* Hertogenbosch, MS. 72 A, fo. 1. 


282 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 
Josquin rather than reflecting Willaert's own novel style. It is instruc- 
tive to compare the opening with the model: 


Ex. 103 
(i) JOSQUIN 
Be 


and with the parallel passage in de Monte’s later working.’ Typical 
of the archaicflavour of the whole work is the use of fauxbourdon-like 
chords of the sixth (so popular with Dufay and his contemporaries) 
as they occur in the Agnus Dei III of this Mass: 


! Sce Ex. 163. 


WILLAERT'S MASSES 283 


Ex.104 A- gnus De - i qui tol- lis 


The conservative approach to Mass composition in general seems to 
have been characteristic of Willaert. But there is little doubt that these 
nine Masses of his represent only a fraction of his compositions of the 
Ordinary; indeed Haberl! believed that a whole book of Masses once 
in the archives of St. Mark’s has been lost. If these lost Masses 
represent compositions of the composer’s later years, as seems likely, 
they may well show new traits of style and thus, if recovered, compel 
scholars to revise their assessment of Willaert as a Mass-composer. 


WILLAERT'S MOTETS 


The figure of Willaert as a composer of church music is clearly 
discernible only through the medium of his motets. These were mainly 
published in a series of collections between 1539 and 1559: two books 
for four voices (1539: revised edition, 1545), one for five (1539: 
revised edition, 1550), one for six (1542), and motets in from four to 
seven parts in the Musica Nova (which also included twenty-five 
madrigals) of 1559.2 Hermann Zenck has made a convincing ap- 
praisal of the motets in general;? according to him, Willaert continued 
to compose as a Fleming in the Venetian environment, adopting the 
Venetian cult of harmony and colour without sacrificing the northern 
polyphonic element. 

In accordance with the tradition of Josquin and his chief disciple 
Jean Mouton, Willaert composed sacred and secular motets, based 
usually on plainsong tenors; but he is specially notable for his expres- 
sive declamation with marked accentuation. The standard form of the 
four-part *tenor'-motet predominates until the late Musica Nova. In 
the occasional use of secular texts (such as Dido's lament ' Dulces 
exuviae’, which dates from 1542 at latest,‘ and the story of Susanna 

1 Op. cit. 


3 Opera Omnia, i-v; vol. vi, not yet published (1967), will contain miscellaneous 
motets, such as the three published by Walter Gerstenberg in Das Chorwerk, lix (Wolfen- 


büttel, 1957). * Preface to Opera Omnia, i. 
* Reprinted by Osthoff, Das Chorwerk, liv (Wolfenbüttel, 1956), p. 9. 


284 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


from the Apocrypha, and also the Wenceslas motet and the two 
Sforza motets! which bear testimony to Willaert's service under the 
house of Habsburg) one is conscious of an affinity with the Italian 
madrigal—to the expressive development of which Willaert con- 
tributed so much.? The severity of much of Willaert's ecclesiastical 
music is typified by such works as the four-part ‘Pater noster’,? with 
its tendency to low sonorities and its insistence on the liturgical tenor, 
and the late six-part ‘Aspice Domine’ (from Musica Nova) with its 
gloomy C minor tonality—itself a strikingly novel effect:* 


1 Opera Omnia, iii, pp. 78 and 90. 

3 See p. 45. 

3 Opera Omnia, ii, p. 11, and easily accessible elsewhere: e.g. Ambros—Kade, Geschichte 
der Musik, v, p. 538, and Davison and Apel, Historical Anthology of Music (Cambridge, 
Mass., 1946), i, p. 80 (where it is misattributed to Obrecht). 

* Opera Omnia, v, p. 144. The original key-signatures are: cantus, altus and second 
bass, three flats; tenor and first bass, two flats; vagans—the ‘resolutio’ of the canon, 
which only just begins in the quotation—one flat. 


WILLAERT’S MOTETS 285 


ST ` 
ПИ ПИРЕ нае ee e 
totp eH LL 


Do - mi-ne, A =- spi-ce Do - mi - ne 


It is in the Musica Nova that the changing musical climate of 
Venice in the sixteenth century becomes noticeable in Willaert's motet 
writing. Einstein suggested that the very title contains an artistic 
programme, the hidden meaning of which is revealed in the dedicatory 
letter from its editor Francesco Viola (Willaert's pupil and friend) to 
Duke Alfonso d'Este of Ferrara, Willaert's former employer. Einstein 
interprets that letter and with it the original title as implying “new in 
its literary uniformity, new as an attempt to reflect the changing 
moods of the soul as expressed in the sonnets of a single great poet’. 
(All but one of the madrigals in the Musica Nova are Petrarch set- 
tings.) However, according to Viola himself, the title simply meant 
that all the contents were being printed for the first time, and Armen 
Carapetyan! sees the peculiar novelty of the publication in other 
features. (Among other things, it was unusual for motets and mad- 
rigals to be published in one volume.) Among the thirty-three motets 
for four, five, six, and seven parts (some a voci impari, or S.A.T.B. 
as we should say, some a voci pari, for higher or lower voices only, 
and some a voci mutate, without soprano but with two altos or two 
tenors), a few—like ' Aspice Domine'—seem to point towards chro- 
maticism and expressiveness in the sense of Cipriano de Rore, who 
continues where Willaert leaves off. Their dark and melancholy 
colour forms a telling contrast to the luminosity and brilliance of the 
younger Venetians. 

However, in the six-part motets of 1542 Willaert had already antici- 
pated the later practice of Andrea and Giovanni Gabrieli in their 
Concerti of 1587; in the dedicatory preface to this volume of 1542 he 
suddenly focuses attention on the combination of voices and instru- 


1 ‘The Musica Nova of Adriano Willaert’, Journal of Renaissance and Baroque Music, 
1 (1946), p. 200. 


286 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


ments: ‘Dove ogni sorte di stromenti musicali in buona quantità 
tenete, е... i piu perfetti Musici cantate e suonate.’ Nevertheless, 
even these modernistic motets are chiefly based on the principle of 
canonic imitation and on the cantus prius factus of the Franco- 
Flemish tradition. In the same volume, incidentally, Willaert also 
published works by colleagues such as Loyset, Jachet Berchem, 
Verdelot, and ‘Maistre Jhan’ (Giovanni Nasco). 

Willaert's achievement as a composer of church music in the 
Franco-Flemish tradition, enriched in the musical climate of the city 
of his adoption, is matched by his achievement as the musical pre- 
ceptor* of a whole generation. Among his pupils—in addition to 
Cipriano de Rore who succeeded him at St. Mark's upon his death— 
were Parabosco, Vicentino, Andrea Gabrieli, Costanzo Porta, Gio- 
seffo Zarlino, Leonardo Barré, Jacques Buus, Francesco Viola, Anton 
Berges, Alessandro Romano, and Hubert Waelrant. 


CIPRIANO DE RORE 


On 1 May 1563 Willaert was succeeded by his most brilliant pupil, 
Cipriano de Rore, who had been born c. 1516 at either Malines or 
Antwerp and may—like Willaert himself— have received a first intro- 
duction to music at Notre Dame in Paris. The life and music of this 
highly original, obstinately self-centred, and fascinatingly progressive 
composer have so far been but little explored, and while the outlines 
of Rore the madrigalist are fairly clear,? it still remains difficult to 
assess his achievement as a composer of sacred music. 

As in Willaert's case, the greater part of Rore's short life (which 
ended in or about October 1565 at Parma) was spent in Italy, whither 
he may have gone as a prospective pupil of Willaert's in Venice. He 
presented himself to the world as a fully matured artist with his two 
earliest publications, the First Book of five-part Madrigali cromatici 
(1542) and the First Book of five-part Motets (1544), both published 
by Gardano in Venice. The greater part of his remaining years was 
spent in Ferrara, Parma, and Venice. During his apprenticeship in 
Venice as a singer in the choir of St. Mark's he had as colleagues and 
fellow pupils Porta, Vicentino, Andrea Gabrieli, Viola, Verdelot, 
Maitre Jachet, Zarlino, and his German friend Hieronymus Uttinger, 
to whom the First Book of five-part motets was dedicated by the 


1 Willaert seems to have been employed as a teacher at the Accademia of Messer 
Marco Trivisano (to whom the six-part motets of 1542 are dedicated) and also as 
maestro and composer at the academy of Polissena Pecorina. 

2 See p. 48. 


CIPRIANO DE RORE 287 


printer, Gardano. Rore seems to have gone as early as 1547 to 
Ferrara, where he entered the service of Duke Ercole d’Este and 
became the teacher of the madrigalist Luzzasco Luzzaschi, later the 
master of Frescobaldi. In 1549 or 1550! he was appointed choirmaster 
there, in succession to Vicentino, and remained in office until 1557 
(or 1558 at latest). It was for Ercole d'Este and his private chapel 
that Rore's two famous ‘Hercules’ Masses were composed, one of 
which, ‘Praeter rerum seriem’ à 7, was sent in 1557 to Albrecht V, 
Elector of Bavaria, who greatly admired Rore's art and subsequently 
ordered the compilation of the famous Rore codex of Munich, 
lavishly illustrated by the miniatures of the Bavarian court-painter 
Hans Mielich, son-in-law of Lassus, which contains inter alia twenty- 
six of his motets.2 On the way back to his native Antwerp, Rore 
travelled via Munich where he sat for his only extant portrait (by 
Mielich) in April 1558.3 1558 and 1559 were spent partly in Antwerp, 
partly in Ferrara. At the end of 1559 Rore received an appointment 
from Margaret of Parma, at that time Governor of the Netherlands 
in Brussels, but transferred himself to Margaret's husband Ottavio 
Farnese at Parma by 26 January 1561, and there he seems to have 
spent one of the most fruitful periods of his life, until he was ap- 
pointed maestro di cappella of St. Mark's in 1563. Rore's tenure of 
office there was. disappointingly short. He must have offered his 
resignation in the spring of 1564, for by 1 August of that year he was 
back at his old post in Parma. The reasons for Rore's dislike of his 
Venetian appointment are succinctly enumerated in a letter: 


Puno, la gravezza del’ servitio, 
l'altro, il disordine per la divisione della Capella in due, 
terzo, la poca provisione . . . 


The second point refers to the division of the choir into a "cappella 
magna’ anda ‘cappella piccola’ which had come into effect two months 
before Willaert's death, in order to ease the ageing master's burden. 
The third point, *meagre salary', must also have played its part and 
a whole year passed before Rore's successor was appointed: Gioseffo 
Zarlino (1517-90), like himself one of Willaert's trusted disciples. At 
the end of September or in early October of 1565, Rore died at Parma. 

1 Josef Musiol, Cyprien de Rore, ein Meister der venezianischen Schule (Halle, 1932) 
and Einstein, op. cit. i, p. 385, disagree on these dates. See Alvin Johnson, *Rore', Die 
Musik ín Geschichte und Gegenwart, xi, col. 897, for further biographical and biblio- 
graphical details. 

* The Codex (Bay. Staatsbibl., Cim. 52) was completed in December 1559; in 1564 


the humanist Samuel Quickelberg added a learned commentary. 
* Reproduced in Einstein, op. cit. i: plate facing p. 383. 


288 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


Although Rore's secular compositions—all madrigals—outnumber 
his sacred ones by almost two to one, the latter represent an important 
contribution to the development of the Franco-Flemish polyphonic 
tradition in northern Italy. 


RORE'S MASSES 


Rore is known to have composed a number of Masses and 112 
motets,! though not all of them have been preserved. Of his Masses 
two only were published in his lifetime or soon after his death and 
only five survive altogether.? The two printed in Rore's lifetime are 
both five-part ‘parody’ Masses: a Messa .. . a voci pari published 
in the Secondo Libro de le Messe a cinque voci of Jachet da Mantova 
(Venice, 1555), an immature work of the early 1540's, based on 
Josquin's chanson "Vous ne l'aurez', and one published by Gardano 
in a miscellaneous volume of Masses (Venice, 1566), probably based 
on Sandrin's *Doulce memoire’, though so remotely that the matter 
is open to doubt. The other three are two ‘Hercules’ Masses com- 
posed in Ferrara between 1550 and 1557, in homage to Ercole II 
d'Este, ‘Vivat felix Hercules’ à 5 and ‘Praeter rerum seriem’ à 7, and 
a five-part Missa a note negre preserved at Munich.* Munich also has 
the manuscript of ‘Vivat felix Hercules” which was probably sug- 
gested by Josquin's ‘Hercules’ Mass of seventy years earlier, dedi- 
cated to the duke's grandfather, Ercole I. Like Josquin's Mass, Rore's 
is based on a soggetto cavato, a theme derived from the vowels of a 
verbal motto through the equivalent solmisation syllables; but whereas 
Josquin's subject consists of notes of equal value and passes from one 
part to another (cf. Vol. III, Ex. 99), Rore's is not only longer but 
rhythmically varied, confined to a single part, the first tenor, and the 
words of the motto are actually sung to it (see Ex. 106 opposite). 

Rore’s other ‘Hercules’ Mass, ‘Praeter rerum seriem’, is also con- 
nected with Josquin, being a missa parodia on a six-part motet by the 
older master. Here the words “Hercules secundus dux Ferrariae 


1 If their seconda, terza, &c. . . . parte are counted separately. 

* Cf. Alvin Johnson, *The Masses of Cipriano de Rore', Journal of the American 
Musicological Society, vi (1953), p. 227. The Mass discussed by Peter Wagner, op. cit. 
pp. 199-202, as the work of Rore is really Janequin’s ‘La Bataille’ (see p. 243). Musiol 
thinks that three were published in the composer's lifetime. 

* Cf. the opposite conclusions arrived at by Van den Borren in his Geschiedenis van 
de muziek in de Nederlanden (Antwerp, 1948), i, p. 273, and in La Musique en Bel- 
gique (Brussels, 1950), p. 113. * Bay. Staatsbibl. Mus. 45. 

5 Bay. Staatsbibl. Mus. 9. 

* Printed in Josquin: Werken (ed. Smijers), Motetten, ii, p. 21, and Das Chorwerk (ed. 
Blume), xviii, p. 23. 


RORE'S MASSES 


Ех.1061 


= 


TTT 
pax ho-mi-ni - bus 


ho - mi-ni-bus bo - ne vo-lun-ta- 


ra pax 


ter - 


in 


Et 


mus te 


fe 


lau- da-muste be - ne 
lau-da-mus te 


da - 


vat 


tis lau - 
- tis 


lun - ta 


vo 


cun-[dus, Dux Ferrari 
quartus] 


te 
te 


-ne-di -  ci-mus 
be - ne-di - 
- ci-mus 


be 
1 Bay. Staatsbibl. Mus. 46. 


be-ne- di 


290 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


quartus, vivit et vivet' are sung throughout by the second alto, not to 
a soggetto cavato but to the first line of the canto fermo used by 
Josquin—a poem and melody which can be traced back to the thir- 
teenth century. 

The Messa a note negre is so called because, like Rore's Madrigali 
cromatici it is written with the crotchet as the unit in 4 time, instead 
of with the minimin 2. Alvin Johnson believesit to be a missa parodia,? 
since ‘the entire Mass is a continuous reworking of a limited number 
of melodic ideas’. The opening of the Christe (Ex. 107) well illustrates 
Rore's colourful vocal scoring. 

“All in all’, concludes Johnson, ‘the five extant Masses of de Rore 
show a wide divergence of stylistic characteristics. The rigorously 
methodical imitative polyphony of the Missa a voci pari, i.e. the 


Ех.107 
(Original note-values) 


| 


Chri -ste 


1 There is a two-part setting in Wolfenbüttel, Herzogl. Bibl. 677. 
2 "The Masses’, p. 237. He later discovered the model, Rore's "Tout ce qu'on peut’. 


RORE’S MASSES 291 


parody Mass on the Josquin chanson “Vous ne l'aurez", may be con- 
trasted with the harmonically controlled polyphony of the Missa a 
note negre or the *Doulce memoire" Mass. These are stylistic poles 
between which the two Masses in honour of Hercules stand. In the 
short space of time from about 1540 to 1565... de Rore made such 
rapid and radical changes in the concept of polyphony that Monte- 
verdi, years later,! could point back to de Rore as the inaugurator of 
the seconda prattica.’ 


RORE'S MOTETS 


Rore's motets survive mainly in the following sources: three books 
of motets à 5 (published 1544, 1545, and 1549 respectively)? the 
already mentioned Rore codex at Munich, Cipriani de Rore et aliorum 
auctorum Motetae a 4 (Venice, 1563), and Sacrae Cantiones seu Moteti 
ut vocant, non minus instrumentis quam vocibus aptae (published in two 
sets, Amsterdam, 1573 and 1595). Josef Musiol expresses the view that 
the motets show an evolutionary curve not dissimilar to that described 
by Rore's madrigals—leading from the tradition of Franco-Flemish 
polyphony to more homophonic structure and to greater subjectivism 
in the sense of the tendencies of the Italian Renaissance. In Book I 
of the five-part motets only seven out of twenty-three pieces are by 
Rore himself; here, as well as in Book II (1545), occasional syllabic 
declamation, as in the madrigals, shows the influence of Willaert's 
later Venetian manner. Both books, however, abound in traditional 
Netherland polyphony. The Munich codex contains twenty-six sacred 
motets and five secular compositions on Latin texts, including a 
superb setting of Virgil's ‘Dissimulare etiam sperasti' (Aeneid, iv. 
305-19).3 

1 In the ‘Dichiarazione’ of 1607, issued by Giulio Cesare Monteverdi, in his brother's 
Scherzi musicali of that year. 

* Edited by Bernhard Meier, Cipriano de Rore: Opera Omnia, i (American Institute of 


Musicology, 1959). 
* Published by Osthoff, Das Chorwerk, liv, p. 17. 


292 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT--1 


The six motets à 4 (for the lower sonorities of male choir), first 
published by Scotto in Venice in 1563, revert to stricter polyphony. 
The thirty-four Sacrae Cantiones a 4—7 include fifteen items published 
earlier in the three books of five-part motets, six from the Munich 
codex, and thirteen which here appeared for the first time.! Among 
them ‘Exspectans exspectavi Dominum? is specially indicative of 
Rore's growing predilection for bold experiments in chromatic 
harmony? 


Mi - se - re - re no - stri Do - mi - ne, mi- 


A Passion according to St. John,* published by Le Roy and Ballard 
(Paris, 1557), is modelled on an earlier St. Matthew Passion by 
Maistre Jhan and belongs to the so-called motet-Passion type initiated 
by Longueval.5 Finally, a book of Psalms, published in 1554 in col- 
laboration with Jachet of Mantua, may be mentioned. 


OTHER ASSOCIATES OF WILLAERT 


Willaert's associates and disciples at St. Mark's included a number 
of distinguished organists who were also held in high esteem as com- 
posers of sacred music: Buus, Annibale Padovano, Merulo, Verdelot, 
Zarlino, Andrea Gabrieli. 

Jacques Buus (Jacobus Bohusius, van Paus)? a Fleming from 


1 Musiol believes two of them may be spurious. 

* Quoted in Musiol's ex. 35. 

2 Comparable to his famous ode ‘Calami sonum ferentes’ (cf. p. 48). 

* Reprinted by Arnold Schmitz in Oberitalienische Figuralpassionen des 16. Jahr- 
hunderts (Musikalische Denkmäler, i) (Mainz, 1955), p. 59. Kade discusses both the 
Maistre Jhan Passion and Rore's in Die ältere Passionskomposition bis zum Jahre 1631 
(Gütersloh, 1893), pp. 27 and 33. E 5 See Vol. III, p. 276. 

* See Joseph Schmidt-Górg, article *Buus', Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 
ii, col. 542, and Hedwig Kraus, ‘Jacob Buus, Leben und Werke’, Tijdschrift der Vereeni- 
ging voor Nederlandsche Muziekgeschiedenis, xii (1926), p. 35, (1927), p. 81, and (1928), 
p. 221. 


OTHER ASSOCIATES OF WILLAERT 293 


Ghent, born c. 1500, was the successor of Baldassare da Imola who 
had been appointed first organist of St. Mark's in 1533.1 Buus, a pupil 
of Willaert, was appointed on 15 July 1541, but his salary seems to 
have been disappointingly small and he broke his contract in the 
winter of 1550-1 by going to Vienna, where he died probably c. 1564. 
In his church music—mostly four-part motets (Libro de Motetti, 
Venice, 1549)— Buus seems indebted to Gombert's technique of imita- 
tive polyphony based on plainsong themes. Several single motets, 
among them a six-part wedding motet ‘Qui invenit mulierem bonam’, 
were published in the collections of Montanus (Berg) and Neuber 
(Nuremberg, 1555, 1556, and 1564)? 

Buus's successor at St. Mark's in 1551 was Girolamo Parabosco 
(c. 1524-57), who also called himself a ‘discipulo di Messer 
Adriano', while Annibale Padovano (c. 1527-75) was appointed to 
the second organ in November of the following year and remained 
'till 1564. Both were, like Buus, essentially instrumental composers, 
but Annibale published a book of motets in 1567 and a book of five- 
part Masses in 1573. 

The keyboard music of Claudio Merulo (1533-1604), who served 
from 1557 to 1564 at the second, and from 1564 to 1584 at the first 
organ of St. Mark's, is discussed elsewhere in this volume.? His rich 
production of sacred vocal music has been rather overlooked. He 
published a book of five-part Masses in 1573—two others appeared 
posthumously in 1609—and six books of four-, five-, and six-part 
motets (between 1578 and 1605).* Some of the motets are for two 
antiphonal choirs, as in the missa parodia on Wert's ‘Cara la vita 
mia’, while that on Andrea Gabrieli’s ‘Benedicam Dominum’ is for 
three. 

Yet another of Willaert's chief disciples, Gioseffo Zarlino (1517- 
90), his personal pupil, who succeeded Rore as maestro di cappella 
of St. Mark's in the summer of 1565, won his chief fame outside the 
sphere of church music. His /stitutioni armoniche (Venice, 1558) 
established him as the foremost musical theorist of his age, whose 
writings were ultimately issued in a complete edition of four volumes 
in 1589 shortly before his death. They are indeed of more than 

1 See Giacomo Benvenuti, preface to Istituzioni e monumenti dell'arte musicale italiana, 


i(Milan, 1939), pp. xxxix-xl. 
2 Reprinted by Commer, Collectio operum musicorum Batavorum saeculi XVI, viii, 


а See p. 608. 

* On Merulo's motets see Leichtentritt, op. cit., pp. 216 ff. Examples have been re- 
printed by Commer, Musica Sacra, xvi, xxiii, xxv, xxvii, and xxviii (1875-87) and 
Torchi, L'arte musicale in Italia, i (1897). 


294 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


theoretical] value, for they give us practical information, e.g. that the 
*beat' in music is measured by the human pulse, and on the correct 
way of underlaying a verbal text. Of his compositions, however, but 
few have been preserved. Much of his sacred music composed during 
his long appointment, such as the Mass for the foundation of Santa 
Maria della Salute in 1577, seems to have perished. One four-part 
Mass has been preserved in manuscript! and a few motets printed 
in different collections; a few of the latter have been reprinted in 
modern times? As a composer Zarlino seems to have lacked the 
quality that distinguishes his theoretical writings: originality of 
thought. It remains to be seen, however, whether the discovery of 
more of his liturgical music would seriously challenge that verdict. 


THE GABRIELIS? 


The Venetian School culminated in the work of an uncle and 
nephew,: Andrea and Giovanni Gabrieli, both native Venetians. 
Andrea (c. 1520-86) succeeded Merulo as second organist at 
St. Mark's in 1564, and as first organist in 1585. His nephew and 
pupil Giovanni (1557-1612) spent four years at the court of Munich 
under Lassus (1576-80)* and actually held the post of first organist 
of St. Mark's for a short period in 1584 until his uncle was 
appointed; he then became second organist—and was not promoted 
when Andrea died shortly afterwards. (Andrea’s successor was 
another of his pupils, Vincenzo Bell'Haver, madrigalist and keyboard 
composer.) 

Although, like Annibale Padovano, Merulo, and the rest, the 
Gabrielis were distinguished instrumental composers and madriga- 
lists, their church music towers above that of all the other Venetians 
except Willaert and perhaps Rore. Andrea is relatively conservative, 
particularly in his Masses, though the title-pages of both his five-part 
motets (1565) and his six-part Penitential Psalms (1583) expressly 
mention the use of instruments (‘tum viva Voce, tum omnis generis 
Instrumentis . . .' and ‘tum Omnis generis Instrumentorum, tum ad 
vocis . . .’), while Giovanni not only carried the polychoral technique 
to an unsurpassed peak but in his later church compositions intro- 
duced striking ‘affective’ writing and independent obbligato parts for 

1 Bologna, Liceo Mus. 

3 [n Torchi, op. cit. i, pp. 69 and 79, and by Roman Flury, Das Chorwerk, Ixxvii 
МАУ е 1961). See Flury, Gioseffo Zarlino als Komponist (Winterthur, 1962). 


* Benvenuti, op. cit., p. Ixxxiv. 
5 Ibid., p. Ixxiv. 


THE GABRIELIS 295 


instruments.! Andrea’s motets are much more numerous and impor- 
tant than his Masses,? and Giovanni left no complete setting of the 
Ordinary at all. 

Even in his most modest and conservative church compositions, the 
four-part motets of 1576,? Andrea shows his sense of choral scoring, 
as in this excerpt from ‘Maria Magdalena’ which also illustrates his 
often essentially harmonic style and syllabic setting of the text: 


Ex.109 


bant di - lu-cu-lo 


1 See pp. 523 ff. where this ‘baroque’ aspect of Giovanni Gabrieli’s church music is 
discussed. 

з Proske reprinted ‘Pater peccavi’, one of the four six-part Masses of 1572, Selectus 
novus missarum, ii (Ratisbon, 1861), p. 525, and a four-part Missa brevis, Musica 
Divina, Ann. 1, i, p. 165: a separate edition of the latter is published by Bank (Amster- 
dam). Three separate Mass-movements à 12 from the Concerti of 1587 are reprinted by f 
Giovanni d’Alessi, A. Gabrieli: Messe e mottetti (I classici musicali italiani, v) (Milan, 
1942). On the Masses, see P. Wagner, op. cit., p. 408. 

з Eleven of them in Proske, Musica Divina, 1. ii, from which Ex. 109 is taken (p. 146); 
other examples in Charles Bordes, Anthologie des maltres religieux primitifs, i-ii (Paris, 
1893-4), and elsewhere. Two five-part motets and a Penitential Psalm are reprinted in 
Torchi, op. cit. ii; one five-part motet and one Psalm in Benvenuti, op. cit. i. Three 
four-part motets, one five-part, and two Psalms are available separately in the Bank 
edition. Motets for larger combinations, from the 1587 Concerti, are reprinted in d'Alessi, 
A. Gabrieli. On the motets generally, see Leichtentritt, op. cit., pp. 218 ff. and Reese, 
op. cit., p. 496. 


296 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT-—1 


Perhaps the finest of the Penitential Psalms is the sixth, ‘De profundis 
clamavi',! which. makes much use of antiphony between the three 
upper and three lower voices, an antiphony as effective in its different 
way as the more obvious antiphony of such big motets as the twelve- 
part ‘Deus misereatur nostri’ with its three choirs: high, middle, 
and low.? 

In that field —polychoral composition— Andrea was, however, sur- 
passed by his famous nephew. Giovanni's motets? are nearly all 
polychoral or at least antiphonal within a single choir of at least six 
parts. Most of them were published in three collections: five of them in 
Andrea's 1587 volume of Concerti, the rest in two books of Sacrae sym- 
phoniae (1597 and 1615); the Ecclesiasticae cantiones of 1589 are less 
important. Even the pieces in the volume of 1587 include such a master- 
piece as ‘O magnum mysterium’* with its characteristic ‘Alleluias’ 
in triple time, which in itself demonstrates that Gabrieli did not 
always use antiphonal choirs for effects of splendour and brilliance— 
as he does in ‘Angelus ad pastores’ in the same volume.* Often 
antiphony is employed to contrast light and shade or height and 
depth, as in the wonderful opening of *O Domine Jesu Christe’? from 
the first book of Sacrae symphoniae. Another striking effect of which 
Gabrieli was fond is the crescendo of volume and pitch, if not of 
dynamics, as in the six-part ‘Beata es virgo” of 1597: 

1 Benvenuti, op. cit, p. 13; Arnold Schering, Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen 
(Leipzig, 1931), p. 130; Bank edition. 

3 On Gabrieli’s polychoral motets, see Denis Arnold, “Andrea Gabrieli und die 
Entwicklung der “cori-spezzati”-Technik’, Die Musikforschung, xii (1959), p. 258. 

* Published by Denis Arnold, Opera Omnia (American Institute of Musicology, 
1956- ). Thirteen complete works and a number of substantial excerpts were printed 
by Winterfeld in the third volume of Johannes Gabrieli und sein Zeitalter (Berlin, 3 vols., 
1834); six motets by Heinrich Besseler and Christiane Engelbrecht in Das Chorwerk, 
x (1931) and Ixvii (1958); there are numerous separate reprints. On the motets see 
Winterfeld, op. cit. i and ii, Leichtentritt, op. cit., pp. 221 ff., and Denis Arnold, article 
*Gabrieli', Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, iv, particularly cols. 1200 ff. 

* Opera Omnia, i, p. 10, and Einstein, A Short History of Music (London, 5th ed., 
1948), p. 236. 

* Opera Omnia, i, p. 34; Torchi, op. cit. ii, p. 177. . 

* Opera Omnia, i, p. 93; Winterfeld, op. cit. iii, p. 11; Das Chorwerk, x, p. 4. 

* Opera Omnia, i, p. 57; Winterfeld, op. cit. iii, p. 29. 


297 


THE GABRIELIS 


Ex. 110 


' 
ы 
г 
> 
uv 
v 
с 
~ 

, 


Ве -| a 


ni-trix. 


ge - ni- trix 
vir - go 


Ma-ri - 


go 


a passage which follows an opening for three high voices only. The 


*crescendo 


vir - 


ifi- 


is heard at its most dramatic in the twelve-part Magn 


, 


cat! of 1615: 


! Opera Omnia, iv, p. 133. 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


298 


Ex. 111 


PNE 


b] 

Б 
' 

um 

a 
3 


A 


THE GABRIELIS 299 


Lu] ү E) ER I. 
Lë 53 7  —AÀ ү = гү л НА 
вх. [LC-——————————d—L————L————I—£— 
BAY. TI We а 
a A a D 
mr em Regen ST DEER KEEN EEN Deeg emm D ` mg KS 
г Б DEE ER E KEE ТИ] 
a HI — — ——Hi 
[X V 


The indication ‘Capella’ for the middle choir here is explained by 
Praetorius! as meaning chorus vocalis: all parts to be sung, not given 
to instruments. 

It is in this posthumously published Second Book of the Sacrae 
symphoniae that Gabrieli appears most strikingly as an innovator.* 
The First Book had been described as ‘tam vocibus quam instru- 
mentis', but the instrumental parts are not differentiated from the 
vocal and one need only compare the Magnificat primi toni of 1597* 
with Ex. 111, or the first few bars of the two settings of *O Jesu mi 
dulcissime', both for two four-part choirs,‘ to see how Gabrieli 
stepped into a new world during the last decade of his life: 


1 Syntagma Musicum, iii (Wolfenbüttel, 1618-19), part 3, ii, p. 133. 

3 See pp. 523-5. 

з Opera Omnia, ii, p. 44; Winterfeld, op. cit., р. 18. 

* 1597 setting in Opera Omnia, i, p. 167; 1615 version, ibid. iii, p. 30, and Das Chor- 
werk, x, p. 20. 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


300 


Ex 112 


à) pub. 1597 


- si - me 


dul - cis - 


Gi) pub. 1615 


t 
ER 
a 
1 
Nn 
u 
o 


Je-su mi dul- cis - 


Bassus generalis omitted 


me 


Je- su mi dul-cis - si 


(301) 


(e) EASTERN EUROPE 


By GERALD ABRAHAM 
POLAND 


The Polish historian Zdzistaw Jachimecki dated the “golden age of 
Polish music’ from the foundation of the royal chapel of the Roran- 
tists at Cracow in 1543:! rector, nine chaplain-singers, and clerk, all 
native Poles. Side by side with it existed the king’s private chapel and 
these two bodies were naturally a focus for creative activity. From the 
archives of the Rorantists and an inventory of the music in the royal 
chapel, compiled in 1572,? we know something about their repertories 
which included a great deal of French and Italian music; the royal 
chapel possessed motets and psalms by Willaert, Rore, and Phinot, 
and Masses by Gombert and Morales; the Rorantists sang Gombert, 
Certon, Cadéac, Goudimel, Sermisy, Lassus, Victoria, Giovanelli and, 
above all, Palestrina. But native compositions were not neglected; the 
Rorantist repertory included music by Sebastjan z Felsztyna,? Marcin 
Leopolita (c. 1540-c. 1589), royal compositor cantus from 1560 to 
about 1564, Tomasz Szadek (c. 1550-c. 1611), who entered the 
royal chapel in 1569 but left it for the Rorantists six years later, 
and later still became a vicarius of the cathedral, and such minor 
figures as Krzysztof Borek,Walentyn Gawara, and Marcin Paligonus. 

By Leopolita we have a five-part ‘Missa paschalis'* or ‘Missa de 
resurrectione', which has the distinction of being the earliest complete 
setting of the Ordinary by a Polish composer that has survived. It is 
based on four Polish Easter songs, three of them really German in 
origin—for the most part on ‘Chrystus Pan zmartwychwstał’ (Christ 
the Lord has risen from the dead) which opens every movement except 
the Benedictus—which also appear together in a pseudo-plainsong 
Credo ("Patrem super Christus jam surrexit") found in Polish sources 
of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The style is late Nether- 
land, with much close imitation: see, for instance, the opening of the 
Kyrie5 The Agnus Dei I (repeated as III) is in six parts: the only 


1 See Vol. Ш, p. 301, and Adolf Chybitiski, Materiały do dziejów królewskiej kapeil 
rorantystów na Wawelu, i: 1540-1624 (Cracow, 1910). (The edict of foundation dated 
from 1540 but the chapel did not actually come into being till three years later.) 

* Printed by Chybitiski, Kwartalnik Muzyczny, i (1912), p. 253. 

3 See Vol. III, p. 301. 

* Published by Józef Surzyński, Monumenta musices sacrae in Polonia, iii (Poznań, 
1889), and Hieronim Feicht, Wydawnictwo dawnej muzyki polskiej, xxxv (Cracow, 
1957). See also Feicht, *O mszy wielkanocnej Marcina Leopolity', Kwartalnik Muzyczny, 
vi-vii (1930), p. 109. 

5 Quoted from Surzyüski in Oxford History of Music, ii (Oxford, 1905), p. 302; the 
pitch should be a fourth higher. 


302 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


piece of Polish six-part polyphony that has come down to us from 
the sixteenth century. Two other Masses by Leopolita, a ‘Missa 
Rorate’ and another ‘Missa de resurrectione’, are lost and his motets 
have been preserved only in organ transcription.! 

Szadek’s two Masses, ‘Officium Dies est laetitiae" and ‘Officium 
in melodiam moteti Pisneme ? (i.e. ‘Puis ne me peult venir’, perhaps 
by Créquillon who also wrote a Mass on it), dated respectively 1578 
and 1580 on the manuscripts, are both four-part works. The former, 
a canto fermo Mass with the theme in long note-values in the first bass, 
was written specifically for the Rorantists whose choir was limited to 
men's voices; the Agnus is missing. 

A more notable figure than Szadek or even Leopolita was the rather 
earlier Waclaw z Szamotul (Szamotulczyk, Szamotulski) (c. 1526- 
c. 1560),* who entered the royal chapel on 6 May 1547 pro componista 
only to leave it eight years later for the court of *Black' Michael 
Radziwilt, the Protestant wojewoda of Lithuania, at Vilna, where he 
remained for the rest of his short life. At Vilna Waclaw turned from 
Latin church music to the composition of religious songs with Polish 
words. We must estimate his stature not so much from his surviving 
compositions as from contemporary esteem and the fact that two of 
his four-part psalm-motets were published by Berg and Neuber at 
Nuremberg—- In te Domine speravi” in Psalmorum selectorum . . . . 
tomus quartus (1554) and ‘ Ego sum pastor bonus” in Thesaurus musicus 
(1564)—side by side with the work of the greatest French and Nether- 
land masters. Even his reputed masterpiece, the eight-part Mass 
probably composed for the wedding of King Sigismund Augustus in 
1553, is lost, together with other works mentioned in the inventory 
of 1572; of his Lamentations, published at Cracow in 1553, only the 
tenor part has survived; another motet, *Nunc scio vere', has been 
preserved only in organ tablature. Yet from what little we have of 

1 Facsimile of * Cibavit eos’ in tablature in Zygmunt Szweykowski (ed.), Z dziejów pol- 
skiej kultury muzycznej — 1: Kultura staropolska (Cracow, 1957), facing p. 97. 

* Published by Feicht, Wydawnictwo, xxxiii (Cracow, n.d.) 

з Published by Surzyüski, Monumenta, i (Poznań, 1885); first Kyrie in Oxford 
History of Music, ii, p. 305. 

* See Chybifiski, ‘Wacław z Szamotuł’, Kwartalnik Muzyczny, xxi-xxiv (1948), 
nos. 21/22, p. 11; 23, р. 7; 24, p. 100, and ʻO motetach Wacława 2 Szamotul’, 
Przegląd Muzyczny (Poznań, 1929), no. 3; also H. Przybylski, Wacław z Szamotul, 
nadworny kompozytor króla Zygmunta Augusta (Szamotuly, 1935). 

5 The earliest Polish composition to be published outside the country. Reprinted by 
‘Maria Szczepańska and Henryk Opieriski, Wydawnictwo, ix (Warsaw, 1930), and by 
Józef Chomitski and Zofia Lissa in Music of the Polish Renaissance (Cracow, 1955), 
p. 234. 

© Reprinted by Surzyüiski, Monumenta, ii (1887); opening in Oxford History of 
Music, ii, p. 304. 


303 


Waclaw’s music! one can see, for instance, from the long flowing lines 


of ‘In te Domine speravi’: 


POLAND 


| 


tu-a 


mee ` E D E | 


sti- ti- a 


ra 
In ju 
- sti-ti- a 


ju 


in 


Do - mi- ne spe - 


Ex. 113 


(i) 


this volume lists the works 


1 Complete list of works in Szweykowski, op. cit., p. 280; 


of all the composers mentioned in this section. 


304 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


in ju - sti - ti- a tu-a li - be-ra me, 


me, li - be - ra me in ju- 


that he deserved his contemporary reputation. 

Although Waclaw is said to have introduced melodic material from 
Polish devotional songs in his motets—for instance, the phrase ‘In 
justitia tua libera me' in Ex. 113 (ii), borrowed from a Christmas 
song!—his style is essentially late Netherland. Poland at this period, 
unlike Russia, only recently freed from *the Tatar yoke', and unlike 
Hungary, under the Turkish heel since Mohács (1526), belonged in 
every respect to the European cultural community; she even had her 
Protestant minority. The general style of Polish church music was that 
of Catholic church music all over the Continent and, as the Franco- 
Flemish style became Italianized generally, Italian influence became 
strong in Poland.? At the end of the century, beside the conservative 
works of Gawara and Paligonus, we find the Silesian Johannes Polo- 
nus (Hans Pohle) publishing Cantiones aliquot piae (1590) in the 
Roman style. Roman influence reached its height under the fanatically 
Catholic Sigismund III who, having moved his capital and the court 
chapel from Cracow to Warsaw, persuaded Marenzio in 1595-6 to 
come there, giving him Polish nobility and offering a handsome 
salary. Marenzio appears not to have stayed very long or to have 
become master of the royal chapel; indeed it is not clear whether 
Sigismund's first master of the chapel, the composer Krzysztof 
Klabon, held the post till 1603 or whether he was succeeded in 1595 
by Alessandro Cilli; but from 1603 to 1623 the chapel was directed 
by Asprilio Pacelli? who was succeeded by Giovanni Francesco 
Anerio, and he in turn in 1628 by Marco Scacchi who held the post 
for twenty years. 

In a collection of Melodiae sacrae made by the Roman Vincentius 
Lilius (Vincenzo Gigli) published at Cracow in 1604, consisting 

1 Zdzisław Jachimecki, Historja muzyki polskiej (Warsaw, 1920), p. 55. 

3 Jachimecki, Wplywy wloskie w muzyce polskiej — I: 1540-1640 (Cracow, 1911). 

* Mateusz Glifiski, Asprilio Pacelli, insigne maestro di cappella alla corte di Polo- 
nia, (Rome, 1941). Glifiski has also edited a complete edition of Pacelli’s works (Rome, 


POLAND 305 


almost entirely of compositions by Italian members of the court 
chapel, one work by a Pole, Andrzej Staniczewski's ‘Beata es virgo 
Maria', suggests Venetian influence; only three parts have survived 
but they suffice to show that it was an eight-part piece for double 
chorus. And it is clear, not only from the nature of the other pieces 
in this collection and of Pacelli's work, that the king himself favoured 
the brilliant Venetian polychoral style; Sigismund even tried to entice 
Giovanni Gabrieli to Warsaw. It is possible also that the king per- 
suaded the Primate of Poland to send his organist and choirmaster 
Mikolaj Zielenski to Venice to study with Gabrieli; at any rate 
Zielefiski published in Venice in 1611 two great collections of Offer- 
toria totius anni and Communiones totius anni,! in eight part-books and 
partitura pro organo, which entitle him to be considered one of the 
outstanding masters of early baroque church music. His twelve-part 
Magnificat? is worthy to stand beside Victoria's, Giovanni Gabrieli's, 
and Merulo's. All the pieces in the first collection—forty-four Offer- 
tories, two Communions, nine motets, and the Magnificat—are for 
two choirs, except the Magnificat which is for three. In eight numbers 
trombones are indicated; the partitura pro organo is not a continuo 
part but gives the unfigured bass and highest voice of each choir: thus 
at the beginning of the Magnificat? (see Ex. 114). : 
The Communiones are much more varied in style; they include 15 
solos for various voices; 8 duets (soprano and bass); 40 pieces in late- 
sixteenth-century style for from three to seven voices, some with, 
some without, instruments in addition to the organ, and with a con- 
siderable amount of written-out ornamentation; and three instru- 
mental fantasias, the earliest known Polish examples of this genre. 
‘In monte Oliveti’ and ‘Domus теа“ are good examples of the older 
style. But even the solo pieces are not true monodies like those among 


1 Full titles and complete lists of contents in Grove's Dictionary (5th ed., London, 
1954), ix, pp. 415-16. For the Offertoria, see Zielenski, Opera Omnia (ed. Władysław 
Malinowski), i-iii (Warsaw, 1966- ); about a dozen pieces from the Communiones are 
available in Surzyüiski, op. cit. i and ii; ed. Chybifiski, B. Rutkowski, and Szczepańska, 
Wydawnictwo, xii, xxxi, xxxvi, xli, and xlv; and ed. W. Gieburowski in Cantica selecta 
musices sacrae in Polonia (Poznan, 1928). Surzynski also printed one of the two ‘Haec 
dies’ motets complete in his article *Ueber alte polnische Kirchenkomponisten und 
deren Werke', Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, v (1890), p. 67. 

з See particularly Szczepańska, ‘О dwunastoglosowem Magnificat Mikołaja Zieleń- 
skiego z r.'1611”, Polski Rocznik Muzykologiczny, i (1935), p. 28; and for biographical 
correction, J. J. Dunicz, ‘Do biografji Mikołaja Zielehskiego’, in the Rocznik for the 
following year, p. 95. Dunicz points out that Zieleüski's visit to Venice is purely hypo- 
thetical. 

3 The small notes show the inner voice-parts omitted from the organ-score, which is 
of course wordless, The original edition abounds in inaccuracies: see facsimile, Jachi- 
mecki, Historja, p. 82. 

4 Published in Surzyüski, Monumenta, ii, and Wydawnictwo, xxxi, respectively. 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


306 


(Note-values halved) 


Ex. 114 


' 
o 
a 


Do - mi-num, a-ni-ma| me - a 


PRIMUS 
CHORUS 
SECUNDUS 
CHORUS 


А - ni-ma [mea Do 


TERTIUS 
CHORUS 


| 
| 


" 


sul -|ta - 


ex- 


POLAND 307 


Viadana’s concerti; the organ part is fully written out and the vocal 
line is part, if an ornamented part, of a polyphonic complex; the 
opening of the Communion ‘Si consurrexistis" may be quoted as 
typical: 


After Zielehski, Polish music lay for some time becalmed under the 
Italian ascendancy. Of the members of the royal chapel, Adam 
Jarzebski (before 1590-1648), a man of all-round talents, violinist, 
architect, poet, composed only instrumental music, Franciszek Lilius 
(c. 1600-57), choirmaster of the cathedral at Cracow from 1630, 
was the son of Vincentius Lilius (cf. supra, p. 304) and therefore at 
least half-Italian, though he published devotional songs with Polish 
words as well as composing Latin service music;? and the music of 
Scacchi's successor, Bartlomiej Pekiel (d. 1670) belongs to a later 
period. The most considerable church composer of the period between 
Zielenski and Pekiel was Marcin Mielczewski (d. 1651), known to 
have been a member of the Rorantist chapel at Cracow in 1617, later 
a member of the court chapel and in 1643 composer to Ladislas IV; 


* Wydawnictwo, xxxvi. 2 A motet, ibid. xl. 


308 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


practically nothing of his fairly copious output was printed in his own 
day and very little has been published since. The great bulk of it 
consists of a cappella Masses and psalm-motets but he also wrote a 
dozen or so solo concerti and motetti concertati! with independent 
instrumental introductions—styled symfonia or sonata according to 
the length—and accompaniments. One of these, ‘Deus in nomine 
tuo', for bass solo, two violins, bassoon, and basso continuo, was 
published in the collection Jesu Hilf! Erster Theil Geistlicher Kon- 
certen (Berlin, 1659).? Some of the motetti concertati are scored for 
impressive forces: for instance, * Benedictio et claritas’? for six voices, 
two violins, four trombones, and continuo, * Audite et admiramini’ 
for eight vocal and six instrumental parts.* 


BOHEMIA 


Although just as closely integrated with the culture of Western 
Christendom as Poland was, Bohemia at this period made a much less 
valuable musical contribution— particularly in the field of Catholic 
church music. For this there were two reasons. Protestantism, both 
Hussite and Lutheran, struck much deeper roots in Bohemia than it 
ever did in Poland. And the election in 1526 of a Habsburg prince 
(Ferdinand I) to the Bohemian throne led to a fatal identity or near- 
identity of king and emperor; the king of Bohemia was either Holy 
Roman Emperor or heir to the Emperor and usually preferred Vienna 
or Innsbruck to Prague. Ferdinand I founded a court chapel at 
Prague in 1564 but filled it almost entirely with Netherlanders.5 The 
art-loving Rudolf Us preference for Prague as a residence gave it a 
period of unexampled musical brilliance during his reign (1576-1612); 
the Imperial Court Chapel spent much of its time there, yet the pres- 
ence of such masters as Philippe de Monte, Jacobus Kerle, Regnart, 
Luython, and Gallus (Handl) proved even more oppressive to native 
talent than the contemporary Italian ascendancy at the court of 
Sigismund III. 

Nevertheless, there was native talent and, although most of it was 
employed in the service of the Protestant churches or the Bohemian 

1 See Chybinski, ‘O koncertach wokalno-instrumentalnych Marcina Mielczewskiego ', 
Kwartalnik Muzyczny, i (1928), p. 34, ii (1929), p. 144, iii (1929), p. 246, v (1929), p. 10, 
viii (1930), p. 306. 

з Reprinted by Chybifiski and Sikorski, Wydawnictwo, ii. Two of Mielczewski’s 
instrumental canzoni have been published in the same series, vi and xxix, and his * Ves- 
perae dominicales', ibid. xlii. 

* Berlin, Deutsche Bibl., Mus. MS. 30184, fo. 119. 


* Danzig, Bibl. miejska MS. Cath. q. 7 (nr. 2). 
5 Walter Senn, Musik und Theater am Hof zu Innsbruck (Innsbruck, 1954), pp. 65 ff. 


BOHEMIA 309 


Brothers, a certain amount of Latin church music was written by 
Czech composers. Thus Jiří Rychnovský (c. 1545-1616), whose works 
consist for the most part of Czech motets, also left a * Missa super 
Maria Magdalena' and the same manuscript! contains a four-part 
Officium *Dunaj, voda hluboká', of which all five movements are 
based on a (now lost) Czech song as canto fermo.? This has been 
attributed to Jan Trojan Turnovsky,? who similarly based his Czech 
motets on national songs and published three-part arrangements of 
Czech devotional songs in 1577. Jan Simonides Montanus (d. 1587) 
essayed eight-part composition and Pavel Spongopaeus Jistebnicky 
(fl. c. 1598) eight-part double choruses in Venetian style in his Office 
settings. A more substantial figure than any of these, and the most 
considerable Czech master of late sixteenth-century polyphony, was 
the Catholic nobleman Kryštof Harant z Polžic (1564-1621)* who in 
his youth spent eight years (1576-84) at the court of Innsbruck, where 
he studied singing and counterpoint with Gerhard van Roo, a member 
of the Hofkapelle. Harant wasa man of many parts: humanist, soldier, 
politician, and traveller. In 1608 he published an account of his travels 
in the Middle East* with many observations on the music of the 
eastern peoples and a musical supplement in the form of a six-part 
motet, “Ош confidunt in Domino', which he had written in Jerusalem 
ten years earlier. Harant, like other Czech nobles of the time, notably 
Vilém and Petr z Rožmberka, maintained a private chapel of his own 
at his castle of Pecka. He enjoyed the favour of Rudolf II and 
Matthias, but went over to the Utraquists (moderate Hussites), took 
the patriotic side against Ferdinand II, and after the Battle of the 
White Mountain was imprisoned and executed on 21 June 1621 with 
the other Czech leaders. 

Although he was an amateur, there is nothing amateurish about the 
few compositions by him which survive complete, of which the most 


1 Prague, Národní a universitní knihovna, XI B 1. Two passages from an Office, 
*super Vias tuas Domine', dated 6 July 1577, in the same manuscript, possibly Rych- 
novsky's work, are printed in Jitka SníZkova, Musica Polyphonica Bohemiae (Prague, 
1958), pp. 52 and 53; the Introit ‘Gaudeamus omnes’ celebrates ‘Sanctus Johannes 
Hus'. A simple, mainly note-against-note motet by Rychnovsky, * Decantabat populus’, 
is printed ibid., p. 50. 

з Kyrie printed in Jaroslav Pohanka, Déjiny české hudby v prikladech (Prague, 1958), 
p. 49. 

з See Karel Konrad, Déjiny posvátneho zpěvu staročeského od 15. věku do zruseni 
literátskych bratrstev (Prague, 1893), p. 248. 

* See Rudolf Quoika, ‘Christoph Harant von Polschitz und seine Zeit’, Die Musik- 
forschung, vii (1954), p. 414. 

* Republished by K. J. Erben in 1854. 

* Reprinted by Karel Stecker (Prague, 1910) and by Jifí Berkovec in his complete 
edition of Harant's compositions, including the fragments (Prague, 1956), p. 25. 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—1 


310 


fieri tormenti', published in Weissensee's Opus melicum (Magdeburg, 
Ex. 116 


important is a five-part Mass on Marenzio's madrigal‘ Dolorosi martir, 
1602).! The style is not far removed from that of Marenzio himself: 


ы 
o 
~ 


Et 


nae vo-lun-ta 
mus te, 


nae vo-lun-ta 


bo - 
bo - 


do 


a 
- cı-mus 
A do 
1 The Mass was reprinted in original notation by Zdeněk Nejedlý, Časopis Českého 


musea (1905); there are editions in modern notation by J. C. Sychra (Prague, 1910) and 
Berkovec, op. cit., p. 45. The *Qui tollis' is printed in Pohanka, op. cit., p. 54. 


be - ne-di - ci 
be - ne-di - 


Bara 


BOHEMIA 311 


but Czech critics also detect in it the melodic influence of Czech 
popular devotional song ‘for it is close to the contrapuntal tradition 
of the Czech polyphonic school of the late sixteenth century (Trojan 
Turnovsky)’,! that is to say, less richly complicated than that of the 
Netherlanders, Italians, or English. 

Extreme simplicity also marks some of the earlier Czech essays in 
the ‘new style’: for instance the Magnificat of Jan Sixt z Lerchenfelsu 
(d. 1629), printed at Litoměřice in 1626.2 In his youth Sixt had sung 
in the court chapel of Rudolf II; later he became court chaplain and 
held various appointments in Prague, and was finally dean of the 
cathedral at Litoméfice. As a staunch Catholic, he celebrated the 
Habsburg victory at the White Mountain in a Te Deum and Magnifi- 
cat. In the latter? the short phrases of a soprano voice supported by 
three viols are continually responded to by a choir cum tubis et organis, 
all in the simplest possible four-part harmony. 


1 Jan Racek, Česká hudba (Prague, 1958), p. 76. 
2 Cf. Robert Haas, ‘Ein leitmeritzer Musikdruck von 1626’, Auftakt, iii (1923), 


p. 106. 
® Opening printed in Pohanka, op. cit., p. 74. 


VI 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE 
CONTINENT—2 


THE PERFECTION OF THE A CAPPELLA STYLE 
By HENRY COATES AND GERALD ABRAHAM 


THE final perfection of the a cappella ‘Netherland’ style in church 
music was reached in the work of four composers: Palestrina 
(c. 1525-94), Lassus (1532-94), de Monte (1521-1603), and Victoria 
(c. 1548-1611) (whose work is discussed in the next chapter). 
Although there are numerous passages in their music which might 
pass for the work of any one of them, each shows an unmistak- 
able individuality within the common style, the almost universal 
language of European church music of the late sixteenth century. 
Palestrina and Victoria achieved a mystic impersonality, with utmost 
smoothness of counterpoint; Lassus is always more personal, more 
vivid and realistic; de Monte often reflects in his work a genial vigour 
and simple serenity. 

These men lived very different lives, a fact which had some influence 
in shaping their musical destinies. Palestrina's was spent almost en- 
tirely in Rome, in daily association with its great churches, though he 
seems to have felt the need for some counterpoise to ecclesiastical 
routine, in later life eagerly entering into commerce, managing his 
second wife's furriery business, buying and selling property. Lassus as 
a young man travelled far and wide in Europe, even (according to 
one source)? visiting England. His stay in Rome, where he was for a 
time master of the music at St. John Lateran (1553-5), undoubtedly 
had a considerable influence on his style, which assimilated so much 
from the Italian madrigal. De Monte is known to have stayed in 
England (as the only Netherlander in Philip 11° Spanish chapel)* in 
1554—5; both he and Lassus eventually settled down at secular courts. 


1 Op the date of Lassus’s birth, see Charles Van den Borren ‘En quelle année Rol. de 
Lattre est-il né?' Bulletin de la société Union musicologique, vi (1925), p. 51. 

2 Samuel Quickelberg, ‘Orlandus Lassus’, in H. Pantaleon, Prosopographia heroum 
... totius Germaniae (Basle, 1565-6), iii, p. 541. 

3 Raffaele Casimiri, Orlando di Lasso, maestro di cappella al Laterano nel 1553 (Rome, 
1920). 

* See G. Van Doorslaer, La Vie et les euvres de Philippe de Monte (Brussels, 1921), 
р, 6. 


THE PALESTRINA STYLE 313 
THE PALESTRINA STYLE 


The ultimate refinements of the a cappella polyphonic style are to 
be found in the more mature works of Palestrina. Asa Roman church 
musician he inherited a tradition of smoothness, euphony, and un- 
adventurousness from both native Italians such as Costanzo Festa, 
a member of the Sistine Chapel from 1517 till his death in 1545, and 
Italianized Netherlanders like Arcadelt, master of the Chapel from 
1539 or 1540 to 1545 and again 1547-52: cf. the opening of Arcadelt’s 
five-part motet *O sacrum convivium':! 


It may be mentioned in passing that a similar style was employed 
in Florence at the same period by Verdelot and Corteccia, and in 
Mantua by Jachet.? The characteristics of Palestrina's later style are 
smoothness of the contrapuntal strands (with a marked partiality for 
movement by step), their essentially melodic character, and their com- 
parative simplicity as compared with the earlier, more florid style 
exhibited by himself and his predecessors in the liturgical field. Always 
a supreme craftsman, he used all the devices of counterpoint—such 
as canon and fugue—with the greatest of ease and skill, in his later 
days, however, showing a preference for a style of free melodic imita- 
tion. Harmonically this is based upon the concord of three notes, 
with a smooth systematization of the embellishments—carefully pre- 
pared suspensions, passing and auxiliary notes— which constitute the 


1 Reprinted by Maldeghem, Tresor musical, xx (Brussels, 1884), p. 3; three Masses are 
published in Jacobi Arcadelt Opera Omnia, i (American Institute of Musicology, 1965), 
ed. Albert Seay. For Festa's Masses, see his Opera Omnia, i (American Institute of 
Musicology, 1962), ed. Alexander Main. Motets by Festa have been reprinted by Torchi, 
L'arte musicale in Italia, i (Milan, 1897), p. 49, by E. Dagnino in Monumenta Polyphoniae 
Italicae, ii (Rome, 1936)—a collection of fifteen motets, two hymns, and a Magnificat — 
and separately by Bank (Amsterdam, n.d.). Three volumes of little-known Italian church 
music of the first half of the century have been published by Knud Jeppesen, Jtalia Sacra 
Musica (Copenhagen, 1962). 

* On Verdelot, see p. 276, n. 5. Torchi gives Corteccia's five-part ' Benedictus Domi- 
nus’, op. cit. i, p. 121. Jaquet or Jachet of Mantua, a Frenchman, has often been 
confused with other composers of the same name (see K. Huber, ‘Die Doppelmeister des 
16. Jh.’, Sandberger-Festschrift (Munich, 1918), p. 170; on wrongly ascribed reprints see 
Gustave Reese, Music in the Renaissance (London, 1954), footnotes on pp. 366-8. His 
four-part missa parodia ' Quam pulchra es’ (Paris, 1554) has been reprinted by Bank. 


314 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


contrapuntal movement. The play of rhythms is almost solely governed 
by the relationship of one note to another in time value, one phrase to 
another in balance; this produces a constantly varying rhythmic ten- 
sion, tightening or slackening according to the musical or aesthetic 
requirements of the moment. Such a delicate poise of rhythmic accents 
gives the feeling of equilibrium, the sense of repose rather than of 
movement forward, the lightness of textural effect which are the marks 
of the finest work of the period. Another characteristic of the Pales- 
trinian style is the subtle rhythmic variation of the motives as they 
pass from one voice to another, thus giving a soft richness to the 
sonorities.! But Palestrina's artistic stature is much more than that of 
a master of technique: it represents in its finest aspects a quality of 
liturgical music such as no other composer has ever surpassed. He 
was almost purely a church composer, and it is easy to understand 
why his music has been generally regarded as a model of church style, 
so perfectly does it fit and adorn the sacred text. His art has its roots 
deep in the liturgical soil, the Gregorian chant which is used not 
merely as a canto fermo against which to weave elaborate counter- 
point: its contours are infused into every one of the contrapuntal 
strands. As Richard Wagner expressed it,? Palestrina's music gives 
us “а picture almost as timeless as it is spaceless, a spiritual revelation 
throughout that rouses unspeakable emotion, as it brings us nearer 
than aught else to a notion of the essential nature of religion’. 


PALESTRINA'S MASSES 


It is in his 105 Masses that Palestrina's genius soars to its highest 
point.? His design for the Mass as shown in his later works is to treat 
the Credo mostly as a majestic declamation, the Gloria and Sanctus 


1 Among the most important studies of the ‘Palestrina style’ in general are: Karl 
Gustav Fellerer, Der Palestrinastil und seine Bedeutung in der vokalen Kirchenmusik des 
18. Jahrhunderts (Augsburg, 1929) and Palestrina (Ratisbon, 1930; rev. and enlarged ed. 
Düsseldorf, 1960); Knud Jeppesen, Der Palestrinastil und die Dissonanz (Leipzig, 1925; 
2nd Eng. ed., rev., The Style of Palestrina and the Dissonance, Copenhagen and London, 
1946); H. K. Andrews, An Introduction to the Technique of Palestrina (London, 1958). 

* *Beethoven', Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen (4th ed., Leipzig, 1907), ix, p. 61. 
Quoted here in Edward Dannreuther's translation. 

з On the Masses, see particularly Peter Wagner, Geschichte der Messe (Leipzig, 1913), 
pp. 432 ff.; Fellerer, Palestrina, passim; Gustave Reese, Music in the Renaissance 
(London, 1954), pp. 469 ff.; Joseph Samson, Palestrina ou la Poésie de l'exactitude 
(Geneva, 1940); Johannes Klassen, “Untersuchungen zur Parodiemesse Palestrinas’, 
Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, xxxvii (1953), p. 53, ‘Die Parodieverfahren in der Messe 
Palestrinas’, ibid. xxxviii (1954), p. 24, ‘Zur Modellbehandlung in Palestrinas Parodie- 
messen’, ibid. xxxix (1955), p. 41; Knud Jeppesen, ‘The Recently Discovered Mantova 
Masses of Palestrina’, Acta Musicologica, xxii (1950), p. 36; and * Pierluigi da Palestrina, 


PALESTRINA’S MASSES 315 


as hymns of praise, the Kyrie, Benedictus, and Agnus Dei in a motet- 
like and more lyrical style. Homophony largely prevails in both Credo 
and Gloria; in the others the polyphonic strands generally show more 
movement, especially in the Sanctus. 

The Masses naturally vary in merit, but a large proportion of them 
are certainly masterpieces. As Palestrina spent the whole of his life in 
the service of three Roman basilicas—St. Peter's, Santa Maria Mag- 
giore, and St. John Lateran—doubtless some of his Masses and 
motets had to be hastily written to order for special occasions. One 
may recall the story told by Baini,! that in 1585 Palestrina hurriedly 
composed a motet and parody Mass ‘Tu es pastor ovium"? as an 
offering to a newly elected Pope (Sixtus V); the latter is said to have 
remarked that the music hardly lived up to the standard of the ‘Papae 
Marcelli’, and there may have been some truth in this, for Palestrina 
himself withheld the music from publication, and his son Iginio has 
been criticized for bringing it out soon after his father's death. The 
Masses differ not only in quality but in style, according to the liturgi- 
cal needs they serve, from those written for the great festivals of the 
Church to those of smaller calibre for everyday use. To the former 
class belong the great works in eight and six parts, to the latter those 
in four parts. Palestrina’s first published work, Missarum . . . liber 
primus, appeared at Rome in 1554, when he was about twenty-nine 
years of age. As he brought out this publication, and most of his later 
ones, at his own expense he may have had to wait until he could afford 
to do it. We may therefore hazard a guess that part, at least, of the 
contents of this book had been written some years previously: for 
example the Mass ‘Ecce sacerdos magnus’,® no doubt a youthful act 
of homage to his patron the Bishop of Palestrina, who, elevated to 
the See of St. Peter as Julius III in 1551, soon appointed the composer 
as maestro di cappella of the Cappella Giuliana. (The whole volume 
of Masses is dedicated to Julius III.) This is an old-fashioned canto 
fermo Mass on the melody of the Vespers antiphon for the feast of a 


Herzog Guglielmo Gonzaga und die neugefundenen Mantovaner-Messen Palestrinas’, 
Acta Musicologica, xxv (1953), p. 132; Wilhelm Widmann, ‘Motette und Messe “Dies 
sanctificatus" von Palestrina', Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, xxi (1908), p. 77, and 
*Sechsstimmige Messen Palestrinas', ibid. xxv (1930), p. 94, xxvi (1931), p. 59, xxvii 
(1932), p. 110, xxviii (1933), p. 10; Michael Hallez, ‘Analyse der Missa “О admirabile 
commercium" von G. P. da Palestrina', ibid. ix (1894), p. 69. 

1 Giuseppe Baini, Memorie storico-critiche della vita e dell'opere di Giovanni P. da 
Palestrina (2 vols., Rome, 1828), ii, p. 160. 

* Werke, ed. F. Espagne, F. X. Haberl, and others (33 vols., Leipzig, 1862-97), vi, 
p. 21, and xvi, p. 85. Lavinio Virgili, Knud Jeppesen, and Lino Bianchi: Opere com- 
plete, ed. Raffaele Casimiri (Rome, 1939—  ), Mass only, xxiii, p. 115. 

3 Werke, x, p. 3; Opere complete, i, p. 1. 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


316 


confessor. It constantly recurs, sung in long notes to the original 


words: 


Ex. 18 


di 


- ta mun - 


lis pec - ca 


(Note-values halved) 


the two 


The third Agnus Dei is purely ‘Netherland’ in its ingenuity, 


higher voices singing in tempus perfectum minor, the tenor in tempus 
perfectum major, and the bass in tempus imperfectum and prolatio 


PALESTRINA’S MASSES 317 


perfecta. Comparison with such a Mass as the 'Aeterna Christi 
munera',;! written some thirty or more years later, will show how 
very far Palestrina's style developed. 


THE ‘MISSA PAPAE MARCELLI 


Palestrina's patron, Julius III, was succeeded in 1555 by Marcellus 
II, who died only a few weeks after his elevation to the Holy See. On 
the third day of his very brief pontificate (Good Friday, 12 April) he 
summoned to his presence the Papal choir, of which Palestrina at 
this time was a member, and commanded that in future the music for 
Good Friday should be more in character with the solemnity of the 
day. The sudden death of the Pontiff soon afterwards may have 
deepened the impression made by his speech, and it is reasonable to 
assume that Palestrina later resolved to commemorate the Pope by 
writing a Mass which endeavoured to put into practice the latter's 
precepts. Although there may be no truth in Baini's story? that the 
‘Missa Papae Marcelli’ ‘saved church music’, the Council of Trent's 
recommendations in 1562, and the ensuing sittings of the commission 
of cardinals in Rome, had their influence upon composers, and 
modern research suggests that the Mass does date from this period.? 
The Council's recommendations* amplified Marcellus's audiri atque 
percipi, by insisting upon the essential requirements for church music: 
dignity and restraint, the exclusion of secular tunes, and textual clarity 
with no troping. Composers, indeed, began to advertise their church 
music as fulfilling these precepts. At St. Peter's, Giovanni Animuccia 
issued Masses and motets described by him as ‘seconda la forma del 
Concilio di Trento’ (Rome, 1567). Vincenzo Ruffo at Milan fol- 
lowed suit with similar works ‘composto secondo la riforma del 
Concilio Tridentino'.5 Costanzo Porta at Ravenna says much the 


1 Werke, xiv, p. 1; Opere complete, xv, p. 1. * Op. cit. i, pp. 216 ff. 

з See Jeppesen, * Marcellus-Probleme', Acta Musicologica, xvi-xvii (1944-5), p. 11. 

* See Karl Weinmann, Das Konzil von Trient und die Kirchenmusik (Leipzig, 1919); 
K. G. Fellerer, ‘Church Music and the Council of Trent', Musical Quarterly, xxxix 
(1953), p. 576; Lewis H. Lockwood, ‘Vincenzo Ruffo and Musical Reform after the 
Council of Trent’, Musical Quarterly, xliii (1957), p. 342; Hermann Beck, ‘Das Konzil 
von Trent und die Probleme der Kirchenmusik', Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, xlviii 
(1964), p. 108. Haberl’s ‘Die Kardinalskommission von 1564 und Palestrina's Missa 
Papae Marcelli’, Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, vii (1892), p. 82, is valuable but needs 
correction from later studies. 

5 The Kyrie and Gloria from Animuccia's Mass *Conditor alme siderum" in this 
volume are printed by Torchi, op. cit. i (Milan, 1897), pp. 159 and 165. 

* Robert J. Snow has published a ‘Missa sine nomine' from Ruffo's third book of 
Masses (surviving only in its second edition, Brescia, 1580) (Cincinnati, 1958); Gloria 
and Credo from the same book in Torchi, op. cit., pp. 193 and 197. On Ruffo, see Lock- 
wood, op. cit., and Luigi Torri, * Vincenzo Ruffo, madrigalista e compositore di musica 
sacra del sec. XVI', Rivista musicale italiana, iii (1896), p. 635, and iv (1897), p. 233. 


318 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


same in the preface to his Missarum liber primus (1578). Palestrina, 
without openly making a similar declaration, stated, in the preface 
to his Second Book of Masses (Rome, 1567)! (which includes the 
‘Papae Marcelli") that he had ‘endeavoured to adorn the Mass with 
music of a new order in accordance with the views of the most serious 
and religious-minded persons in high places’. 

The ‘Missae Papae Marcelli’ has often been spoken of as Pales- 
trina's greatest work. This is perhaps an overstatement of its merits, 
although it must rank among the best of his Masses because of its 
fine proportions and its admirable design. It has also been character- 
ized as austere, a mistaken view of its dignity: solemn it may be, for 
it is perhaps in the nature of an elegy upon the Pope whose name it 
bears. To some extent it does inaugurate a new style on its composer's 
part, a comparatively simple type of contrapuntal writing, sometimes 
note against note, with effects made by skilful grouping and regroup- 
ing of the voices, their various entries and re-entries, thus relying 
more upon vocal colour, refreshing the ear with new combinations. 
The choice of the particular voices to be employed and the use of the 
various registers of those voices became an aesthetic problem which 
Palestrina often solved with remarkable skill. His use of vocal torme- 
colour, indeed, might well be termed choral orchestration. The Christe 
eleison? affords an excellent example: cantus and altus, with the 
second bass, begin, then there are successive entries of first tenor 
parallel with altus, second tenor parallel with first bass. 


Ex 119 


Chri - ste e - lei - - son 


Chri - ste e - lei - - - - - 


1 Reprinted in Werke, xi, and Opere complete, iv. 

з Borrowed from the passage ‘Qui sedes’ in the Gloria of the Mass ` Benedicta es” 
on Josquin's motet, Werke, xxiv, p. 72; Opere complete, xxviii, p. 222: see Jeppesen, 
* Marcellus-Probleme’, pp. 26-27. 


319 


THE ‘MISSA PAPAE MARCELLI 


Another striking instance of this employment of particular tone- 


gratia 


3 


‘Ave Maria 


colour for a special effect is to be found in the 
plena’ for three soprani and tenor.! Here the close texture, as the 


voices enter successively at the same pitch, and the bright vocal tone, 


give a luminous duality to this music, 


which is based upon the 


plainsong melody of the Vespers antiphon for the Feast of the 


Annunciation, sung by the tenor: 


Ex. 120 


! Werke, v, p. 164; Opere complete, xi, p. 63. 


320 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


The ‘Papae Marcelli’ Mass is freely composed, with no plainsong 
basis so far as is known. One motive of the Kyrie: 


Ex 121 


which reappears in the Credo at the words *Patrem omnipotentem', 
in the second Agnus Dei, and elsewhere, happens to be identical with 
* L'homme arme’, but it is very common in Palestrina. 


LATER MASSES 


If the ‘Papae Marcelli’ represents to some extent an experiment, 
it was one that certainly had an influence on Palestrina's future style. 
The exquisite four-part ‘Missa Brevis', published in the third Book 
of Masses (Rome, 1570)? shows, for example, the employment of 
homophonic passages in Gloria and Credo, and the grouping and re- 
grouping of voices. Its thematic material is insignificant; Baini? con- 
jectured that this was taken from Goudimel’s Mass ‘ Audi filia "^ but it 
might have been derived equally well from fragments of plainsong; in- 
deed one or two motives are unquestionably taken from that source. 
But what is most significant is the use made of these short motives: 
for example, the theme with which-the Christe begins seems to be 
employed as a symbol of the Saviour: 


1 See Jeppesen, * Marcellus-Probleme’, pp. 24-25. * Werke, xii; Opere complete, vi. 
* Op. cit. i, p. 363. * See p. 247 and Ex. 91. 


321 


LATER MASSES 


and again in the ‘Crucifixus’ of the Credo: 


In addition to such constructional features, the ‘Missa brevis’ has 


many beauties, 


one of which is the strikingly melodic character of the 


The three-part Benedictus is a movement of exquisite 
delicacy, with decorative counterpoints such as this: 


tenor part 


-mi- ne 


no 


in 


mi - ni, Do - 


Do- 


in 


and the Agnus Dei! founded on a soaring four-note theme, 


the poly- 


phony woven in close imitation, is one of the finest parts of the Mass 


its two cantus parts in canon at the unison, 


The History of Music in Sound (H.M.V.), iv. 


is recorded in 


1 The second Agnus Dei, 


322 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


De - - - - - -i 


The style thus created is continued later in such four-part masses as 
those founded upon the office hymns from which they derive their 
names: ‘Jesu nostra redemptio’,! ‘Iste confessor’, and ‘Aeterna 
Christi munera’,? the last one of the simplest but most perfect ever 
written by Palestrina. It has usually been cited as the most typical 
example of Palestrina’s later style, with its melodic movement smooth 
almost to the point of cloying, and its perfectly balanced part-writing. 
Based on a Matins hymn in Mode XI, identical with the modern 
major mode, it naturally manifests a leaning towards the diatonic. 
Such passages, for instance, as the opening of the Gloria and the 


2 Originally published in the Fourth Book of Masses (Venice, 1582); reprinted in 
Werke, xiii, p. 29; Opere complete, x, p. 30. 

® Both published in the Fifth Book (Rome, 1590); Werke, xiv, pp. 54 and 1; Opere 
complete, xv, pp. 72 and 1. 


LATER MASSES 323 


Sanctus! are undeniably diatonic in feeling, rather than modal, and 
might easily belong to a work written in a later age. 


PALESTRINA'S PARODY MASSES 


Among the Masses in six or more parts there are at least three master- 
pieces besides the * Papae Marcelli’: the rarely beautiful work written 
for the feast of the Assumption, * Assumpta est Maria ’,? the magnificent 
Mass for All Saints, ‘Ecce ego Joannes’, and the festal ‘Laudate 
Dominum’.* The first-named is founded on Palestrina’s own six-part 
motet5 which in turn is based on the antiphon for the day; it is perhaps 
the finest of all his parody Masses. There is some exquisite contra- 
puntal writing, the music being characterized by a delicate brilliance, 
especially remarkable if sung by a choir no larger than that for which 
it was written. This is largely due to two technical effects: the frequent 
employment of the upper registers of the voices, the six parts con- 
sisting of two sopranos, alto, two tenors, and bass, and the frequent 
close weaving and crossing of the parts, particularly between the 
sopranos and the tenors. This last device gives a soft richness to the 
musical texture, as at the end of the Gloria: 


1 Recorded in The History of Music in Sound, iv. 

* Published separately in Rome after 1611, but composed before 1585. Printed in 
Werke, xxiii, p. 97; Opere complete, xxv, p. 209. 

3 First published in 1887 in Werke, xxiv, p. 129; Opere complete, xxix, p. 197. 

* Published posthumously (Venice, 1601); reprinted, Werke, xxii, p. 1; Opere com- 
plete, xxx, p. 1. 

* Opera Omnia, vi, p. 28. 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


324 


The passage should be compared with the brilliant end of the first 


, based: 


part of the motet, on which it is, of course 


cum Chri- sto 


re - gnat 


o 
© 
n 
1 
- 
H 
S 
o 
E 
3 
o 


-sto 


cum Chri 


ae- ter- num, 


PALESTRINA’S PARODY MASSES 325 


There are many other felicitous touches of craftsmanship in this 
Mass. For instance, after the brightness, appropriate to a festal occa- 
sion, of the first Kyrie, there comes a sudden hush at the Christe where 
the four lower voices quietly intone a solemn phrase, as if to remind 
the listener that, after all, this music is a prayer for mercy. 

The similarity in style between the Mass for the Feast of All Saints, 
‘Ecce ego Joannes", and the ‘Missa Papae Marcelli’ has been re- 
marked by more than one commentator. There is the same dignity, 
almost austere in its remote atmosphere, heightened in the former by 
the insistence upon the typical cadences of the Mixolydian mode in 
which it is written. Another resemblance is in the comparatively 
insignificant thematic material, the music making its effect through 
the superb polyphonic texture as a whole. The brilliant festal Mass 
‘Laudate Dominum’ is another parody Mass, based on the eight-part 
motet ‘Laudate Dominum omnes gentes’.! Like the motet, it is written 
- for double choir in eight parts in the Venetian style which Palestrina 
did not adopt until late in life. 

Before leaving the subject of Palestrina's parody Masses, it must 
be pointed out that, despite the Council of Trent and the commission 
of cardinals, he by no means confined himself to liturgical models. 
Apart from posthumously printed works, he published in his lifetime 
not only two * L'homme armé’ Masses (1570 and 1582)? but Masses 
on Domenico Ferrabosco's very popular madrigal ‘Io mi son giovin- 
etta’ (1570), on Leonardo Primavera's madrigal ‘Nasce la gioia mia’ 
(1590),* and on the chanson ‘Je suis désheritée’ (1594).5 *Nasce la 
gioia’ actually appeared with this title but Palestrina was usually more 
cautious; he styled the second, four-part *L'homme arme’ simply 
‘Missa quarta’, ‘Io mi son’, ‘Primi toni'—though the title was be- 
trayed in the Venetian edition of 1599—and ‘Je suis désheritée’, ‘Sine 
nomine’. Moreover he took some care to conceal the model musically. 
For instance, in ‘Io mi son giovinetta’ the two-part passage which— 
hardly varied at all—opens each section of the Mass: 


1 Published in Palestrina’s Motettorum . . . liber secundus (Venice, 1572); reprinted, 
Werke, ii, p. 164; Opere complete, vii, p. 219. 

2 Werke, xii, p. 75, and xiii, p. 45; Opere complete, vi, p. 97 and x, p. 60. 

3 Werke, xii, p. 26; Opere complete, vi, p. 30. This is in four parts; another Mass on 
the same model, in six parts, was published by Haberl in 1892, Werke, xxxii, p. 10. 
Ferrabosco's madrigal is printed in Alfred Einstein, The Italian Madrigal (Princeton, 
1949), iii, p. 56. 

* Opera Omnia, xiv, p. 118; Opere complete, xv, p. 161. 

5 Werke, xv, p. 44; Opere Complete, xxi, p. 52. On the chanson see p. 5; modern 
reprints in Hans Albrecht, Johannes Lupi: Zehn weltliche Lieder (Das Chorwerk, 
xv) (Wolfenbüttel, 1931), p. 6, and Arnold Schering, Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen 
(Leipzig, 1931), p. 115. 


326 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


Ex. 129 Ky-rie e - lei - - - - - - son, 


is not too easily recognizable as a derivation from Ferrabosco's 
opening: 


the madrigal cantus being at first though only at first-—masked by the 
higher part in the Mass. The Christe comes much nearer to Ferra- 
bosco's ‘Io vo per verdi prati’ but the real shock to propriety comes 
in the Credo, where the words ‘Et incarnatus est de Spiritu sancto’ 
are sung to Ex. 130 with hardly a note changed. 


PALESTRINA'S MOTETS 


It has been said that in his motets! Palestrina must yield place to 
Lassus. Taken as a whole they may not have quite the vividness and 
variety, the richness of effect which characterize the latter's motet 
style, yet it might be fairer to say that each had a sphere in which he 
was pre-eminent: Lassus in the setting of texts emphasizing the human 
element, Palestrina in those of a mystical or symbolical character. 
Regarded from this point of view there is nothing by his contemporary 
that can surpass such Palestrina motets as the Epiphany-tide *Surge 
illuminare’,? of apocalyptic grandeur, the Pentecostal ‘Dum comple- 
rentur? full of mystical beauty, the festal eight-part ‘Jubilate Deo'* 
a superb hymn of praise, the lovely Nativity ‘Hodie Christus natus 


1 On the motets, see particularly Hugo Leichtentritt, Geschichte der Motette (Leipzig, 
1908), pp. 147 ff.; Haberl, ‘Die ersten drei Bände der Motetten Palestrina’s’, Kirchen- 
musikalisches Jahrbuch, v (1890), p. 1; Heinrich Rahe, ‘Der Aufbau der Motetten Pales- 
trinas’, ibid. xxxv (1951), p. 54. 

2 Motettorum . . . liber tertius (Venice, 1575); reprinted Werke, iii, p. 134; Opere 
complete, viii, p. 174. 

* Motettorum . . . liber primus (Rome, 1569); reprinted Werke, i, p. 111; Opere com- 
plete, v, p. 149; model for a parody Mass, Werke, xvii, p. 85; Opere complete, xxiv, p. 117. 

* From the Third Book; Werke, iii, p. 160; Opere complete, viii, p. 209. 


PALESTRINA’S MOTETS 327 


est’,! to mention only four of the hundreds of works in motet form 
that came from the pen of the Roman master, composed for the 
manifold liturgical occasions of the church’s year. The texts, chosen 
from the Scriptures or medieval prose and poetry, show a great 
variety of sentiment and there is a corresponding range of style in 
their musical settings, from modest little movements in three or four 
parts to large-scale works for double choirs in the Venetian manner. 
Their thematic origin is sometimes to be found in the plainsong 
melodies associated with the Proper, though they are more often freely 
invented. Naturally we find a more vivid style than that employed in 
the Masses. Instead of unifying themes we generally find that each 
portion of the text, sometimes even a single word, evokes in turn a 
musical idea often symbolical or naively pictorial, as in the six-part 
Nativity motet ‘O magnum mysterium’,? where the ‘O’ is repeated to 
sustained notes by all the voices in turn, thus suggesting a child-like 
wonder and awe at the mystery of the Incarnation. 


In ‘Surge illuminare’ the initial words are illustrated by waves of 
decorative polyphony which spread upwards in voice after voice, 


Ex. 132 
тиши 
Тышын ынануу жан 
е Ж] 

CHORUS I 


! From the Third Book; Werke, iii, p. 155; Opere complete, viii, p. 203; model for a 
Mass, Werke, xxii, p. 40; Opere complete, xxx, p. 59. 

з From the First Book; Werke, i, p. 137; Opere complete, v, p. 184; model for a Mass, 
Werke, xiii, p. 110; Opere complete, x, p. 150. 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


328 


il -lu-mi - na 
il-lu-mi - na 


& 


re Hie-ru - sa-lem, 


-lu-mi-na 


and are followed by a magnificent passage of massive homophony in 


triple time, then another of antiphony between the two choirs. The 
so-called second part, ‘Et ambulabunt’!, is really a separate movement 


written some years later, never published by Palestrina himself, and 
not so striking in quality—the text is perhaps less inspiring—but there 
is an echo of the first part, especially the use of the ‘et gloria ejus’ 


passage: 


-ri-a 


glo 


1 Werke, vi, p. 


PALESTRINA’S MOTETS 329 


for the words "et laudem Domino’. 

There are several other fine examples of the double-choral quasi- 
Venetian works among the Palestrina motets, for example the already 
mentioned * Hodie Christus’, a Fra Angelico in music, a simple idyllic 
picture. Beginning with simple strains punctuated by repeated cries 
of ‘noe’ echoed between the choirs, the movement gradually expands 
into a suave polyphony at the words ‘canunt angeli, laetantur arch- 
angeli', and reaches a fine climax at ' Gloria in excelsis', the whole 
passage giving the effect of a great hymn sung by the heavenly host. 
Then, as if suggesting the fading of this vision of celestial choirs, the 
motet closes simply, with repeated ‘noes’ in triple time. 

The six-part ‘Dum complerentur', mentioned above, is another 
example remarkable alike for its design and its beauty. The quiet 
impressive opening—at first in three parts only—is doubtless intended 
to convey the hushed expectancy of the disciples as they await the 
promised coming of the Holy Spirit: 


Each phrase of the narrative is followed by an exquisite chain of 
*alleluias', the finest of which provides a superb climax to the great 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


330 


surge of polyphony at the words ‘tamquam spiritus vehementis et 


replevit totam domum’. These chains of ‘alleluias’ are constructed 


upon a downward scale figure, suggesting the descent of the celestial 


Visitant. The voices chosen—soprano, 


and bass 


two altos, two tenors, 


—impart to them a luminous quality that has already been remarked 


upon in connexion with other works. 


PALESTRINA’S MOTETS 331 


Similarly beautiful and decorative ‘alleluias’ are to be found in the 
Ascensiontide * Viri Galilaei'! and the lovely Easter " Haec dies’,? both 
for six parts. 

Turning to the four-part motets we find here also some music of 
outstanding quality. Several of them have become very familiar and 
have even been fitted with English texts, for example *Super flumina 
Babylonis’.3 As Palestrina has set this psalm lament of the Jewish 
captivity in simple dignified phrases, it becomes an elegy for a nation 
in mourning.* The central climax comes with the motive accompanying 
the words * dum recordaremur tui, Sion', which is twice repeated with 
the strands more tensely drawn. Another little masterpiece, remark- 
able for the lyrical quality of its woven melodies is *Sicut cervus' (for 
the blessing of the baptismal font on Holy Saturday).® Here, in tradi- 
tional fashion, the tenor voice introduces the principal theme with 
its charming rhythmic flow. 


*STABAT MATER’ AND ‘SONG OF SONGS’ 


No survey of Palestrina's art would be complete without some 
reference to two masterpieces: the eight-part ‘Stabat mater'* and the 
five-part settings of passages from the Song of Songs. The former is 
a work of appealing beauty, much of it having that kind of sim- 
plicity which is often the hallmark of genius; for example, the wonder- 
ful opening phrases, where a relentless succession of triad harmonies 
may perhaps be intended to suggest the scene of Calvary. With this 
may be contrasted the gentle pleading phrases which begin with the 
words ‘Juxta crucem tecum stare’ where the melodic line is sung by 
two sopranos, mostly in thirds, with the support of altos and tenors 
—another instance of the felicitous ‘vocal scoring’ to which reference 
has already been made. And at the end there is a serenely beautiful 
effect at the words ‘paradisi gloria’, each voice echoing a simple four- 
note descending figure. 

It may have been a realization of the growing influence of the 

! From the First Book; Werke, i, p. 105; Opere complete, v, p. 141; model for a Mass, 
Werke, xxi, p. 111; Opere complete, xxix, p. 159. 

2 From the Third Book; Werke, iii, p. 114; Opere complete, viii, p. 148. 

з Motectorum quatuor vocibus . . . liber secundus (Venice, 1604); Werke, v, p. 125; 
Opere complete, xi, p. 14. 

* Baini attributes its inspiration to grief at the death of the composer's first wife, in 
1582, but there is no evidence that it was composed just after that event. 

5 From the Second Book of four-part motets: Werke, v, p. 148; Opere complete, xi, 
p. 42. Davison and Apel, Historical Anthology of Music (Cambridge, Mass., 1946), i, 


p. 153. 
* Werke, vi, p. 96; there are a number of separate modern editions. The twelve-part 


*Stabat', Werke, vii, p. 130, is a work by Felice Anerio. 


332 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


madrigal style upon polyphonic music that prompted Palestrina to set 
twenty-nine passages from the Song of Songs,! for here was a subject 
with rich imagery eminently suitable for such treatment, and at the 
same time the Church's spiritual interpretation of the Canticle made 
him safe from the charge of writing those secular madrigals for which 
he apologized in the preface to this work, addressed to Pope Gregory 
XII. These twenty-nine five-part motets include some of the finest 
examples of Palestrina's mature style, where the refined melodious 
polyphony of his later liturgical works is happily modified by some 
madrigalian elements, bringing a richer warmer quality, while pre- 
serving its dignity and spirituality. The invention is freer—there is 
no plainsong foundation—and the polyphony is always beautifully 
smooth and polished. The texts were selected to afford due contrast 
and variety, while preserving enough unity to give the whole the 
character of a complete work, as the composer intended. 


PERFORMANCE OF PALESTRINA 

Although instrumental music was excluded from the Sistine Chapel, 
the Cappella Giulia had an organ? and there is no reason to suppose 
that Palestrina's music was performed unaccompanied. There was no 
independent accompaniment, but the organ would quietly double the 
voice parts. Less acceptable to modern minds is the idea that Pales- 
trina's music was ornamented in performance. The practice of orna- 
menting madrigals with coloratura has been mentioned in an earlier 
chapter? and there is ample evidence that church music was treated in 
a similar way. Haberl printed twelve such ornamented motet parts 
in the fourth supplementary volume of his Complete Edition,* and 
it is instructive to compare the unadorned text of the opening of the 
four-part motet ‘Benedicta sit” with a decorated version published 
in Palestrina's lifetime :* 


1 Motettorum . . . liber quartus (Rome, 1584); Werke, iv; Opere complete, xi. 

2 Haberl, ‘Die römische “schola cantorum" und die päpstlichen Kapellsänger bis zur 
Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts’, Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, iii (1887), p. 189. 
3 See p. 148, n. 1. 4 Werke, xxxiii. 

* From the Motecta festorum totius anni (Rome, 1563); Werke, v, p. 33; Opere 
complete, iii, p. 38. 
* Giovanni Bassano, Motetti, madrigali et canzoni francese diminuiti (Venice, 1591). 


PERFORMANCE OF PALESTRINA . 333 


-cta sit san wes - cta Тгі- пі - tas 


Be - H ne - 

The famous nine-part ‘Miserere’ of Gregorio Allegri (1582-1652), 
pupil of Palestrina’s friend G. M. Nanino, is a classic example of a 
work of this period which depended for its effect almost entirely on 
such ornamentation and on the manner of performance.! 


LASSUS? 

Lassus is sometimes spoken of as the last great master of the 
Netherland School. It is true he was a Netherlander by birth, but at 
the period with which we are dealing one can hardly speak any longer 
of a ‘Netherland school’. The mutual influence of the Romans, Vene- 
tians, Netherlanders, and the rest had produced something approach- 
ing a pan-European style, at least in church music. But there still 
remained the individuality of the composer, and in the case of Lassus 
this manifested itself first of all in a certain vigour, then in a search 
for more freedom in harmony and modulation; experiments in these 
directions can often be found in his music. Thus from the historical 
and technical points of view his work perhaps presents a more inter- 
esting study than that of his great Roman contemporary.® 

Lassus was the most prolific composer of the period; the religious 
music alone comprises about 500 motets, 53 Masses, and 100 Magnifi- 
cats. Most of this was written at Munich, where at the ducal court of 
Bavaria from 1556 to 1594 he seems to have lived a life of much social 
activity, keenly observing the contemporary scene.‘ It is not sur- 
prising, then, that it is the human rather than the mystical element in 
his church music of which we are so frequently conscious—and not 
only in his famous settings of the penitential psalms. The lovely little 
* Crucifixus', for example, from the Mass *Doulce memoire' (see 


! Charles Burney, The Present State of Music in France and Italy (London, 1771); 
reprinted in P. A. Scholes, Dr. Burney's Musical Tours in Europe (London, 1959), i, p. 232. 
See also J. J. Amann, Allegris Miserere und die Aufführungspraxis in der Sixtina (Freiburg 
dissertation, 1935). 

* On Lassus generally, see above all Wolfgang Boetticher, Orlando di Lasso und seine 
Zeit (Kassel and Basle, 1958) and Aus Orlando di Lassos Wirkungskreis (Kassel and 
Basle, 1963); also Adolf Sandberger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der bayerischen Hofkapelle 
unter Orlando di Lasso, i and iii (Leipzig, 1894—5); Charles Van den Borren, Orlande de 
Lassus (Paris, 2nd ed., 1920). 

* See Boetticher's comparison of settings of the same texts by Palestrina and Lassus, 
op. cit., pp. 699 ff. * See pp. 56 ff. 


334 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


Ex. 145) surely emphasizes, in its touching pathos, the sufferings of 
the Saviour as a human being. 


LASSUS'S STYLE 


The range of Lassus's contrapuntal writing is considerable, from 
madrigal-like liveliness to sedate and dignified polyphony, with a good 
deal of sonorous homophony where he almost seems to have been 
thinking in terms of vertical harmony. He had a passion for word- 
painting and seized every opportunity for indulging in it,! even in his 
Masses where such phrases as ‘vivos et mortuos' inspire realistic 
effects (see Ex. 141). And the whimsicality of such of his letters as 
have been preserved is also apparent, for example, in the capricious 
little phrase at the beginning of the motet ‘Pulvis et umbra':? 


- - vis, et | um-bra su- mus: 


Another individual touch is the exact reiteration of a short phrase 
several times, either at the same pitch or sequentially, foreshadowing 
the emotional climaxes of a later age. Lassus, more than his contem- 
poraries, seems sometimes to have realized the value of a striking 
theme, though he does not always make systematic use of his themes, 
often employing them merely as points of departure for free writing. 
Lassus was not quite so concerned as Palestrina with the problem 


1 See Bernhard Meier, ‘Wortausdeutung und Tonalität bei Orlando di Lasso’, 
Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, xlvii (1963), p. 75. 

3 Published 1573; ed. Haberl, Orlando di Lasso: Sämmtliche Werke, iv (Leipzig, 
1894), p. 127. 


LASSUS’S STYLE 335 


of tone-colour: the choice of voices and the skilful employment of 
their various registers. He gains his effects more by dynamic variation, 
often using a delicate two-part or three-part movement of a highly 
decorative kind in contrast to a more massive structure in homo- 
phonic style. 


THE MASSES! 


If in his Masses Lassus does not quite attain to the high level, in 
beauty and significance, of the best of his motets, they are yet of fine 
quality, in some instances achieving in the Gloria and Sanctus splendid 
richness and sonority, in the Kyrie and Agnus Dei touching lyrical 
tenderness, a quality we also find in the central climax of the Credo, 
the ‘Incarnatus’ and ‘Crucifixus’. 

It is not without significance that the thematic material of most of 
his Masses is drawn from secular sources, from madrigals and chan- 
sons, occasionally from motets by himself or others, in one case ( Ecce 
nunc benedicite"? a Mass by Ludwig Daser, his predecessor at 
Munich, and in only six or seven cases directly from plainsong.? In 
his chanson-Masses he sometimes surpassed Gombert and the French 
composers! in brevity, perfunctoriness, and failure to conceal secular 
models with highly unsuitable words—even after the Council of 
Trent. The first Kyrie of the Mass ‘Je ne menge poinct de porcq'5 
can easily be quoted in full: 


Ex. 138 


! There is as yet no collected edition: Franz Commer reprinted fourteen in Musica 
sacra (Berlin, 1839-1887), v, vii, viii, ix, x, and xii, and Boetticher has begun a complete 
edition in the Sämtliche Werke: Neue Reihe (Kassel and Basle, 1956-  ), iii, iv, and v. 
On the Masses, see particularly Joachim Huschke, “Orlando di Lassos Messen’, Archiv 
für Musikforschung, v (1940), pp. 84 ff. and pp. 153 ff.; Van den Borren, op. cit., 
pp. 127 ff.; Peter Wagner, op. cit., pp. 349 ff. 

* Printed Commer, op. cit. v, p. 63. 

® See the list in Huschke, p. 177. 

* See pp. 221 and 239 ff. 

5 Werke: Neue Reihe, iii, p. 3. 


336 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


The Christe is seven bars long, and the second Kyrie ten. The first 
Kyrie of *Entre vous filles de quinze ans”! hardly does more than 
elaborate the opening of Clemens non Papa's chanson with the addi- 
tion of a fifth part. Both these Masses are preserved in a Munich 
choirbook of 1566. But by no means all the parody-Masses on secular 
models are of this character. The four-part Masses on Lupi's ‘ Puisque 
jay perdu’ and Sandrin's * Doulce memoire’ are typical. The first- 
named? (alternatively known as “Missa octavi toni’ because the first 
three notes of the melody happen to be also the intonation of the 
‚ eighth psalm tone) is the best known. Like all these chanson-based 
Masses it is a melodious work, often homophonic, with sonorous 
harmonic effects. The music shows several characteristics of Lassus's 
style, such as the use of sequential phrases, as in the second Kyrie: 


and this passage from the Gloria: 


Ex.140 
Do-mi-ne De- us, Do-mi-ne De - us, Do-mi-ne 


Do-mi-ne De - us. A- gnus De - i, 


1 Werke: Neue Reihe, v, p. 159. 

з Originally published by Le Roy and Ballard in Missae variis concentibus ornatae ab 
Orlando de Lassus (Paris, 1577); reprinted in Werke: Neue Reihe, iv, p. 23; separate 
editions by J. A. Bank (Amsterdam, 1950) and Wilhelm Lueger (Ratisbon, 1957). 
Benedictus and ‘Osanna’ recorded in The History of Music in Sound, iv. 


THE MASSES 337 


De - us, A - gnus 


Do-mi-ne De - us, 


His fondness for pictorial treatment of the text finds opportunity in 
the Mass as well as in the motet; for instance, in the Credo at the 
words ‘vivos et mortuos' we have this naive touch of realism: 


A feature of this Mass is its florid bass part, with an unusual range 
of nearly two octaves, due perhaps to the circumstance that the ducal 
choir at Munich possessed a fine bass with a phenomenal compass. 
Like ‘Puisque j'ay perdu’, the Mass on Sandrin's ‘Doulce me- 
moire’! was first printed at Paris in 1577. It is the most serious of 


1 Reprinted in Werke: Neue Reihe, iv, p. 3; separate edition by Charles Bordes (Paris, 
1952). The model has been reprinted by Eitner in Publikation älterer praktischer und 
theoretischer Musikwerke, xxiii (Leipzig, 1899), p. 103 and by Max Schneider in his 
edition of Ortiz's Tratado de glosas (2nd ed. Kassel, 1936), p. 86. 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 
all Lassus's chanson-Masses, thanks to the grave beauty of the 


model: 


338 


Su ~ 


plai - sircon 


veir 


se tel sca 


que cau- 


siec! heu-reulx 


о 


Some passages of the Mass have only a faint connexion with the 


of the 


model: for example, the beautiful homophonic ‘Quoniam’ 


Gloria: 


339 


THE MASSES 


su 


bis: 


ti-am pro no - 


xus е 


xus e - 
ca-ta mun 


Cru - ci- fi 
gnus 
qui 
lis рес - 
tollis pec - 


tol- 
4. 
qui 


sung by treble and alto, is clearly inspired by the treble-bass imitation 
at ‘En plaisir consumée’; the second canon, ‘Et iterum’, is extended 
from the opening phrase of the chanson. An almost note-for-note 


quotation of ‘O siecl’ heureulx' is woven into the Agnus Dei: 


In the Credo occur two exquisite little two-part canons, the first, the 


‘Crucifixus’, of touching tenderness 


Ex. I 
* 145 Cru - ci - fi 


340 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


a movement in which the repetition of the final * miserere’, each time 
at a higher pitch, has a deeply impressive effect. 

Some of the other four-part Masses are of the Missa brevis type, 
shorter in dimensions and simpler in texture, perhaps composed for 
choirs of limited attainments. Such are the “Missa venatorum’! 
(‘Octavi toni") where we find a good deal of simple homophony, with 
note repetitions such as this, in the French manner, particularly in the 
Gloria and Credo: 


and another entitled ‘Ad placitum? (a parody Mass on Sermisy's 
*La, la, maistre Pierre") where the simple homophony is varied with 


1 A species of curtailed Mass: see Siegfried Hermelink, ‘Jagermesse’, Die Musik- 
forschung, xviii (1965), p. 29. The Mass has been reprinted in Werke: Neue Reihe, iv, 
p. 73, and by Bank (Amsterdam, 1950), Lueger (Ratisbon, 1957), and Georges Renard 
(Paris, 1953). 

3 Printed in Werke: Neue Reihe, iii, p. 27. 


THE MASSES 341 


some attractive contrapuntal passages. The simplicity of its Kyrie, for 
example, is very different from the flowing counterpoint of the Agnus 
Dei. 

Two fine six-part works, among the best of Lassus's Masses, are 
those on his own motets ‘In te Domine speravi"! and ‘Dixit Joseph’,? 
both of which show his flair for picturesque writing, his skilful con- 
trasting of polyphony with homophony, and his wide range of 
dynamic effect, from such a delicate piece of vocal tissue as the two- 
part (soprano and alto) ‘Pleni sunt’ in the Sanctus of the first work, 
an ingenious piece of canonic writing with its reversed themes: 


suntcoe - - li suntcoe - 


to the sonorous *Osanna' which follows. The Mass owes something 
of its effect to skilful use of two three-part choirs: thus in the first 
Kyrie a combination of soprano and two altos is contrasted against 
two tenors and bass. The same style is used in much of the Gloria and 
the Agnus Dei. The three-part * Crucifixus’ and the superb conclusion 
( Et iterum") of the Credo are other noteworthy moments in this 
splendid work. . 

The finely-proportioned ‘Dixit Joseph’ has spaciousness and 
dignity. The fine Credo has a four-part *Crucifixus' of remarkable 
beauty which offers a contrast to much of the rest of the Mass in its 
more intimate expression; with a characteristic sense of the dramatic, 
Lassus writes a two-part passage (soprano and alto) of touching 
pathos on the word ‘crucifixus’, to which the tenors and basses add 
the rejoinder ‘etiam pro nobis’: 


1 Originally published by Phalése (Louvain, 1570); reprinted Werke: Neue Reihe, 
v, p. 51; the motet is printed in Sämmtliche Werke, xvii, p. 87. 
* Commer, op. cit. viii, p. 65; motet, Werke, xv, p. 76. 


342 . LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


A typical instance of the more solid six-part quasi-homophonic writ- 
ing is the dignified ‘Osanna’ in triple time from the Sanctus. 


THE MOTETS OF LASSUS 

Lassus is the supreme master of the sixteenth-century motet; he is 
unsurpassed in this field, where his finest music for the church is to 
be found. His motets,! which owe something to the lighter style of the 
madrigal, are a literature in themselves, ranging from the miniatures 
of some of the Cantiones sacrae and Sacrae lectiones—the familiar 
little ‘Scio enim”? and * Adoramus te”? are typical examples—to the 
greater motets such as the seven-part ‘Laudate pueri’.* 

Within the limits of this chapter only a few of the vast array of 
antiphons, offertories, offices, psalms, and other pieces for liturgical 
use can be mentioned. Lassus is at his best when the chosen text 
presents a vivid picture, where he is able to employ realistic or pic- 
torial effects. An admirable example is the five-part Ascensiontide 


2 Most of the motets, printed in a number of books during his lifetime, were repub- 
lished—very inaccurately—by his sons in the Magnum Opus Musicum (Munich, 1604), 
which in turn was reprinted by Haberl and Sandberger, Sämmtliche Werke, i, iii, v, vii, 
ix, xiii, xv, xvii, xix, xxi (1894-1926). More motets have been published by Boetticher in 
the Sämtliche Werke: Neue Reihe, and there are numerous separate editions. On them, 
see particularly Lucie Balmer, Orlando di Lassos Motetten (Berne, 1938); Leichtentritt, 
Geschichte der Motette, pp. 96 ff.; Van den Borren, op. cit., pp. 57 ff.; E. Lowinsky, Das 
Antwerpener Motettenbuch Orlando di Lassos und seine Beziehungen zum Motettenschaffen 
der niederländischen Zeitgenossen (The Hague, 1937). 

3 Sämmtliche Werke, iii, p. 105; recorded in The History of Music in Sound, iv. 

3 Ibid. i, p. 112; Schering, op. cit., p. 125. * Tbid. xix, p. 94. 


THE MOTETS OF LASSUS 343 
‘Christus resurgens',! where the music is suggestive of the.radiant 
beauty of the scene on which the apostles gazed. Beginning with an 
exultant theme rising up in free imitation from voice to voice: 


(with a dramatic momentary halt at the words ‘ex mortuis?) this 
joyful mood continues and leads to a finely expressive passage—' quod 
enim mortuus est peccato'—breaking out in joyful mood once more 
at the thought expressed by the text (‘quod autem vivit?) and culmi- 
nating in a chain of ‘alleluias’, making a most jubilant finale. Here 
we may notice a fine piece of craftsmanship: the two cantus parts in 
canon, a bell-like movement in the tenor part, exultant leaps in the 
bass adding to the general effect: 


5 Tbid. v, p. 54, 


344 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 
Ех.151 a A Al- le- lu- ia, 


ГТА 
0 


r 


T 


SZ 


| 


Among the motets in six parts one finds Lassus equally inspired by 
the Nativity. ‘Cum natus esset Jesus’! comprises a triptych of little 
tone-pictures, music of rare beauty and distinction, the story of the 
Magi and their journeyings as related in the Gospel of St. Matthew 
read at Epiphany. Part I deals with the appearance to them of the Star 
in the East, Part II with their journey to Jerusalem and the learning 
of the prophecies; Part III is the arrival at Bethlehem and the adora- 
tion of the Holy Child. Each has music of moving simplicity, written 
with consummate skill, the three Parts being linked by a *Bethlehem' 
motive especially prominent in the first two Parts, where it is fre- 


t Sämmtliche Werke, xi, p. 141. 


THE MOTETS OF LASSUS 345 


quently woven into the general texture with charming effect. It appears 
thus in Part II (which is for four voices only) echoed from voice to 
voice in free imitation, this repetition doubtless picturing the group 
of Jewish priests answering the Magi's query by the quotation of the 
prophecy ‘In Bethlehem Judeae’; 


Beth - le-hem Ju - deae 


In the Third Part it is less prominent: symbolizing the eager quest of 
the Magi, it now fades out from the musical texture, for they have 
arrived at their goal, and their sight of the Child is described in a 
simple homophonic phrase with a change of rhythm: 


уе - | пе - 


346 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


Lassus’s predilection for texts taken from the psalms has already 
been mentioned; among the Cantiones sacrae are a number with such 
texts which inspired some of his best work. A notable example is the 
four-part offertory ‘Exspectans exspectavi'! published in the collec- 
tion issued by the composer at Munich in 1585. Here we have simple 
melodious strains bringing a feeling of rapt serenity, reflecting per- 
fectly the sentiment of the Psalmist: *I have waited patiently for the 
Lord. .. .' The motet begins with the entwined themes (soprano and 
alto) imitated by tenor and bass in the manner of Netherland com- 
posers of an earlier generation: 


Ex. 154 Ex - - spe - ctansex - -  spe-cta- 


1 Sämmtliche Werke, iii, p. 72. 


THE MOTETS OF LASSUS 347 


ex- spe-cta - - vi Do - mi- num, 


sinking quietly into homophony at the phrase ‘et exaudivit depreca- 
tionem meam', and flowering into finely sonorous polyphony sug- 
gesting ‘the new song, the hymn to the Lord’. Another four-part 
offertory, ‘Domine convertere’,! is equally fine, conceived in that 
penitential mood which Lassus knew so well how to depict. Here he 
achieves an emotional intensity that hardly any other composer of his 
time can show, in a passage where the repeated cries of ‘salvum me 
fac’ have a most poignant effect: 


Ex.155 


Sal - vum |me fac, sal 


fac, sal - vum me fac, sal - vum 


Sal - vum me 


Two other four-part motets may be briefly mentioned as showing 
Lassus's genius for choosing thematic material perfectly suited to his 
text. The opening of one, *Pulvis et umbra sumus', which perfectly 
suggests the ‘dust and shadow’, has already been quoted as Ex. 137. 


1 Ibid. iii, p. 17. 


348 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


The other, ‘Pauper sum еро’! begins most appropriately with this 
insignificant phrase: 


THE PENITENTIAL PSALMS 


The Psalmi Davidis penitentiales of Lassus (Munich, 1584) are 
generally regarded as among the greatest of his achievements.? They 
were composed about 1560 at the request of his patron Albrecht of 
Bavaria, a pious prince who on his accession, finding a court given 
over to worldliness, endeavoured to bring to it a more religious 
atmosphere; one imagines this to have been a task peculiarly con- 
genial to Lassus. These seven psalm settings are certainly master- 
pieces. No composer has depicted in more poignant phrases the 
despair of the sinner, or written music more expressive of the hope 
for divine forgiveness and grace.? The level of inspiration in all seven 


1 Sämmtliche Werke, iii, p. 79. 

2 Modern editions by Hermann Bäuerle (Leipzig, 1906) and Bank (Amsterdam, 
n.d.); excerpts from the third Psalm, ‘Domine, ne in furore’, in Davison and Apel, 
op. cit., p. 157. 

* Quickelberg, op. cit., refers to this expressive quality as an illustration of musica re- 
servata, an enigmatic phrase which had first been used some fifteen years earlier by 
Adrian Petit Coclico. both in his Compendium musices (Nuremberg, 1552; facsimile, 
Documenta Musicologica, 1. ix, Kassel, 1954) and as the title of a collection of motets 
(modern edition by M. Ruhnke: Lippstadt, 1958). Musica: reservata most probably 
means ‘music closely expressing the text’. For examinations of this and other views, see 
M. Van Crevel, Adrianus Petit Coclico (The Hague, 1940), pp. 293 ff., Reese, op. cit., 
pp. 511 ff., and Bernhard Meier, article ‘Musica reservata', Die Musik in Geschichte 
und Gegenwart, ix (1961), col. 946, and ‘Reservata-Probleme. Ein Bericht’, Acta 
Musicologica, xxx (1958), p. 77; also C. V. Palisca, Acta, xxxi (1959), p. 133. 


THE PENITENTIAL PSALMS 349 


is remarkably high and, considering that the sentiments are to some 
extent the same in each, the variety of treatment is astonishing. This 
is helped by the design adopted for each psalm: a continuous series 
of very short separate movements, each a setting of a verse or a part 
thereof. This procedure has enabled the composer to express the vary- 
ing sentiments of the text more vividly and swiftly than would have 
been possible in one continuous movement. The music of each psalm 
varies from two-part movements to an occasional one in six parts (as 
in the ‘Sicut erat’ of each). The two-part movements are very charac- 
teristic in their delicate, often florid, texture, possibly showing Lassus's 
feeling for that intimacy of expression which a later age achieved by 
the employment of a solo voice. (A similar procedure has been ob- 
served in some of his Masses.) One of the most beautiful and interest- 
ing of these two-part pieces is the ‘Auditui’ from the fourth psalm, 
* Miserere mei Deus’; another is the canonic duet ‘Intellectum’ in the 
second, * Beati, quorum remissae sunt iniquitates'. Indeed this psalm 
and the fourth are perhaps the finest of the seven. Some four-part 
movements of distinctly homophonic character are scattered through- 
out the series. In similar vein to the penitential psalms are the two 
series of Sacrae lectiones ex propheta Job (Venice, 1565, and Munich, 
1582)! and the Lamentationes (Munich, 1585).? 


THE MAGNIFICATS 


No survey of Lassus's church music would be complete without 
some mention of the great collection of his Magnificats, published in 
complete form after his death by his son Rudolf: Jubilus Beatae 
Virginis, hoc est centum Magnificat (Munich, 1619).3 The settings vary 
greatly in style and length; there are the simpler alternatim ones* in 
which only the even-number verses are set polyphonically, and also 
the more elaborate settings where every verse is so treated. The 
alternatim settings are based on the eight liturgical tones, elaborated 
for the most part in simple homophonic style, with the plainsong as 
canto fermo. 

It is, however, in those settings, some forty of the total, where 
Lassus has taken his themes from secular sources—such as Rore's 
famous madrigal ‘Ancor che col partire'—that we find the finest 

! Reprints of two of the 1565 series in Commer, op. cit. vi, p. 40, and vii, p. 47. 

* Reprinted ibid. xii, pp. 1 ff. 

* Lassus had published three collections himself in 1567, 1576, and 1587. Nine 
Magnificats are reprinted in Proske, op. cit. iii, pp. 253 ff., and 22 in Commer, op. cit. 


x, pp. 102 ff. and xi, pp. 1 ff. 
* Cf. Vol. III, pp. 307-8. 


350 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


settings of the canticle, as in the case of the Masses. No doubt he felt 
that this gave him freer scope in writing, the more so as in them the 
traditional alternative form was discarded in favour of complete 
polyphonic settings in five parts. One of the most beautiful of these! 
is composed upon an ‘Aria di un sonetto’, where the initial phrase 
of the very graceful melody introduces each verse. Verse 4 is in ternary 
rhythm, verse 5 a trio: 


pa-tres |no 
tres 


PHILIPPE DE MONTE 


Lassus's friend de Monte seems to have been a man of considerable 
culture, speaking and writing not only his native Flemish but Italian, 
Latin, French, and German. In considering de Monte's church music 
it is well to remember that he had made a considerable name as a 
madrigal composer? and had already published eight volumes of 
madrigals, in addition to those printed in miscellaneous collections, 
before his first volume of church music, the Sacrarum Cantionum . . . 
Liber Primus (Venice, 1572). He was then over fifty and had been 
director of the Imperial Chapel in Vienna since 1568. From this time 
until his death he produced, according to his principal biographer,? 
319 motets and 38 Masses, though of this considerable quantity of 


1 From the Patrocinium musices (Munich, 1587). 
3 See p. 58. 
* Van Doorslaer, La Vie et les zuvres de Philippe de Monte (Brussels, 1921). 


PHILLIPE DE MONTE 351 


work only a small amount was published during his lifetime and not 
all of it is yet available in modern editions.! 

It is not surprising, then, that much of his work, especially the 
motets, has a madrigalian lightness of style, melodic suavity, and 
grace. And since these and the Masses were all the work of a very 
mature composer, they show, as we should expect, a perfection of 
technique unsurpassed by any of his contemporaries. But his contra- 
puntal mastery is in general subordinated to a simple artistic style 
which seeks to express the meaning of the text in the most suitable 
and significant way, often in homophonic passages. As early as 1555 
he had been described as the best composer in Flanders ‘ftirnemlich 
auf die newest und musica reservata’ His music at times has a 
charming serenity and, when the text allows, is suffused with genial 
warmth. The thematic material is often more striking than that of his 
contemporaries. 


DE MONTE’S MOTETS 


In his motets we find motives of a particularly expressive character, 
with a certain boldness of outline partly due to his fondness for 
disjunct, rather than conjunct, movement. An excellent example of 
the simple but polished workmanship and the melodious character 
of the moving parts is the five-part ‘Ave Virgo gratiosa? built on a 
canto fermo in long note-values: 


ve vir - golgrati-o - 


J. 


1 Philippe de Monte: Opera Omnia, ed. Van den Borren, Van Doorslaer and Julius 
Van Nuffel, 31 vols. (Bruges, 1927-39), is still incomplete. 

2 Van Doorslaer, op. cit., p. 217. 

* Opera Omnia, xv, p. 1. 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


352 


- gogra - ti- o 


ve vir 


le [clarior] 


ii 
H 
H 
H 
H 


a 


n 
L| 
N 
H 
o | 


The six-part ‘Lux perpetua lucebit sanctis tuis", which ends with an 


exquisite chain of ‘Alleluias 


HI 
. 


Ih 
un 
і 


zd 


li 


^ 


1 Ibid. xvii, p. 125. 


353 


DB MONTE'S MOTETS 


Mi 


H 
De 


IH | 


is indeed a masterpiece of serene beauty, in which once more one finds 


that expressive type of melody so characteristic of de Monte: for 


instance, the opening: 


bit, 


lu - ce 


Lux per-pe-tu- a 


Ex.160 


per-pe - tu 


Lux 


bit, 


per- pe-tu-a lu- ce 


Lux 


354 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


Of equal beauty is the five-part ‘Tibi laus, Sancte Trinitas’, a sonorous 
hymn of praise to the Trinity. One piece which may be mentioned 
here, although it is not a Latin motet, is de Monte's setting of Marot's 
version of Psalm 107, ‘Donnés au Seigneur gloire’,? with the Geneva 
psalm-tune® in the tenor. 

The five-part *Inclina cor meum’ has a special interest, in addition 
to the attractive simplicity and melodiousness of its music, for it is one 
of the few of his own motets which de Monte used as models for 
missae parodiae.* The opening of the motet: 


Ex.161 In - cli- па cor me H um, 


(Bass fac.) In - cli - na 


could be used for both Kyrie and Sanctus without the alteration of 
a single note, and the transformations for Gloria and Agnus are par- 
ticularly fine (see Ex. 162). The motet itself must rank as опе of de 
Monte's best, showing as it does an intimacy of feeling, a pathos that 
remind one of such things as Lassus's ‘Ego pauper sum’ or Pale- 
strina's ‘Peccantem me quotidie’. 


! Opera Omnia, xvii, p. 95, and separate edition by Bank (Amsterdam, 1960). 

? Original published by Phalése in a volume of French chansons by Lassus, Rore, 
and de Monte (Louvain, 1570); reprinted in Opera Omnia, xx, p. 23. 

! See pp. 438 ff. 

* Both motet and Mass are printed in Opera, i. 


DE MONTE’S MOTETS 355 


ии и шин пни 
ии мин пни ое 
LJ. p H 


| | 


DE MONTE’S MASSES 

De Monte’s Masses present an especially interesting study. They 
show two distinct styles: the ‘parody’-Masses and those based on 
liturgical melodies. The latter, with two exceptions, were the only 
ones published during the composer's lifetime. The six-part Missa 
ad modulum Benedicta es appeared at Antwerp in 1579; the Mass 
‘Mon cceur se recommande’ appeared in Lindner's Missae quinque 
(Nuremberg, 1590); and the other seven were printed as Liber I 
Missarum in 1587. These show a style more in keeping with Nether- 


356 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


land conceptions, more austere and architectural, whereas the 
missae parodiae—at least those based on such madrigals as Rore's 
*Ancor che col partire', Giaches de Wert's ‘Cara la vita mia’, 
Verdelot's ‘Ultimi miei sospiri’, and on his own chanson ‘Reviens 
vers moi’!—reveal their secular origin, in harmony as much as 
melodically, despite the superb workmanship with which the succes- 
sive movements are shaped. The Kyrie of ‘Ancor che col partire', for 
instance, opens—like ‘Inclina cor meum’—with note-for-note quota- 
tion of the model in all four parts, and the Mass proceeds by what 
one might call ‘progressive variation’ in each movement.? The six-part 
‘Missa sine nomine’,? in much more note-against-note style through- 
out than de Monte's other Masses, is also probably a missa parodia. 
Separate movements in note-against-note style do occur here and 
there—for example, the ‘Osanna’ of ‘Ultimi miei sospiri' —and the 
eight four-part Magnificats* are in the same simple style. 

The best known of the Masses based on motet-models is the six- 
part ‘Benedicta es’ mentioned above^, in which de Monte rivalled 
Willaert® and Palestrina in reworking Josquin’s beautiful sequence- 
setting." It is a work of fine proportions and effect, conservative and 
perhaps deliberately ‘learned’ in style. The splendid, massively built 
polyphony of the first Kyrie: 


1 Published, each with its model, in Opera, viii, xxi, v, and ix. 

з On this Mass, see Ernest T. Ferand, * "Anchor che col partire": Die Schicksale 
eines berühmten Madrigals', Festschrift Karl Gustav Fellerer (Ratisbon, 1962), p. 137. 

3 Preserved in Berlin, Deutsche Bibl. 40025, and Loreto, Arch. della Santa Casa 
34; published in Opera, vii. * Opera Omnia, xii. 

5 Reprinted by Van Maldeghem, Trésor musical: Musique religieuse, X, p. 5, and 
Smijers, Veröffentlichungen der Vereeniging voor Nederlandsche Muziekgeschiedenis, 
xxxviii (Amsterdam and Leipzig, 1920); Benedictus and Agnus Dei recorded in The 
History of Music in Sound, iv. * Or perhaps Hesdin: see p. 281. 

7 See M. Antonowytsch, Die Motette * Penedicta es’ von Josquin des Prez und die Messen 
*super Benedicta" von Willaert, Palestrina, de La Héle und de Monte (Utrecht, 1951). 


357 


DE MONTE’S MASSES 


- son 


is already a remarkable filling-out of Josquin’s opening;! the exquisite 


little ‘Christe eleison’: 


LI 
Ф 
vo 

- 
л 


Chri 


Chri-ste е - 


M 
ii 


i | 
|" 


Eh 


TU 
& M 
| 


-1еї - son, 
Josquin’s motet has been published by Smijers in Josquin: Werken, xxxv (Amsterdam, 


1954), p. 11, and Van Ockeghem tot Sweelinck, v (Amsterdam, 1949), p. 146. 


1 See Ex. 103 (i). 


358 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


like the *Qui tollis', *Et iterum', and Benedictus, is based on 
Josquin's two-part secunda pars, ‘Per illud’; and the second Kyrie, 
‘Quoniam’, and ‘Confiteor’ on his tertia pars in triple time. 

Perhaps the finest moments in the Mass are the eight-part Sanctus 
(there is an alternative version in six parts) and the second Agnus Dei, 
also in eight parts: in both cases the additional parts are obtained by 
canonic imitation of the highest part a fifth and an octave lower. 
There are again massive effects, with a fine sweep of line, as for 
instance at the beginning of the Sanctus: 


Ех.165 


Fuga їп diapason 


DE MONTE’S MASSES 339 


De Monte does not here follow the Venetian practice of dividing 
the eight parts into two four-part choirs, but employs them all freely. 
On the other hand, the Mass ‘Confitebor tibi' follows its model, 
an eight-part motet by Lassus, in its double-choral disposition. 
But perhaps the finest of all his eight-part Masses is the splendid 
one on his own madrigal ‘La dolce vista’.? It is a beautifully propor- 
tioned work, with a wide diversity of effect, the madrigal themes, 
melodious and expressive, serving mostly as starting points for a freely 
developed polyphony. The voices are grouped into the customary 
four-part choirs, sometimes used antiphonally, often in partial com- 
bination, ranging from duos of delicate texture to passages of 
sonorous eight-part writing, perfectly balanced, the scoring never 
overloaded. As an example of the former, the exquisite two-part 
‘Crucifixus’ may be quoted. 


Ex.166 


Cru - ci-fi - xus 


no - - - - - - bis 


1 The Mass is printed in Van Maldeghem's Trésor musical: Musique religieuse, ix, 
p. 24, the motet in Lasso: Werke, xxi, p. 56. * Mass and madrigal in Opera, xiv. 


360 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


It weaves its two strands canonically with an effect comparable with 
a similar passage in Lassus’s Mass ‘In te speravi’;! tenor and bass 
reply with equally expressive phrases, and the four voices join together 
for the ‘Resurrexit’. The following two examples of de Montee fine 
eight-part writing, again with close canonic imitation, are taken from 
the Gloria: 


361 


DE MONTE'S MA 


men. 


’, one of the book of seven published during 
has already been mentioned. As an example 


The Mass ‘ Confitebor tibi 


s lifetime, 


of the vivid, eloquent manner in which the voices are employed, in 
their grouping and entries, this passage from the Christe will serve:! 


the composer 


e - lei- 


Chri - ste 


Ex.168 


Chri - ste 


Chri - ste 


o 
2 
a 
4 
vt 
KG 
X 
o 


! Peter Wagner quotes the openings of the Kyrie and Gloria, 


pp. 227 ff. 


der Messe, 


Geschichte 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


362 


One of the best of de Monte’s four-part Masses is a beautiful 


little work! with no name attached, merely described as 


vocibus’. It is a missa brevis 


quaternis 


€ 


in which simple polyphony is varied by 


3 


occasional homophony. The principal theme is a melodious phrase 


(here shown in the first Kyrie) which appears in every part of the Mass. 


- sonKy- ri- e e-lei - 


гі- е e-lei - 
Ky - 


Ky 


гі-е e-lei- son 


son. 
~ 500. 


е - lei - 


-ri- e 


Ky 
1 Opera. Omnia, xvi: one of four Masses by de Monte preserved in Cologne, St. 


Maria im Kapitol, Codex Salvator-Kapelle. 


DE MONTE’S MASSES 363 


Another four-part ‘Missa sine nomine" preserved in the same manu- 
script may also be cited as characteristic of de Monte’s simple but 
very effective writing in smaller works; in its beautiful ‘Crucifixus’ 
we have a further example of his eloquent duos: 


no - - - bis sub Pon-tio Pi- la - to pas - sus 


no - bis sub Pon- tio Pi-la-to pas- 


et se - pul- tus est 


- sus et se- pul - ths est 


MINOR MASTERS OF THE A CAPPELLA STYLE 


The greatness of Palestrina and Victoria, Lassus and de Monte 
should not blind us to the merits of a number of minor masters, both 
Italians and Netherlanders, who practised the a cappella style in its 
most perfect form. Giovanni Animuccia (1505-71), who succeeded 
Palestrina at St. Peter’s in 1555 and was succeeded by him in 1571, 
has already been mentioned as a composer of Masses and motets 
‘according to the reforms ordered by the Council of Trent’. Animuc- 
cia is best known, however, for his association with St. Philip Neri and 
the latter’s newly founded Oratory at San Girolamo, for which he 
composed Laudi spirituali (two volumes, published Rome, 1563 and 


! Printed by Commer, Musica Sacra, xxiv, and in Opera Omnia, xi. 


364 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


1570) with Italian texts.! His simple and suave style is shown in this 
quotation from the four-part motet ‘Ave sanctissima Maria’. 


Ex.171 A - ve san - ctis - 


The Milanese maestro di cappella Ruffo has also been mentioned on 
p. 317 as a composer who quickly responded to the demands of the 
Council of Trent; he had already published in one of the Scotto col- 
lections (Venice, 1542) a Mass which appears to be the earliest Italian 
Mass to get into print, as well as a volume of five-part Masses 
(Venice, 1557). 

Even two celebrated madrigalists wrote church music in the Roman 
style. Marenzio published several volumes of motets, of which only 
the first (Venice, 1585) has survived, and his youthful Sacrae cantiones 
were published posthumously (Venice, 1616).? His madrigal-like style 
is evident in such passages as the literal illustration of the words 
*sequuntur agnum, quocumque ierit' in the four-part setting of the 


! One example from Animuccia's First Book is printed by Schering, Geschichte der 
Musik in Beispielen (Leipzig, 1931), p. 119. On the /audi spirituali of this period gener- 
ally, sec D. Alaleona, *Le Laudi spirituali italiane nei secoli XVI e XVII e il loro rap- 
porto coi canti profani', Rivista musicale italiana, xvi (1909), p. 1, and E. J. Dent, ‘The 
Laudi Spirituali in the XVIth and XVIIth Centuries’, Proceedings of the Musical Associa- 
tion, xliii (1917), p. 63. ` 

2 On Marenzio’s church music, see Hans Engel, Luca Marenzio (Florence, 1956), 
pp. 198 ff. and Leichtentritt, op. cit., p. 183. The four-part motets have been published 
collectively or separately by M. Haller (Ratisbon, 1900-3), Engel (Vienna, 1926) and 
Bank (Amsterdam); Commer printed two pieces for double choir, ‘Jubilate Deo’ and 
its second part ‘Populus eius’, op. cit. xvi. 


MINOR MASTERS OF THE A CAPPELLA STYLE 365 


antiphon for All Saints *O quam gloriosum', but his church music 
is generally much more conservative than his secular compositions. 
The same may be said of Orazio Vecchi (c. 1550-1605) a native of 
Modena and maestro di cappella of the cathedral there from 1596 to 
1604. Vecchi wrote Masses,! three volumes of motets (published 1590, 
1597, and 1604) and Hymni per totum annum (Venice, 1604).? One of 
his finest motets is a somewhat Venetian ‘Beati omnes’ for two five 
part choirs? with chromatic harmony and quasi parlando in the final 
section: 


1 Published posthumously in 1607; Proske published an eight-part Requiem from 
this volume in Selectus novus missarum, ii, no. 16. 

* A number of Vecchi's motets have been reprinted by Proske and Commer in their 
various collections. 

* [n the 1590 volume; reprinted by Torchi, op. cit. ii, p. 293. 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT-2 


366 


Do- mi 


ne-di- ce - tu 
ne- di- ce - tur 


- ne-di- ce - tu 


be 
be 


be- ne-di -|ce- tur ho- 
qui ti-met 


ce - tur 


met Do 


sic 
qui ti - |met 


qui ti - met 


ke 
з 
ре 
t 
v 
o 
D 
"o 
1 
Ф 
с 
D 
v 
4 


be -|ne - di - 


ti- met 


E 
a 
с 
Е 
о 
а 
t. 
E 


ti 


qui 


- mo 


MN NS Di 


MINOR MASTERS OF THE A CAPPELLA STYLE 367 


More consistently in the pure Roman style is the work of Ingegneri, 
Asola, Giovannelli, the Naninis, the Anerios, and Soriano, all con- 
nected in some way with Palestrina, some of them his pupils and most 
of them active in Rome itself. Marc Antonio Ingegneri (c. 1547- 
92)!, probably a pupil of Ruffo, maestro at Cremona Cathedral and 
teacher of Monteverdi, is best known as the composer of a set of 
Responses for Holy Week (Venice, 1588) which were long attributed 
. to Palestrina and actually printed, though as a ‘doubtful work’, in 
the first collected edition of the latter's compositions? They are 
. dignified and simple, like most of his known work. In the smaller 

forms he achieved a very finished style, as in the setting of the Vesper 
hymn ‘Lucis creator optime’, where stanzas of the plainsong melody, 
carried from voice to voice, are given simple but most effective faux- 
bourdons. His Masses (Venice, 1573 and 1587) are partly in the post- 
Tridentine style of Ruffo, partly in pure Palestrina style. 

The Veronese Giovanni Matteo Asola (c. 1550-1609), another pupil 
of Ruffo's, had sufficient reputation in his day to be chosen as the 
spokesman of the Italian musicians for their tribute to Palestrina in 
1592: a volume of settings of Vesper psalms by Asola and others. 
A laudatory letter accompanying this gift was signed by Asola on 
behalf of the rest. A four-part Requiem by him* shows sound 
musicianship in its treatment of the plainsong melodies. 

Giovanni Bernardino Nanino (Nanini) (c. 1560-1623) was one.of 
the first Roman composers to adopt the organ continuo (Motecta, 
1610) but his work is rather overshadowed by that of his elder brother 
and teacher, Giovanni Maria (c. 1545-1607), friend of Palestrina and 
master-contrapuntist. The elder Nanino showed his friendship in his 

ошу known Mass, a double parodia? on Palestrina’s madrigal and 
Mass ‘Vestiva i colli’, his contrapuntal skill in his volume of motets 
(Venice, 1586): thirty canonic settings, for three, four, or five voices, 


1 See Haberl, ‘Marcantonio Ingegneri. Eine bio-bibliographische Studie’, Kirchen- 
musikalisches Jahrbuch, xiii (1898), p. 78. 

з Werke, xxxii, p. 93. A case for considering them as Palestrina's work, after all, has 
been stated by Julien Tiersot, ‘Pour le centenaire de Palestrina’, Rivista musicale. . 
italiana, xxxii (1925), p. 381. 

* Cf. the five-part Kyrie and Gloria reprinted by Guido Pannain, Istituzioni e monu- 
menti dell'arte musicale italiana, vi (Milan, 1939), p. xxxi. 

* Printed by Proske, Musica Divina, Annus 1,1, p. 259; four other Masses are published ` 
by Bank. Motets by Asola will be found in the collections of Proske, Commer, Torchi, 
and Bank. 

5 See Haberl, ‘Giovanni Maria Nanino', Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, vi (1891), 
p. 81. ‚2 
* See Н. J. Moser, ‘Vestiva i colli', Archiv für Musikforschung, iv (1939), p. 129. 
There is an edition of the Mass by H. W. Frey (Wolfenbüttel, 1935). 


368 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


of a single canto fermo.' In addition to these—which are anything but 
dry technical exercises—such masterpieces as the brilliant five-part 
*Haec dies’, the joyous four-part ‘Hodie Christus natus est’, and 
*Diffusa est gratia' (also in four parts) have earned Nanino an 
honoured place in musical history. 


PALESTRINA'S PUPILS 


Outstanding among Palestrina's own pupils are the brothers 
Anerio—Felice (c. 1560-1614) and Giovanni Francesco (c. 1567- 
1630)?—Francesco Soriano (Suriano) (1549-after 1621), and Ruggiero 
Giovannelli (c. 1560-1625).* The most gifted of the four seems to have 
been Felice Anerio, the least Giovannelli—who was Palestrina's suc- 
cessor at St. Peter's. In the work of all four, even in Felice Anerio's 
which stands closest to Palestrina's, one can trace the gradual impact 
of innovation on the pure Roman style: not only ' Venetian' choral 
effects but frequent use of organ continuo and occasional madrigal- 
isms. It is characteristic that Giovanni Francesco Anerio arranged the 
six-part ‘Missa Papae Marcelli’ for four parts with continuo, while 
Soriano made an eight-part version of 1.5 


*REFORM' OF GREGORIAN CHANT 


Another enterprise of Soriano's, in which he collaborated with 
Felice Anerio, has also brought on him the condemnation of later 


1 The three-part ‘Hic est beatissimus' in Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 167, comes 
from this set; anumber of theothers have been reprinted by Proske, Commer, Torchi, and 
others, as well as in cheap separate editions. 

2 On the Anerio brothers and their father, Maurizio, see Luigi Torri, ‘Nei parentali 
di Felice Anerio e di Carlo Gesualdo', Rivista musicale italiana, xxi (1914), p. 492; 
Alberto Cametti, ‘Nuovi contributi alle biografie di Maurizio e Felice Anerio', ibid. 
xxii (1915), p. 122; R. Casimiri, ‘Maurizio, Felice e Giov. Franc. Anerio', ibid. xxvii 
(1920), p. 602; Haberl, ‘Giovanni Francesco Anerio’, Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, 
i (1886), p. 51, and ‘Felice Anerio’, ibid. xviii (1903), p. 28; Н. Federhofer, ‘Ein Beitrag 
zur Biographie von G. F. Anerio', Die Musikforschung, ii (1949), p. 210. There are 
numerous reprints of their works, though Giovanni Francesco's are sometimes attributed 
to his brother, as Felice's own have sometimes been given to Palestrina. 

3 See Haberl, ‘Francesco Soriano', Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, x (1895), p. 95. 
Proske reprinted his four Passions and two of his Masses. 

* See Н. W. Frey, ‘Ruggiero Giovannelli: eine biographische Studie’, Kirchenmusik- 
alisches Jahrbuch, xxii (1909), p. 49; A. Gabrielli, Ruggiero Giovannelli nella vita e nelle 
opere (Velletri, 1926); Carl Winter, Ruggiero Giovannelli (Munich, 1935). Motets by 
Giovannelli have been printed by Proske, Commer and Torchi, his eight-part Mass, 
‘Vestiva i colli’, a parodia on Palestrina's Mass (see Moser, op. cit.) by Frey (Berlin, 
1909). 

* Both printed by Proske (Mainz, 1850), though without Anerio's continuo part. 


REFORM’ OF GREGORIAN CHANT 369 


purists. The proposed ‘reform’ of the Gregorian chant, entrusted by 
Gregory XIII to Palestrina and Zoilo in 1577 but foiled by the inter- 
vention of the Spanish composer Fernando de las Infantas, has been 
mentioned in the previous chapter.! But this did not put an end to 
attempts to purge the chant of *barbarisms'. In 1582 the Pope’s 
chaplain Giovanni Guidetti, a pupil of Palestrina, published a Direc- 
torium chori in which the notes were given mensural values—and 
Palestrina approved of this as ‘not only excellent but of its kind 
unsurpassable'. Guidetti went further in later publications? and 
Cerone describes this practice in his Regole (Naples, 1609) as alla 
romana. At about the same time Andrea Gabrieli and Orazio Vecchi 
published a Graduale reformatum (Venice, 1585) which did revise the 
melodies to some extent but made other objectionable changes. 
Finally in 1608 Paul V set up a commission to go into the whole 
question, as the result of which Soriano and Felice Anerio produced 
a version—printed in 1614 by the Stamperia Medicea (so called from 
its director, Cardinal Ferdinando de’ Medici)—which in the name of 
reform garbled the melodies worse than before. However, the Pope 
refused at the last moment to make the version obligatory for the 
whole church; it existed as a ‘private edition’ for more than two 
centuries and its deplorable influence first made itself seriously felt in 
the nineteenth century when it was officially approved by Pius IX 
and Leo XIII. 


DE WERT AND HASSLER 


The Flemish musician Giaches de Wert (c. 1536-96), who spent 
most of his life in Italy, though not one of the ‘Roman school’, shared 
its ideals sufficiently to draw the warm praise of Palestrina, who, 
writing to his friend Guglielmo Gonzaga, Duke of Mantua (in whose 
service de Wert was) praises him as “un virtuoso veramente raro’. 
Like many another Northern musician, de Wert, while assimilating 
something of the Italian madrigal style, remained at heart an adherent 
of what might be termed the ‘reformed’ Flemish school. We may see 
this in a passage from a fine motet written for the feast of the 
Assumption, * Virgo Maria hodie ad coelum assumpta est’ from his 
first book of motets (Venice, 1581): 


1 See p. 250; see also infra, p. 394. . 
* бее К. С. Fellerer, articles * Choralreform', Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 
ii (1952), col. 1323, and ‘Guidetti’, ibid. v (1956), col. 1069. 


370 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—2 


Ex.173 Vir - ро Ma- ri- а ho-di- e 


ad: coe- 


1. 


|| 


A 


F 


Vir - 


as - sum- 


i 


- [lum 


ho 


DE WERT AND HASSLER 371 


The German Hans Leo Hassler (1564-1612) really belongs to 
Chapters VIII and X, where his Protestant church music will be con- 
sidered.! But although he studied at Venice with Andrea Gabrieli, 
some passages in his Masses (Nuremberg, 1599)? show more affinity 
with the Roman than with the Venetian school. As an illustration 
the exquisite ‘Christe eleison’ from the Mass ‘Dixit Maria”? a missa 
parodia, on one of his own motets, may be quoted: 


Ex.174 Chri - 


- son, 
- son, Chri- 


or the motet ‘Quia vidisti me’.4 


1 See pp. 453 and 544 ff. 

з Reprinted by Joseph Auer, Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, vii (Leipzig, 1902). 
$ Tbid., p. 1. 

* Ibid. ii (ed. H. Gehrmann), p. 31, and Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 186. 


VII 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE 
CONTINENT—3 


SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 
By HIGINI ANGLES 


INTRODUCTION 


THE historical evidence accumulated during recent years shows that 
the singers and instrumentalists attached to the royal house of 
Catalonia-Aragon during the fourteenth century were foreigners, 
as also were some of those who served the courts and royal chapels 
of Castile and Navarre.! Through its singers and religious repertory 
the royal chapel of Barcelona was connected with the pontifical 
chapel of Avignon;? during the first half of the fifteenth century its 
musicians and singers continued to be Franco-Flemings and Ger- 
mans, although in the other peninsular churches native singers and 
organists predominated.? 

The Spanish music which has survived shows that peninsular com- 
posers of the last ten years of the fifteenth century gradually turned 
away from the elaborate technique and lofty contrapuntal style of the 
Flemish school and, like the poets and to some degree the painters, 


1 See Higini Angles, ‘Cantors und Ministrers in den Diensten der Könige von Kata- 
lonien-Aragonien im 14. Jahrhundert', Kongress-Bericht Basel 1924 (Leipzig, 1925); 
‘Gacian Reyneau am Königshof zu Barcelona in der Zeit von 139 . . .—1429', Festschrift 
für Guido Adler (Vienna, 1930); *El müsic Jacomí al servei de Joan I i Marti I durant els 
anys 1372-1404', Miscellània: Homenatge a Antoni Rubió Lluch I (Barcelona, 1936); 
** De cantu organico". Tratado de un autor catalán del siglo XIV', Anuario musical, 
xiii (1958); * Musikalische Beziehungen zwischen Deutschland und Spanien in der Zeit 
vom 5. bis 14. Jahrhundert', Archiv für Musikwissenschaft (Festschrift Wilibald Gurlitt), 
xvi (1959). 

* Angles, ‘La müsica sagrada de la Capilla Pontificia de Avignon en la Capilla real 
Aragonesa', Anuario musical, xii (1957); *El "Llibre Vermell" de Montserrat y los 
cantos y la danza sacra de los peregrinos durante el siglo XIV’, ibid. x (1955). 

з See Angles, ‘Els cantors i organistes franco-flamencs i alemanys a Catalunya els 
segles XIV-XVI, Scheurleer-Gedenkboek (The Hague, 1925); ‘La música en la Corte 
del Rey Don Alfonso de Aragón, el Magnánimo (afios 1413-1420)’, Spanische For- 
schungen, 1. Reihe, viii. (1940); ‘La müsica en la Corte real de Aragón y de Nápoles 
durante el reinado de Alfonso V, El Magnánimo (1421-1458)’, Cuadernos de trabajos de 
ia Escuela Espafiola de Historia y de Arqueología en Roma (1961); ‘Spanien in der 
Musikgeschichte des 15. Jahrhunderts’, Festschrift für Johannes Vincke (Madrid, 1963). 


INTRODUCTION 373 


sought to create another imperishable form, extremely simple in 
technical resources and apparently archaic in manner, but neverthe- 
less commanding a highly spiritual evocative power. Such are the 
Masses of Juan de Anchieta (1462-1523), who was a singer in the 
choir of Queen Isabella, the Mass by Pedro Escobar (d. 1514), choir- 
master at the Cathedral of Seville (especially the Gloria and Credo), 
and the three-part Mass by Alonso de Alba.! In the same style are the 
Office hymns of Escobar and Alba? and Anchieta’s motet ‘Clamabat 
mulier' for four voices.? Escobar's setting of the second strophe of 
“Veni redemptor gentium' is typical: 


1 Anchieta’s ‘Missa de Nuestra Señora’ and another four-part Mass, and Alonso 
de Alba's Mass are printed in La müsica en la corte de los Reyes Católicos, i (Barcelona, 
1941; 2nd ed., 1960). 

! Printed by Rudolf Gerber, Spanisches Hymnar um 1500 (Das Chorwerk, 1x) (Wolfen- 
büttel, 1957). 

* Two motets, ‘Domine Jesu Christe’ and ‘Virgo et mater’, are printed by J. B. de 
Elüstiza and G. C. Hernández, Antología Musical (Barcelona, 1933). 


374 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


The more refined style of Francisco de Peñalosa (с. 1470-1528),! an- 
other member of the chapel of the *Catholic monarchs', however, 
suggests Flemish influence. 


CHARACTERISTICS OF SPANISH CHURCH MUSIC 


Flemish religious polyphony was known and performed in the 
Iberian peninsula from the fifteenth century onwards; Ockeghem 
spent some time in Spain in 1469? and recent investigations show that 
Josquin des Prez perhaps visited the peninsula.? Philippe le Beau, ac- 
companied by his Flemish chapel, prolonged his visits to Spain in 
1502 and 1506. But in spite of the fact that Spanish musicians occu- 
pied posts of honour in the pontifical chapel at Rome (as Pefialosa 
did on the death of King Ferdinand)! and in the royal chapel at Naples 
from the fifteenth century onwards, and later also in the royal chapel 
of Sicily at Palermo, as well as in the imperial chapel of Vienna,’ the 
majority of them worked in isolation at home, content with their native 
art and in no way concerned to make their work known abroad.? 

This is surprising when we remember that although the Spanish 
state made no effort to spread the reputations of native musicians 
through Europe by such means as assisting them to print their works, 
nevertheless, when once the New World was discovered, there was 


1 Two Masses, one of them on the famous villancico melody, ‘Nunca fué pena mayor’, 
in Anglés, Müsica en la corte; other liturgical music in Elüstiza and Hernández, 
Op. cit., Gerber, op. cit., and Miguel Hilarión Eslava, Lira sacro-hispana, i. 1 (Madrid, 
1869). Anglés has prepared an edition of Pefialosa’s works, beginning with the motets. 
Cf. also Gustave Reese, Music in the Renaissance, (London, 1954), p. 577, and Robert 
Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus (The Hague, 1960). 

* Dragan Plamenac, in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ix (1961), col. 1828. 

3 Helmuth Osthoff, ibid. vii (1958), col. 195. 

* Fr. X. Haberl, ‘Die römische “schola cantorum" und die päpstlichen Kapellsänger 
bis zur Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts', Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, iii (Leip- 
zig, 1887), pp. 189 ff.; E. Celani, ‘I cantori della Cappella Pontificia', Rivista musicale 
italiana, xiv (1907), p. 83. 

5 Guido Pannain, L’Oratorio dei Filippini e la scuola musicale di Napoli, i (Milan, 
1934). 

* Ottavio Tiby, ‘Sebastian Raval: a 16th Century Spanish Musician in Italy’, Musica 
Disciplina, ii (1948), p. 217, and ‘La musica nella Real Cappella Palatina di Palermo’, 
Anuario musical, vii (1952), p. 177. 

* Albert Smijers, ‘Die kaiserliche Hofmusik-Kapelle von 1543-1619, Studien zur 
Musikwissenschaft (Vienna, 1920); G. Van Doorslaer, ‘Die Musikkapelle Kaiser 
Rudolfs II. i. J. 1582', Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, xiii (1930-1), p. 481, and *La 
Chapelle musicale de l'empereur Rudolph Пеп 1594’, Acta Musicologica, v (1933), p. 148; 
Anglès, ‘Musikalische Beziehungen zwischen Österreich und Spanien in der Zeit vom 
14. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert’, Festschrift für Erich Schenk (Vienna, 1962), p. 5. 

8 Angles, ‘La polyphonie religieuse péninsulaire antérieure à la venue des musiciens 
flamands en Espagne’, Report Congrés Liege, 1930 (Burnham, 1931); Musica en la corte, 
i, pp. 17 ff.; and ‘La musica sacra medievale in Sicilia’, Atti Congresso Palermo 1954 
(Palermo, 1959). 


CHARACTERISTICS OF SPANISH CHURCH MUSIC 375 


official encouragement of teaching there, both artistic and religious, 
and the state directed the building of magnificent cathedrals and the 
founding of universities in the colonies, sending innumerable cargoes 
of musical instruments, books, and pamphlets for use in Mexico and ` 
other American regions. Among these shipments were to be found 
the printed works of religious polyphony by Morales, Guerrero, and 
Victoria, those of the organists Antonio de Cabezón and Aguilera 
de Heredia, together with volumes by the Spanish vihuelistas, can- 
cioneros, romances, and secular and religious literature; along with 
these went the dance and popular song, transmitted thus to America.! 
During the sixteenth century Spain occupied a place of honour in 
the history of European music. Her religious polyphony of the 
humanistic age carries an unmistakable and typically national 
stamp. It is distinguished by its natural and extremely simple tech- 
nique and for its austerity and dramatic mysticism, which evoke 
a higher degree of spiritual feeling than that produced by the a 
cappella polyphony of the other European schools. The Spanish 
composers of the golden age sought to create an art overflowing with 
emotion and mysticism, expressed with dramatic intensity. Though 
they were familiar with the technique of the Flemish, French, and 
Italian artists, they chose to continue their own. native tradition, 
begun at the close of the fifteenth century. In order to appreciate 
more fully the Spanish character of this religious music, it is impor- 
tant to bear in mind the existence of the traditional popular song of 
the various regions. In spite of the fact that the Spanish nature is 
lively, genial, and cheerful, reflecting the nature of the warm sun- 
light which enriches its soil, this popular song expresses an intimate 
nostalgia of much depth and therefore more usually employs minor 
rather than major keys. And just as Spanish songs breathe this 
atmosphere of intimate experience, ranging from profound sadness 
to moods of tenderness and optimism, so the religious polyphony 
reveals these same characteristics with equal emotive power. | 
The Spanish polyphonists of this century express a religious devo- 
tion and mystic fervour parallel to that of the painters and religious 


1 See Luis Torres de Mendoza, Colección de Documentos inéditos .. . . del Archivo de 
Indias (Madrid, 1864— ); Stevenson, Music in Mexico (New York, 1952), The Music 
of Peru (Washington, 1959), *The Bogotá Music Archive', Journal of the American 
Musicological Society, xv (1962), p. 292, and ‘European Music in 16th-Century Guate- 
mala’, Musical Quarterly, 1 (1964), p. 341; José Torre Revello, * Algunos libros de música 
traidos a América en el siglo XVI’, Boletín interamericano de müsica (November 1957); 
Steven Barwick, ‘Sacred Vocal Polyphony in Colonial Mexico’ (Diss. Harvard, 1949); 
Jesüs Bal, Tesoro de la müsica polifónica en México: El Códice del Convento del Carmen 
(Mexico, 1952). 


376 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


poets and prose-writers of the same epoch. The Castilian, Andalu- 
sian, Aragonese, and Catalan composers present us with a world 
entirely unknown in the musical religious atmosphere of that period 
elsewhere in Europe. Cristóba! de Morales, Pedro Alberch Vila, 
Rodrigo Ceballos, Francisco Guerrero, and Tomás Luis de Victoria, 
to mention only the principal ones, are the brothers of Saint Teresa 
of Avila, Saint John of the Cross, and Fray Luis de León, aesthetic- 
ally speaking; in their music they evoke those inspired interpreta- 
tions, both dramatic and realistic, with which we are familiar in the 
paintings of El Greco, Zurbarán, and Ribera. 

The Spanish printing-presses, however, though so rich in the 
production of other branches of human and ecclesiastical knowledge, 
were very parsimonious in the printing of polyphonic music during 
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. With the exception of books 
of songs and music for organ and vihuela, music publishing in 
Spain during the sixteenth century was confined to theoretical 
treatises,! some volumes in Andalusia,? and three volumes of poly- 
phony in Catalonia,? innumerable theoretical treatises but very little 
polyphony in Castile during the same period, and only some twelve 
volumes of religious polyphony in Castile, Aragon, and Navarre 
from 1598 to 1628.* This explains the unfortunate anomaly that, 
apart from the musicians who lived abroad for many years, relatively 
few Spaniards could hope to see their works printed. The evidence 
generally seems to show that much of the music of Spanish com- 
posers existed only in manuscript and therefore a great part of it has 
been irretrievably lost. If the religious music of all those talented men 
who lacked the means to publish their work had been preserved, the 
musical output of the peninsula during the sixteenth century would 
appear even richer and more splendid than it does. 


1 See Anglès, La música española desde la Edad Media hasta nuestros dias (Barcelona, 
1941), pp. 54 ff. 

23 Juan Vásquez, Villancicos y canciones (Ossuna, 1551); Agenda defunctorum (Seville, 
1556); Francisco Guerrero, Moteta (Seville, 1556); Vásquez, Recopilación de Sonetos y 
Villancicos (Seville, 1560). See Anglés, Juan Vásquez, Recopilación de Sonetos y Villanci- 
cos, in Monumentos de la música española, iv (Barcelona, 1946), p. 6. 

® Pedro Alberch Vila, Madrigales . . . Liber I and II (Barcelona, 1560-1); Nicasio 
Corita (Zorita), Moteta (Barcelona, 1584); Joan Brudieu, Madrigales (Barcelona, 1585). 

* Anglès, La música española, p. 55. The principal are Philippus Rogier, Missae sex 
(Madrid, 1600); T. L. de Victoria, Missae, Magnificat . . . (Madrid, 1600); Alfonso 
Lobo, Liber Primus Missarum (Madrid, 1602); Victoria, Officium Defunctorum (Madrid, 
1605); Sebastián de Vivanco, Magnificat (Salamanca, 1607), and Motetes (Salamanca, 
1610); Juan Esquivel de Barahona, Missarum . . . lib. I (Salamanca, 1608), Motecta 
(Salamanca, 1608), Salmos, Himnos. . . . (Salamanca, 1613); Miguel el Navarro, Liber 
Magnificarum (Pampeluna, 1614); Sebastián Aguilera de Heredia, Liber canticorum 
Magnificat (Zaragoza, 1618); Stefano Limido (Madrid, 1624); Sebastián López de 
Velasco, Libro de Misas (Madrid, 1628). 


CHARLES V AND HIS COURT CHAPEL 377 


CHARLES V AND HIS COURT CHAPEL 


The Netherland chapel, known in Spain as the capilla flamenca, 
which always accompanied Charles V during his journeys through 
Europe and also went with him during his travels and sojourns in the 
peninsula, was a direct continuation of the chapel he had inherited 
from the court of Burgundy.! Even though he himself showed no 
interest in having a Spanish chapel served by Spaniards, he was care- 
ful to see that his wife, the Empress Isabella (d. 1539), should have 
one, and also, on her death, that it should be at the service of their 
children, Philip II and the princesses Maria (married in 1548 to 
Maximilian II of Austria) and Juana (married in 1552 to the Portu- 
guese prince Joan Manoel, d. 1554).? Moreover, during his stay in the 
peninsula and even during his journeys through Italy on the occasion 
of his coronation as Emperor on 24 February 1530 in Bologna by 
Pope Clement VII, Charles V chose to be served by Spanish instru- 
mentalists.? 

It was through the capilla flamenca that peninsular musicians were 
able to familiarize themselves with the religious music of Flanders 
and France, although this contact did not exercise any strong in- 
fluence on Spanish composers who preferred to follow their own 
traditions.* 


On Friday, the twenty-third of October, 1555, there being present in 
the castle of Brussels king Philip II and many of his servants, among 
whom figured his musicians and singers, Charles V abdicated in favour 
of his son. In his speech he recalled that during his reign he had visited 
Germany nine times, Flanders ten, Spain six, France four, England twice, 
and twice North Africa. Being still in Brussels on the sixteenth of January 
in the following year, on this day the emperor renounced his kingdoms in 
favour of his son and the German empire in favour of his brother Don 
Ferdinand of Austria.5 


1 Anglès, La música en la corte de Carlos V, pp. 1 ff.; Joseph Schmidt-Górg, Nicolas 
Gombert, Leben und Werk (Bonn, 1938). 

2 Anglès, La música . . . Carlos V, pp. 24 ff. 

? Ibid., pp. 10 ff. and 35 ff. 

4 Edmond Van der Straeten, ‘Les musiciens néerlandais en Espagne’, La Musique aux 
Pays-Bas avant le ХІХ" siècle, vii-viii, 1884-8) and Charles Quint Musicien (Ghent, 
1894); Georges Van Doorslaer, ‘La chapelle musicale de Charles Quint en 1552’, Musica 
Sacra (Malines, 1933); Anglès, ‘Historia de la música española’, in Johannes Wolf, 
Historia de la musica (Barcelona, 1934); ‘Les musiciens flamands en Espagne et leur 
influence sur la polyphonie espagnole', Kongress-Bericht Utrecht 1952 (Amsterdam, 
1953) and Diccionario de la Müsica Labor, i (Barcelona, 1954), p. 452; Hellmut Feder- 
hofer, ‘Etats de la chapelle musicale de Charles V (1528) et de Maximilien II (1554)’, 
Revue belge de musicologie, iv (1950), p. 176; Jean Jacquot (ed.), Fêtes et cérémonies au 
temps de Charles Quint (Paris, 1960). 

5 Anglès, La musica . . . Carlos V, p. 136 (text). 


378 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


PHILIP II's ATTITUDE TO MUSIC 


There is historical evidence that it was Philip II, not Charles V, 
who was the true Maecenas of Spanish music. His musical taste was 
. formed at an early age by the organist Antonio de Cabezón and the 
clavichord-player Francisco de Soto, between 1539 and 1543. While 
still a prince, he had no complete musical chapel of his own, since 
the official organization was at the service of the cardinal Juan de 
Tavera, who formed part of the Council of Regency and was 'chap- 
lain-general of the imperial chapel'. When Philip was appointed 
regent of the kingdom in 1543, however, the musicians of this cardinal 
became part of his chapel. Most outstanding among these was Juan 
García de Basurto, who was succeeded by Pedro de Pastrana in 
1547; Antonio de Cabezón became his organist and Francisco de 
Soto his musician of the chamber.! 

On his journey through Italy, Flanders, and Germany in 1548, 
Philip was always accompanied by the musicians of his chapel, who 
thus had opportunities to become acquainted at first-hand with the 
church music of these countries.? When Philip came to England in 
July 1554, on the occasion of his marriage to Mary Tudor—the 
daughter of Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon, who had so cared 
for her daughter's musical education that she was a good singer and 
player on the lute—he was also accompanied by his artists. During 
his stay in England, his suite included the royal chapel, consisting of 
ten chaplains, presided over by the Bishop of Salamanca, twenty-one 
singers (four basses, six tenors, four altos, seven trebles), besides 
Antonio de Cabezón and his brother Juan de Cabezón, keyboard 
player, and Cristóbal de León as official organist. He also brought 
an orchestra of fourteen ministriles (wind players)? | 

During his long stay in Flanders as Archduke of Burgundy, Philip 
decided that it would be appropriate for him to have not only 
Burgundian ceremonial but a chapel composed of Flemish musicians. 
Mary Tudor died in 1558, and when Philip returned to Spain the 
following year, he took with him singers from Flanders.* With his 
Netherland chapel he wished to pay homage to the memory of his 
father; the Spanish chapel—perhaps not so rich as the Flemish in 
singers—was to be a memorial to that other splendid chapel of his 
ancestors, the *Catholic Monarchs', and of his mother, the Empress 


1 Anglès, La música . . . Carlos V, pp. 142 ff.; Jaime Moll, ‘Músicos de la corte del 
Cardenal Juan Tavera (1523-45): Luis Venegas de Henestrosa', Anuario musical, vi (1951). 

з Anglès, La música . . . Carlos V, pp. 102 ff. 

* Tbid., pp. 124 ff. * Ibid., pp. 136 ff. 


PHILIP II's ATTITUDE TO MUSIC 379 


Isabella. During the sixteenth century the two chapels continued 
their offices separately, each in its own tradition. The Flemish musi- 
cians composed in their particular style and performed the repertory 
of the Netherlands and the rest of Europe, while the Spanish musicians 
continued zealously to cultivate their native forms, doubtless more 
modest in technical resources, but of a more intense, more intimate, 
and more original religious nature. Nevertheless, in order to show 
their admiration for the ecclesiastical art of the Flemish and French 
composers, the Spaniards, in writing their Masses or when compiling 
their collections for organ or vihuela, based their works upon religious 
pieces of the French-Netherland school, chiefly on those of the 
masters of Charles V's chapel or of the French royal house, or 
transcribed these pieces for instruments. 

The outstanding musicians of Philip II’s Flemish chapel from 1556 
were Nicolas Payen, who was transferred with his musicians in office 
from the service of Charles V to that of his son Philip II; Pierre de 
Manchicourt! (d. Madrid 1564), Georges de La Héle (Helle), first 
cantor and from 1580 until his death director of the chapel, and 
Felipe Rogier (Rogerius), the last Netherland master of the chapel 
(d. Madrid 1596), who was succeeded by the Spaniard Mateo Romero 
(Maestro Capitän).? 

Philip II’s genuine interest in the preservation of musical treasures 
is shown by the numerous works, both manuscript and printed, 
which were placed in the new Escorial library during his reign, 
and the performance of vocal polyphony in this church was always 
permitted.? That Philip was a most generous patron of Spanish and 
foreign composers is shown by the series of great collections and 
editions dedicated to him by Miguel de Fuenllana, Diego Pisador, 
Francisco Guerrero, La Héle, Palestrina, and Victoria.* 


THE PRINCIPAL CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS OF SPANISH MUSIC 


From at least the fifteenth century onwards, the more important 
religious centres were endowed with choirs for the performance 


1 See pp. 234-5. 

* Van der Straeten, op. cit. vii; Paul Becquart, ‘Trois documents inédits relatifs à la 
Chapelle flamande de Philippe II et Philippe IIT', Anuario musical, xiv (1959), p. 63, 
and ‘Un compositeur néerlandais à la Cour de Philippe II et de Philippe III: Nicolas 
Dupont (1575-1623), ibid. xvi (1961), pp. 81 ff. 

* Samuel Rubio, ‘La capilla de müsica del monasterio de El Escorial', La Ciudad de 
Dios, clxiii (1951), 1, pp. 61 ff. 

* Isabel Pope, ‘The "Spanish Chapel" of Philip ІГ, Renaissance News, v, 1-2 (1952); 
Nicolas Alvarez Solar-Quintes, *Nuevas noticias de müsicos de Felipe IT, de su época 
.. 7, Anuario musical, xv (1960), p. 195; Anglès, La música . . . Carlos V, p. 83. 


380 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


of polyphonic music, and during the sixteenth century each had 
gifted and original musicians. There were three outstanding schools: 
the Andalusians, heirs to the medieval art of fertile Andalusia which 
had already seen the musical heyday of the Arabs and Spanish Jews; 
the Castilians, who continued the polyphonic splendour of the 
Toledan Church and the court of Alfonso X (the Learned), some of 
them educated in the universities of Salamanca and Alcala de Henares; 
and the Catalans, who maintained the ancient artistic prestige of the 
Provincia Tarraconensis, the monasteries of Ripoll and Montserrat, 
and the royal Aragonese chapel of the fourteenth and fifteenth 
centuries. 

Prominent in the Andalusian school were Pedro Fernández de 
Castilleja, Cristóbal de Morales, Juan Vázquez, Juan Navarro, 
Rodrigo de Ceballos, Fernando de las Infantas, Pedro Guerrero, 
Francisco Guerrero, Ambrosio de Cotes, Andrés de Villalar, Luis de 
Aranda, Juan del Risco, Alonso Lobo, and Santos de Aliseda; 
among the Castilians Juan Escribano, Juan Garcia de Basurto, 
Bartolomé Escobedo, Pedro de Pastrana, Antonio de Cabezón, 
Andrés Torrentes, Bernardino de Ribera, Pedro Alba, Juan Bernal, 
Diego Ortiz, Francisco de Montanos, Bernardo Clavijo del Castillo, 
Tomás Luis de Victoria, Juan Esquivel de Barahona, Ginés Boluda, 
Mateo Romero (Maestro Capitán), Miguel Gómez Camargo, Sebas- 
tián López de Velasco, Sebastián de Vivanco, Juan Ruiz de Robledo; 
in Catalonia, Antonio Marlet, the two Mateo Flechas (uncle and 
nephew), Pedro Alberch Vila, Miguel Pedro Andreu, Rafael Coloma, 
Joan Brudieu, Pedro Riquet, Juan Pujol, Antonio Reig, Juan 
Verdalet. Nor must weforget the Valencian school with such musicians 
as Juan Ginés Pérez, Cárceres, Company, Juan Bautista Comes, 
Francisco Navarro, or the Aragonese with Melchior Robledo, José 
Gay, Sebastián Aguilera de Heredia, Miguel Navarro, Pedro Rimonte 
(Ruimonte), and Diego Pontac.! 

It would be premature to pass a definitive judgement on the achieve- 
ments of the Spanish polyphonists of this period, since apart from 
Victoria? and seven volumes by Morales,’ most of the work is still 
to a great extent unpublished, at any rate in modern editions.* But 
superficial examination suggests that although the Spanish composers 


1 See Henri Collet, Le Mysticisme musical espagnol du XVI* siécle (Paris, 1913); 
Joaquin Pena and Anglés, Diccionario de la Müsica Labor, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1954), 
for biographies and bibliographies. 

з Opera Omnia, ed. Felipe Рейге], 8 vols. (Leipzig, 1902-13). 

з Opera Omnia, ed. Anglès (Barcelona, 1952- ). 

* The principal collections of reprints are listed in the bibliography. 


PRINCIPAL CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS OF SPANISH MUSIC 381 


do not reveal an altogether unfamiliar musical world, they do, never- 
theless, offer special characteristics. In their dedications Morales, 
Guerrero, and Victoria set forth the principles of their religious 
musical aesthetic, aims which in some respects differ from those of 
other composers of the various European schools. 

Convinced of the supreme dignity which polyphony ought to 
show before the altar, as admitted by the Church ‘ad cultum divinum 
ampliandum’ (according to Johannes Tinctoris), and at the same 
time seeking ‘to uplift the souls of the listeners to their Creator’, the 
peninsular composers avoided as far as possible the writing of 
secular music, and dedicated all their powers and talents to enriching 
the artistic patrimony of the Catholic liturgy. Perhaps only Palestrina 
himself during the sixteenth century created a devotional music so 
steeped in mysticism and spirituality as this Hispanic school of the 
golden age. 

The tendency to simplicity of forms and absence of elaborate 
technique, begun during the fifteenth century, was always the ideal of 
religious composers in Spain; their aim was to subordinate technique 
to the musical expressiveness inherent in the text. Apart from Morales, 
who, in some of his works stood near the art of the Netherlands, this 
tendency became an obsession in peninsular music during the age of 
humanism; to it the Spanish composers sacrificed their talent and 
technical means, even at times fineness of melodic line, and always 
contrapuntal technique and harmonic effects. 

Asitisimpossible to study here the works of all the above-mentioned 
musicians, discussion must be limited to the most outstanding, each 
of whom, however, symbolizes one of the peninsular schools. 


CRISTÓBAL DE MORALES 


Of the works of Pedro Fernández de Castilleja, magister puerorum 
at Seville Cathedral from 1514 (d. 1547), the *maestro de los maestros 
de Espafia’, as his pupil Guerrero called him,! only five motets for 
four or five voices have survived,? and it is therefore difficult to judge 
his artistic merit. But the greatest creative genius of the Andalusian 
school was undoubtedly Cristóbal de Morales? (c. 1500-53). 


1 In the Prologue of his Viage de Hierusalem (Seville, 1596). 

з Two of them, ‘Dispersit, dedit’ and ‘Heu mihi, Domine’, published by Eslava, op. 
cit. i. 1, pp. 157 and 161; Henri Collet printed the four-part motet *O gloriosa Domina', 
op. cit., p. 258. 

3 On Morales generally see Pedrell, Hispaniae Schola Musica Sacra, i (Barcelona, 
1894); Rafael Mitjana, Estudios sobre algunos músicos españoles del siglo XVI (Madrid, 
1918), pp. 181 ff.; J. B. Trend, ‘Cristóbal Morales’, Music and Letters, vi (1925), 
p. 11; Angles, Morales: Opera Omnia i, * Cristobal de Morales en Espafia’, Anuario 
musical, viii (1953), p. 70, and ‘Cristobal de Morales y Francisco Guerrero’, ibid. ix 


382 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


Musically educated in the same city, perhaps by Francisco de 
Penalosa and Fernändez de Castilleja, he soon became maestro de 
capilla in the cathedrals of Avila, Plasencia, and Jaen, and went to 
Rome in 1535 as singer in the papal chapel until 1545. That Morales 
rapidly made his way in Rome may be deduced from the Motu 
Proprio which Paul III dedicated to him after he had served for a 
year in the chapel; the Pope was pleased to confer on him the title 
of ‘Count of the Sacred Palace and of Saint John Lateran’ in 1536. 
From the point of view of opportunities for artistic development and 
the printing of his works, it seems unfortunate that Morales, for 
reasons unknown, should have decided to leave Rome and return 
to his own country, where he continued his career at Toledo, Mar- 
chena (near Seville), and Málaga. 

Morales was the first Spanish composer who succeeded in giving 
his work an international character; he was the first to break out of 
that closed circle and isolation in which Spanish musicians lived and 
to win for himself a place of honour beside the best composers of 
contemporary Europe. Aware of the obstacle to publication of his 
works in Spain constituted by the poverty of the peninsular presses, 
he took advantage of his stay in Rome to show the world what he 
could do. His earliest printed works were two motets in Moderne's 
Motetti del fiore (Lyons, 1539) and the madrigal ‘Ditemi o si o no’ 
in Il quarto libro di madrigali d' Arcadelt (Venice, 1539); the following 
year Scotto of Venice issued three of his Masses and in 1544 the 
brothers Dorici published two volumes of Masses in Rome. Thanks 
to these, the name of Morales Hispanus soon became celebrated 
throughout Europe. He himself took care to see that the adjective 
*Hispanus' or *Hyspalensis' (of Seville) was habitually added to his 
name. 

Although Morales in his lifetime was not to see more than a part 
of his rich musical production in print, there is no doubt that he 
might easily have had all his works published if he had stayed in 
Italy; and there is enough of his music extant—printed or in manu- 
script—to show that he is one of the great masters of the sixteenth 
century. Of the twenty-two surviving Masses,! two are written оп the 
(1954), p. 56, ‘Das sakrale Charakter der Kirchenmusik von Cristóbal de Morales’, 
Festschrift für Theobald Schrems (Ratisbon, 1963), p. 110; Stevenson, 'Cristóbal de 
Morales: a Fourth-Centenary Biography’, Journal of the American Musicological 


Society, vi (1953), p. 3, and Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age (Berkeley and 
Los Angeles, 1961), pp. 3 ff.; Reese, op. cit., p. 587. 

2 On the Masses see particularly С. A. Trumpff, ‘Die Messen*des Cristóbal de Mora- 
les', Anuario musical, viii (1953), p. 93. Besides the twenty-two Masses we possess the 
treble of a four-part *Misa Valenciana', of which nothing more is known. 


CRISTÖBAL DE MORALES 383 


themes of Castilian songs; the Mass ‘Decidle al cavallero’, for four 
voices, perhaps one of his first, and the Mass ‘Tristezas me matan’, 
for five.! It is curious that both are preserved in Italian manuscripts, 
the first in Milan (Bibl. Ambrosiana, MS. Mus. E46, fo. 41) and the 
second in the Sistine Chapel in Rome (Capp. Sist. 17, fo. 80-96). 
Three other masses are composed on French chansons: "LU homme 
arme’, for four voices, " L'homme arme’, for five, and ‘Mille regretz’, 
for six.? To assess the proper liturgical worth of his Masses, one must 
bear in mind that Morales wrote them all before the reforms of the 
Council of Trent; it explains why he introduced tropes in the 
Ordinarium Missae and why he paid tribute to the Netherlanders, 
whose technical procedures he had assimilated so well, by writing 
Masses on French secular chansons. In this connexion it should be 
mentioned that the Roman manuscript Capp. Sist. 17 preserves a 
version of the Sanctus, Benedictus, and Agnus of the Mass ‘Mille 
regretz’, different from that printed in Missarum Liber and composed 
in a more elaborate style? This shows how well he could imitate the 
subtleties and intricacies of the puzzle-canons of the Franco-Flemish 
masters of the previous generation. The Masses written by Morales 
on Gregorian themes are six in number: two ‘De Beata Virgine’, one 
for four,‘ the other for five voices," composed on the chants of 
Mass IX of the Kyriale Romanum, and preserving the well-known 
trope ‘Spiritus et alme’ in the Gloria; ‘ Ave maris stella’, on the theme 
of the hymn, for four notated voices* with a counterpoint in the altus 
sung in canon subdiatesseron almost throughout: 


Ex.176 
(Note-values halved) 


D 
| 
N 


Ky - ri- e 


1 Opera Omnia, vii, p. 86. In a volume of Villancicos de diversos autores printed in 
Venice in 1556 and reprinted by Jesús Bal, EI Colégio de México, 1944, nr. 49, there is 
a composition for five voices by Nicolas Gombert with the same text, ‘Tristezas me 
matan’, and similar melodies. 

* Opera Omnia, vi, p. 67, and i, pp. 193 and 238. 

* See Opera Omnia, vii, Appendix, p. 121. 

* Opera Omnia, i, p. 1, and Peter Wagner, Geschichte der Messe (Leipzig, 1913), 
p. 457. 5 Opera Omnia, iii, p. 66. * Ibid. i, p. 104. 


384 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


‘Ave Maria’ for four voices,! on the theme of the antiphon, written 
in strict canto fermo style, and the ‘Missa pro defunctis', for five 
voices,? in a style very different from the rest, profoundly lugubrious 
in tone, in strong contrast with Palestrina's setting,’ full of faith and 
hope, and still more with Brudieu's,* all spiritual light and Christian 
serenity. A ‘Missa pro defunctis' for four voices is preserved anony- 
mously in a few manuscripts, though in others till recently unknown 
it appears under the names of Morales.® 

Morales cultivated the missa parodia with special affection, and 
eight examples by him are extant: ‘ Aspice Domine’, for four voices,’ 
on Gombert's motet; ‘ Vulnerasti cor теит’, for four voices,’ on ап 
anonymous motet in the Motetti de la Corona (Petrucci, 1514, and 
Jacobus Junta, 1526); three on motets by Mouton, ‘Benedicta es 
caelorum regina’, for four voices, on Mouton's motet; ‘Gaude 


! Opera Omnia, iii, p. 32. 3 Ibid. iii, p. 114. 

3 Cf. Ambros-Kade, Geschichte der Musik, iii (Leipzig, 1893), p. 591, and Mitjana, 
ор. cit., p. 205. 

* Pedrell-Angles, Joan Brudieu: Els Madrigals i la Missa de Difunts (Barcelona, 
1921), p. 213. 

5 Printed by Sister Maria Sagués, Anonymous, Valladolid Codex, Missa pro Defunctis 
(Cincinnati, 1960). * Opera Omnia, i, p. 35; model, iii, p. 157. 


? Tbid. i, p. 70; model, iii, p. 166. * Ibid. iii, p. 1; model, p. 185. 


CRISTÖBAL DE MORALES 385 


Barbara’,! for four voices, on another motet by Mouton; ‘Quaera- 
mus cum pastoribus’, forfive;? ‘Quem dicunt homines '? for five, using 
the four-part motet by Richafort; ‘Si bona suscepimus', for six 
voices,* written on the five-part motet by Verdelot; the already men- 
tioned ‘Mille regretz', for six, on Josquin's chanson, the ‘canción 
del Emperador’ (Charles V), as Luis de Narváez writes in his Delphin 
de música de cifra para tañer vihuela (Valladolid, 1538)5— Morales 
gives Josquin's melody great prominence in the highest part through- 
out. Morales wrote three other Masses using the old strict canto 
fermo technique: ‘Tu es vas electionis "8 for four voices, and the two 
*L'homme arme’ Masses.’ Finally, there are a Mass ‘Super ut re mi 
fal sol la’, another ‘Super fa re ut fa sol fa’ and the ‘Missa Caca’, a 
markedly canonic Mass; all three are for four voices. Specially note- 
worthy is the masterly writing in passages of the four-part Masses and 
in the five-part ‘De Beata Virgine' and * Quaeramus cum pastoribus’, 
and the grandeur of some of the six-part settings of the Agnus. Morales 
composed more Masses than any other Roman musician before 
Palestrina and in this sphere he is one of the links connecting the 
Flemish art of Josquin and Gombert with Palestrina. 

More than eighty motets by Morales have been preserved.® He 
shows a surprising predilection for Gregorian themes as canti fermi, 
treating them in masterly style, clothing them in austere counterpoint, 
and cultivating the art of variation as it was known in his day. He 
also surprises by his choice of dramatic themes which he vitalizes 
with emotional intensity and descriptive music, thus preparing the 
way for Guerrero, Ceballos, and Victoria. It is in the motets that 
Morales reaches the highest peaks of technique and emotion. So we 


1 Ibid. vi, p. 34; model, p. 133. * Ibid. i, p. 148; model, iii, p. 172. 

з Ibid. vii, p. 89; model, p. 142. * Ibid. i, p. 274; model, iii, p. 179. 

5 See the edition by Emilio Pujol, Monumentos de la música española, iii (Barcelona, 
1945), p. 37. 

* Tbid. vi, p. 1. 7 Ibid. i, p. 193, and vi, p. 67. 

* Ibid. vii, pp. 36, 18, and 1. See Anglès, ‘El “Llibre Vermeli” de Montserrat’, 
Anuario musical, x (1955), p. 61, describing a manuscript containing three pieces with 
the title ‘Caça’ (= canon); Barcelona, Bibl. Central, М. 588/2, fo. 48°, contains an 
ensalada for four voices by the elder Flecha, entitled ‘La Caça’. 

* On the motets, see Ambros-Kade, op. cit. iii, p. 587 and v, p. 595; Pedrell, His- 
paniae Schola, i; Hugo Leichtentritt, Geschichte der Motette (Leipzig, 1908), pp. 368 ff. ; 
Elüstiza-Castrillo, Antología musical; Morales, Opera Omnia, ii (1953) and v (1959); 
Rubio, Antología polifónica sacra (Madrid, 1956), і and ii; and Stevenson, Spanish 
Cathedral Music, p. 94. Stevenson in Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians, v 
(5th ed., London, 1954), p. 833, and more recently in Die Musik in Geschichte und 
Gegenwart, ix (1961), art. Morales, attributes to Morales 14 anonymous motets of the 
1543 and 1546 editions, but the attribution is doubtful. On these editions, see Répertoire 
des sources musicales, i: Recueils imprimés XVI*—XVII* siécles, ed. Frangois Lesure 
(Munich-Duisburg, 1960). 


386 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


find Morales austere in the well-known five-part ‘Emendemus in 
melius’, in the Escorial Library and reproduced many times,! dramatic 
in ‘Lamentabatur Jacob’? and ‘Job, tonso capite’,? both for five 
voices; he knows how to be sweet when in ‘Pastores, dicite, quidnam 
vidistis?'* and іп ‘O magnum mysterium ',* both for four voices, he 
sings the Saviour's birth; deeply devotional in ‘Per tuam crucem’ for 
four voices and *O crux, ave, spes unica' for five voices; nostalgic in 
the six-part ‘Veni, Domine, et noli tardare’,” and full of enthusiasm 
when he sings Christ's triumph in the five-part “Christus resurgens 
ex mortuis’.® His sixteen Magnificats,® on the eight traditional tones— 
eight settings of the odd-numbered and eight of the even-numbered— 
enjoyed unprecedented success; it is significant of the esteem in which 
they were held that from 1542, when Scotto of Venice published the 
first five settings, till 1619 at least sixteen editions appeared, and that 
innumerable manuscript copies have been preserved, all made before 
the eighteenth century. The Vatican manuscript Capp. Giulia VIII- 
39, contains some verses of these Magnificats elaborated by Pales- 
trina. Besides Morales’ hymns and antiphons we have his profoundly 
expressive Lamentationes (Venice, 1564), printed simultaneously by 
Rampazetto and Gardano eleven years after the composer's death: 


Ex.177 


1 Escorial, Libro 8 de facistol; printed in Pedrell, op. cit. i, p. 29; Eslava, op. cit. i. 1, 
p. 109; Davison and Apel, Historical Anthology of Music, i (Cambridge, Mass., 1947), 
p. 138; and elsewhere. 

з Reprinted Opera Omnia, ii, p. 102; Pedrell, op. cit. i, p. 40; Eslava, op. cit. i. 1, p. 119; 
A. Araiz Martífiez, Historia de la música religiosa en España (Barcelona and Madrid, 


1942), p. 243. 
* Reprinted Opera Omnia, v, p. 126. * Ibid. ii, p. 12. 
5 Ibid. v, p. 7. * Ibid. ii, p. 26 and v, p. 103; Rubio, Antología, i, p. 92. 
7 Ibid. v, p. 146. * [bid. v, p. 107. 


* Modern edition by Pedrell, Hispaniae schola musica sacra, i, p. 20 (Barcelona, 1894) 
(Magnificat, VIII tono), and Opera Omnia, iv. The setting of the even-numbered verses 
to the eighth tone is given in Carl Parrish, A Treasury of Early Music (New York, 1958), 
p. 111. 

10 Palestrina's additional parts are printed in Opera Omnia, iv; see also Angles, 
‘Palestrina y los “ Magnificat” de Morales’, Anuario musical, viii (1953), p. 153. 


CRISTÖBAL DE MORALES 387 


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| 


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соп - |ver- te - {re ad Do 
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Morales must be considered as the Roman-Spanish musician who, 
in advance of his age, anticipated the spirit and liturgical-artistic 
ideals of the Council of Trent and prepared the way for Palestrina 
himself. The innumerable manuscript copies of his works and the 
tributes paid him by the Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese theorists 
of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries testify to the veneration in 
which he was held. In his use of cross-rhythm—one voice singing 
three notes against two in the other parts—in his earliest Masses, in 
his employment of sequence and melodic repetition, in his writing 
for two parts only, in the adaptation of the words to the melody, 
Morales was still partly following the old style of Ockeghem, Obrecht, 
and above all of Josquin; but in his handling of suspensions, in his 
canto fermo technique, in the nobility of his style, he shows great 
originality. In genius and technique he is unquestionably superior 
to all other Spanish composers of the Golden Age. 

In order to understand the spiritual power of Morales, one must 
remember the moral principles which governed his aesthetic in a 
period when even the pontifical singers of Rome composed profane 
songs and madrigals. These principles, expressed by Morales in the 


388 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


dedications of his two books of Masses (Rome, 1544), are those of 
the theorists of the Middle Ages, for instance the Spaniard Johannes 
Aegidius Zamorensis and Tinctoris, and of Palestrina in the book 
of motets dedicated to Pope Gregory XIII (Rome, 1584): ‘Music is 
a gift from God and is given to us to praise the Lord and to give 
nobility to men.' It is true that Morales was more familiar with the 
Flemish style than other Spanish composers; yet, while exploring 
Flemish counterpoint, he always retained the soul of a Spanish artist. 


VÁSQUEZ AND PEDRO GUERRERO 


Juan Vásquez (d. after 1560) was musically active in the circles of 
the Andalusian nobility and hence managed to have his works pub- 
lished in Andalusia itself. He was principally a composer of secular 
music: villancicos, songs and sonetos.! Of his religious music, besides 
some pieces with Castilian texts, we have his Agenda defunctorum 
(Seville, 1556), in which plainsong alternates with four-part poly- 
phony in Office and Mass; the pleasant sweetness of his secular music 
is also apparent in his truly spiritual choral music.? The name of 
Pedro Guerrero, elder brother and first teacher of Francisco, appears 
as cantor at Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome from 1560 onward.? 
A series of four-part motets* and six Masses, freshly coloured music, 
transparent in structure, have survived. 


FRANCISCO GUERRERO 


Next to Morales the most illustrious composer of the Andalusian 
school was unquestionably Francisco Guerrero (1527/8-99), a seise 
(boy singer) of Seville Cathedral, where he later became cantor; he 
was a pupil of his brother Pedro, of Cristóbal de Morales, and of 
Fernández de Castilleja.5 In spite of the fact that he never lived out- 
side Spain for any length of time, Guerrero managed to get nearly all 
his works published abroad; this was something unique in sixteenth- 
century Spain and is a priori evidence of his exceptional genius. Only 


1 See p. 82. 

1 * Absolve, Domine’ and ‘Sana, Domine’ are printed in Rubio, Antologia, ii. 

з See Rome, Santa Maria Maggiore, Archives, Reg. ‘Cappella 1552-1562’, i and ii, 
July and November 1560. 

* *Domine meus’ and ‘O beata Maria’ in Elüstiza and Hernández, op. cit.; the latter 
also in Rubio, op. cit. ii. 

5 On Guerrero generally, see Mitjana, Francisco Guerrero: estudio crítico-biográfico 
(Madrid, 1922); Anglés, *Cristóbal de Morales y Francisco Guerrero', Anuario musical, 
ix (1954), p. 56; Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music, pp. 135 ff. 


FRANCISCO GUERRERO 389 


his first book of motets was printed at Seville (by Montesdoca, 1555); 
his Magnificat was printed by Phalese (Louvain, 1563), the Liber 
primus Missarum by du Chemin (Paris, 1566); another book of 
motets appeared ir Venice (apud filium Ant. Gardane) in 1570. His 
ambition to go to Italy, in order to familiarise himself with musical 
conditions in Rome and also to print some of his works there, was 
fulfilled in 1581-2, when his Missarum liber secundus was published 
by Basa (Rome, 1582), who issued his Liber Vesperarum two years 
later. In 1588 he realized his dream of visiting Palestine to see 
Bethlehem and there ‘perform my songs together with the angels and 
shepherds who first taught us to celebrate the coming of the Messiah’; 
on this expedition, which he described in his Viage de Hierusalem, he 
was accompanied by his pupil Francisco Sánchez; during his ab- 
sence no less a person than Zarlino undertook the correction of the 
proofs of his Mottecta. Lib. II and Canciones y villanescas espiri- 
tuales (Venice, 1589). In 1597 the same publisher, Vincenti, published 
his last collection of motets and the Mass ‘Seculorum. Amen’. 
Pending the appearance of a complete edition of his works, it is 
difficult to establish a complete and accurate list of his religious 
compositions. 

The volumes printed in Guerrero's lifetime contain about 170 
sacred compositions with Latin texts as well as some 68 pieces with 
Spanish texts, some of which are religious in content.? His church 
music consists of eighteen Masses (strictly speaking, only seventeen 
since his ‘Missa pro defunctis? was printed twice, the second time 
revised and corrected according to the prescriptions of the Council 
of Trent), some 115 motets, a series of Psalms and Magnificats, and 
thirty-four hymns. The Paris edition of 1566 contains four four- 
part and four five-part Masses; the volume printed in Rome in 1582 
includes five Masses for four voices, two for five, and one for six. 
Other works were preserved only in manuscript: the four-part Mass 


1 The Instituto Español de Musicología is preparing such an edition (Barcelona, 
1955- ). The second volume of Pedrell’s Hispaniae schola musica sacra contains a 
Magnificat, an Office for the Dead, the Matthew Passion, and motets; Eslava reprinted 
both the Matthew and John Passions (on which see Otto Kade, Die ältere Passionskom- ` 
position bis zum Jahre 1631 (Gütersloh, 1893), p. 153), the four-part Mass *Simile est 
regnum' and two motets, op. cit. i. 2. The alternatim ‘Salve Regina’ is reproduced from 
Pedrell in Davison and Apel, ор. cit., p. 150. The five-part * Ave, Virgo sanctissima’, full 
of verbal and musical references to Marian songs, has been reprinted not only by Pedrell, 
op. cit., p. 13, and Eslava, op. cit., p. 99, but by Elüstiza and Hernández, op. cit., p. 89, 
Araiz, op. cit, p. 273, and Rubio, op. cit. ii, p. 48. Rubio's two volumes contain 
seventeen motets and a Magnificat by Guerrero. 

* Canciones y villanescas espirituales. Reprinted by V. Garcia and M. Querol in Opera 
Omnia, i and ii (Barcelona, 1955 and 1957). 


390 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


*L'homme armé', the Passions and so on. Of his three Masses 
‘De beata virgine’, one contains the trope ‘O Paraclite obumbrans 
corpus Mariae eleison', another the Kyrie ‘Rex Virginum amator 
Deus', whereas that of 1582, which paraphrases Mass IX of the 
Kyriale Romanum, is without tropes, in consequence of the Triden- 
tine decrees. His Masses ‘Sancta et immaculata virginitas’ and ‘Inter 
vestibulum' are *parody' Masses on motets by Morales. The titles 
of his Masses show that, apart from ‘Dormendo un giorno’, on a 
madrigal by Verdelot, and ‘Della batalla escoutez', on Janequin's 
‘La guerre’, and * L'homme arme’, all are based on liturgical themes 
or motets. They include five on Marian themes, the frequent use of 
which is one of the characteristics of the Spanish schoolof this period.? 

It is interesting to study the later editions in which Guerrero, 
following the trends of his time, sometimes breaks up ligatures in 
order to get better settings of the words and prints numerous acci- 
dentals which do not appear in the first editions. When Guerrero 
reprinted his compositions, he by no means always reproduced them 
identically, but polished and revised them as in the already men- 
tioned case of the *Missa pro defunctis'; in the 1583 edition of the 
four-part motet *Salve Regina', published in 1583, he kept the cantus 
and altus of the 1570 edition but wrote new parts for tenor and bass, 
adding accidentals which did not appear in 1570. 

Guerrero stated his views on the aesthetics of church music in 
the dedication (to Philip II) of his Magnificats (1563), in that (to 
Pius V) of his collection of motets of 1570and, above all, in the preface 
to the Liber vesperarum which he dedicated to the chapter of Seville 
(1584): ‘I have always endeavoured not to caress the ears of pious 
persons with my songs, but on the contrary to excite their souls to 
devout contemplation of the sacred mysteries.’ Comparing his 
music with that of his teacher Morales, one immediately notices a 
profound difference; Morales is austere, even a little harsh at times, 
but he can also display an incomparable geniality and his music is 
always full of character. Guerrero, on the other hand, is a sweet, 
serene singer both in sentiment and style, faithfully reflecting the 
Andalusian soul, The opening of the motet ‘O Domine Jesu Christe’ 
may be quoted as a typical example of his art: 


1 Three parts only are preserved at Avila in the Monasterio de Santa Ana (the 
bass is missing) together with three motets and one Magnificat for four voices. 

з Of the 34 secular pieces by Guerrero that have been preserved, eighteen are trans- 
formed "a lo divino' and printed in his Canciones y villanescas espirituales. 

* Carl-Heinz Illing, Zur Technik der Magnificat-Komposition des 16. Jahrhunderts 
(Wolfenbüttel-Berlin, 1936). 


391 


FRANCISCO GUERRERO 


A 
¢ 
LU 


І 
А 
1 


su Chri - 


mi - ne 


Je 


Do 


392 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


It is worth noting that in his time the instrumental music of the 
ministriles (wind-players) was used not only in processions at reli- 
gious festivals, royal and episcopal receptions, coronations, and so on, 
but also in the performance of sacred music in Seville cathedral and 
the ten other principal churches in Andalusia, as we learn from their 
archives.! Organ music also enjoyed great importance at Seville dur- 
ing Guerrero's time; he had as colleagues there the eminent organists 
Rodrigo de Morales, Pedro de Villada, Francisco Peraza, and Diego 
del Castillo. 


JUAN NAVARRO 


Juan Navarro (1528-80) (not to be confused with Fray Juan 
Navarro, of Cadiz, author of the Liber in quo quatuor passiones 
Christi Domini continentur, printed in Mexico, 1604),? also figures 
among the great artists of the Andalusian school. Educated perhaps 
in Seville itself, he occupied posts at Salamanca (where he became a 
friend of Francisco de Salinas), Ciudad Rodrigo, Avila, and Palencia. 
Besides many manuscripts and some other works, we have the well- 
known Johannis Navarri Hispalensis Psalmi, Hymni ac Magnificat 
totius anni, posthumously printed in Rome in 1590 by his nephew 
with a preface by Francisco Soto de Langa, the companion of St. 
Philip Neri, famous for his books of laudi spirituali® This preface 
affirms that Navarro possessed 'artis summam scientiam" and that 
his music surprised listeners by its ‘almost incredible sweetness’. 
G. B. Martini and other theorists have quoted passages from him as 
models of polyphony. The quality of his work* may be judged by his 
motets ‘Ave Virgo sanctissima’ for four voices, ‘Laboravi in gemitu’ 
for five, and above all ‘In passione positus’ for six.5 Although 

_} For Seville see Anglès, Anuario musical, ix (1954), pp. 70 ff.; for León, José M* 
Alvarez Pérez, ‘La polifonia sagrada y sus maestros en la catedral de Leön (siglos XV 
y XVI)’ in Anuario musical, xiv (1959), pp. 45 ff.; for Granada, José Löpez Calo, La 
musica en la catedral de Granada en el siglo XVI (Granada, 1963); for Barcelona, 
Anglès, Johannis Pujol: Opera Omnia, i, p. xl, and Els Madrigals i la Missa de Difunts 
d’En Brudieu, pp. 54 ff. 

? See Gilbert Chase, ‘Juan Navarro Hispalensis and Juan Navarro Gaditanus’, 
Musical Quarterly, xxxi (1945), p. 188; Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music, p. 242. 

* Mitjana reprinted one of Soto's laudi in Lavignac and La Laurencie, Encyclopédie de 
la musique, 1° partie, iv (Paris, 1920), p. 1987. 

* Eslava has reprinted two psalms, motets, and three of the Magnificats, op. cit. i. 2, 
and there are four examples of his work in Elástiza and Hernández, op. cit.; Pedrell 
reprinted two psalms in Salterio sacro hispano. 

* All three in Elüstiza and Hernández, pp. 116, 119, and 108; ‘Ave virgo' also in 
Rubio, ii, p. 57. The five-part motet ‘Ave regina coelorum’ published in Morales’ Opera 
Omnia, ii, and preserved anonymously in Valladolid (MS. Parroquía de Santiago) is 
really by Navarro; it is found in Johannis Navarri Hispalensis Psalmi, Hymni . . . (Rome, 
1590). 


JUAN NAVARRO 393 


nothing is known of his Masses, some of his delightful religious 
songs with Spanish text have survived.! 


CEBALLOS AND OTHER ANDALUSIANS? 


Rodrigo Ceballos, maestro de capilla in the cathedral of Cördoba, 
1556, and of the royal chapel of Granada in 1561, must be regarded 
as one of the most brilliant composers of the Andalusian school. His 
music—it is sometimes difficult to distinguish his works from those 
of his namesake, and perhaps brother, Francisco Ceballos, maestro de 
capilla at Burgos—remained entirely in manuscript; it consists of 
four Masses and a series of motets; the Toledo Cathedral MS.7 
contains eighteen four-part motets, twenty-two for five voices, and 
six for six, a four-part 'Salve', and three Masses. To this must be 
added the pieces preserved in the royal chapel of Granada and at 
other centres. His motet ‘Inter vestibulum et altare’ is remarkably 
bold, dramatic, and awe-inspiring, anticipating the mystical drama 
of Victoria's responsories for Holy Week. Its aesthetic and spiritual 
emotion comes directly from Morales: 


- fer ves-ti - bu ~ lum et al-ta- re 


1 Ed. Miguel Querol Gavaldá, Cancionero musical de la Casa de Medinaceli siglo XVI, 
two vols. (Barcelona, 1949 and 1950). 

* See José López Calo: La müsica - la catedral de Granaden el siglo XVI, two vols. 
(Granada, 1963) for further information. 

* Sometimes prínted as the work of Francisco; it is available in Eslava, op. cit. i. 1, 
р. 102, Araiz, р. 266, Elüstiza and Hernández, op. cit., p. 141, and Rubio, op. cit. 
i, p. 67. Eslava prints two other motets, attributing them to Francisco; Elüstiza and 
Hernández give four more pieces. 


394 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


plo - ra - bunt sa-cer- 


Ambrosio Coronado de Cotes, master of the royal chapel of 
Granada about 1581 (d. 1603, at Seville), belongs to this school and 
not to the Valencian group, as has been claimed; at Granada there 
is a fine collection of his motets and other works. Fernando de las 
Infantas,! a great master of academic counterpoint (1534—c. 1608), 
descendant of a noble family, and favoured by Charles V and Philip II, 
published three volumes of motets in Venice. Liber I for four voices 
(1578), Liber II for five (1578), and Liber III for six (1579), as well as 
his Plura modulationum genera quae vulgo contrapuncta appellantur 
(1579), which contains a rich series of contrapuntal elaborations of 
Gregorian chant. He achieved fame by his intervention with the Pope 
and Philip II against the reform of Gregorian chant; Gregory XIII 
had in 1577 entrusted the revision of the Graduale Romanum to Pales- 
trina and Annibale Zoilo, but as a result of Las Infantas's protest 


% See Mitjana, Don Fernando de las Infantas: teólogo y músico (Madrid, 1918); 
Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music, pp. 316 ff. 


395 


CEBALLOS AND OTHER ANDALUSIANS 


this went no further.! Of his 189 compositions many are based on 
plainsong;? of his 88 motets at least ten are old-fashioned tenor 
motets. He wrote a motet-cantata *Cantemus Domino' after the 
battle of Lepanto (1571) and another on the victory over the Turks 
at Memilla (1565). So far as is known, he wrote no secular music. 


His five-part “О admirabile commercium’ is characteristic: 


bi - le 


mi-ra - 


ad - mi-ra - bi - le commerci-um 


- ne-ris hu-ma 


4 


Luciano Serrano, Archivo de la Embajada de España cerca de la Santa Sede, 


1 See R. Molitor, Die Nach-Tridentinische Choral-Reform zu Rom, i (Leipzig, 1901)» 


pp. 36 ff. 
з Eslava reprinted his six-part 'Victimae pa hali’, op. cit. i. 2, p. 175; Rubio, op. cit. 


ii, reprints eleven motets. 


i (Roma, 1915). 


396 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


m 
=| 


| 


F 


l< 


Alfonso Lobo (d. 1617) was among the last masters of this school. 
His Liber primus missarum (Madrid, 1602) contains six Masses for 
four, five, and six voices and seven motets for five, six, and eight 
voices.! A great quantity of his musicis preserved at Granada,? Toledo? 
(where he became maestro de capilla in 1593), and other Spanish 
archives; he followed the traditional Palestrina style, which remained 
in common use in Spain right down to the end of the seventeenth 


century. 


THE CASTILIAN SCHOOL 


In the number of its composers and the quality of its music the 
Castilian school stands beside the Andalusian in the front rank of 
Spanish religious music. As with the Andalusians, one finds distin- 
guished names which mark the culmination of the work of many 
lesser artists, but with this difference: in Andalusia after Francisco 
Peñalosa there suddenly appeared a Morales, the stamp of whose 
genius was set upon those who followed him, whereas in Castile there 
were various musicians who prepared and matured the polished art 
which was to culminate in the great figure of Tomás Luis de Victoria. 
Juan Escribano (c. 1480-1557) was one of the Spanish musicians most 
esteemed in Rome, and one of those to live longest there? as a singer 
of the papal choir, being much favoured by Leo X. His works, 
relatively few in number, are preserved in the Vatican:* a Magnificat 


! Eslava reprinted a Magnificat for eight voices, op. cit. i, and four motets for four 
to six voices, ibid. xiii; the four-part ‘Credo quod Redemptor' is also in Araiz, op. cit., 
р. 297; ‘О quam suavis’ and ‘Vivo ego’ are in Rubio, op. cit. i. 

* Capilla Real, Libros de polifonia, 1. 

* Cathedral, Libros de polifonía, 21 and 24. 

* See J. M. Llorens, ‘La capilla pontificia . . . en Roma durante el pontificado de 
Paulo HI’, Cuadernos. . . . Escuela Española de Historia y de Arqueología en Roma, viii 
(Rome, 1956), and 'Juan Escribano, cantor pontificio y compositor', Anuario musical, 
xii (1957). 5 Capp. Sist. 44, fo. 52’ and 46, fo. 121. 


THE CASTILIAN SCHOOL 397 


VI toni for four voices, the motet “Paradisi porta’ for six, and some 
Lamentationes, for four to six voices.! 

Bartolomé Escobedo (d. before November 1563 in Segovia), 
friend of Morales, was that ‘clericus Zamorensis’ who because of his 
great knowledge was admitted to the papal choir without examination, 
an event which aroused jealous protest from the French singers. On 
his return to Spain he served the Infanta Juana, daughter of Charles 
V, as successor to Flecha (1548). It was Escobedo who was entrusted 
in 1556 with the composition of the six-part *Missa Philippus Rex 
Hispaniae' for the coronation of Philip II as king of Spain, a canto 
fermo Mass, in the style practised by Morales, in which one part 
always sings the words *Philippus Rex Hispaniae'. Another of his 
Masses is ‘Ad te levavi', also for five-six voices, preserved like the 
first in the Sistine Chapel,? and five motets for four or five voices, 
one of which, ‘Exsurge, quare obdormis,? was printed in Nicolai 
Gomberti Motecta (Venice, 1541), with others by Morales. Of the 
austere Pedro de Pastrana, singer to Ferdinand V from 1500, chaplain 
to Charles V from 1527 and maestro de capilla to Philip II from 1547, 
we have music preserved only in manuscript:* seven psalms for four 
voices, three Magnificats, and a series of motets, mostly for four 
voices. By the Toledan classicist Bernardino Ribera there survives 
a four-part ‘Missa de Beata Virgine',5 with the usual Gloria trope, 
and a five-part Mass, ‘Beata Virgo', as well as various motets for 
five or six voices and Magnificats.* 

Most of the Castilian musicians were privileged to serve not only 
in the papal chapel at Rome but also in the royal chapels of Spain 
and Italy. One of the most outstanding was Diego Ortiz, maestro de 
capilla to the duke of Alba when he was Viceroy of Naples in 
1555 and of the ducal household from 1558; besides the famous 
treatise on the art of instrumental variation, Tratado de glosas (Rome, 
1553),? he published a Musicae Liber primus (Venice, 1565), containing 

! Rome, Bibl. Vaticana, Capp. Giulia XII 3 (C), fo. 80-97. 

* Bibl. Vaticana, Capp. Sist. Cod. 39, 13, and 24. 

* The motets ‘Immutemur habitu', ‘Exsurge, quare obdormis, Domine?’ and ‘Erravi 
sicut ovis’ in Eslava, op. cit. i. 1; "Exsurge, quare obdormis’ is also reprinted in Ambros- 
Kade, Geschichte der Musik, v (Leipzig, 1889), p. 584. 

* Saragossa, MS. with other psalms by Manchicourt and Mouton; Tarazona, 
Cathedral, MS. 5, three Magnificats for four voices, motets ‘Sicut cervus' for three 
voices, ‘In te, Domine, speravi’, and * Miserere mei’ for four voices, ‘Tibi soli peccavi’ 
for five voices, ‘Pater dimitte illis’ and ‘Benedicamus’ for four voices; MS. 17, six-part 
Mass and one motet for six voices. 

5 Toledo, Cathedral, Libros de polifonía MS. 6; Saragossa, Seo, MS. s.s. 

* One of the Magnificats and two five-part motets in Eslava, op. cit. i. 1. 


* Reprinted by Max Schneider (Berlin, 1913; 2nd ed., Kassel, 1936); see infra, pp. 560 
and 705. 


398 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


sixty-nine compositions for four to seven voices:! thirty-five hymns, 
eight Magnificats, thirteen motets, &c. and also left a considerable 
number of manuscript works; the vihuelista Valderrábano printed 
transcriptions of several of his motets in Silva de Sirenas (1547).? Luis 
de Narváez, the vihuelista of the comendador mayor of León, Fran- 
cisco de los Cobos, is best known for his instrumental music.* On the 
death of his patron in 1547, he entered the service of Philip II during 
the following year as master of the boy singers and accompanied the 
king on his journeys in Flanders, Italy, and Germany during 1548—51.* 
Before this, Moderne had printed two of his motets at Lyons: the 
four-part ‘De profundis clamavi' (in Motetti del fiore, Libr. IV, 
1539) and the five-part “О salutaris hostia' (in the Quintus liber 
Motettorum, 1542). Of the celebrated teacher and theorist at Valla- 
dolid, Francisco de Montanos (d. after 1592), author of a many times 
reprinted Arte de müsica, theórica y práctica (Valladolid, 1592), who 
had to give daily lessons in counterpoint to the fifty-five singers, 
chaplains, and youths of that cathedral, as well as to any foreigners 
who wished to sing, a number of motets have survived;® they are 
perfect in structure and deeply inspired. 


TOMÁS LUIS DE VICTORIA 


Castilian religious polyphony culminates in the work of Tomás Luis 
de Victoria (c. 1548 near Avila—1611 in Madrid.)® When about 
nineteen years old, Victoria had the good fortune to find discriminat- 
ing patrons who quickly perceived the young fellow's precocious 
gifts and ‘natural inclination' for music and facilitated his going to 
Rome in 1565 as convictor and singer of the Collegium Romanum. 
They made sure that in Rome he should continue his studies 


1 From which Proske reprinted a Magnificat on the fifth tone, Vesper hymns, a 
* Regina coeli', and other pieces in Musica Divina, iii and iv (Ratisbon, 1859 and 1862); 
Eslava reprinted the fjve-part *Pereat dies’, op. cit. i. 2, and Rubio an alternatim 
* Benedictus Dominus’ (Canticum Zachariae), op. cit. i. 

# See pp. 687 ff. 3 See p. 683. 

* See Anglès, La Música . . . Carlos V, pp. 47 and 105 ff. 

5 Two of them are reprinted in Ehistiza and Hernández, op. cit. Mitjana prints a 
four-part canon, showing his technical ingenuity, in Encyclopédie de la musique, |. 
iv, p. 1973. 

* Opera Omnia, ed. Pedrell (Leipzig, 8 vols., 1902-13); a new complete edition in 
twelve volumes has been begun by Anglés in the Monumentos (1965- ). There are 
numerous editions of separate works. On Victoria generally, see Pedrell, Tomás Luis 
de Victoria Abulense (Valencia, 1918), a separate edition of the study in Opera Omnia, 
viii; Hans von May, Die Kompositionstechnik T. L. de Victorias (Berne, 1943); Raffaele 
Casimiri, I! Vittoria: nuovi documenti per una biografia sincera di Tommaso Ludovico de 
Victoria (Rome, 1934); Collet, Victoria (Paris, 1914); H. Anglés, Diccionario de la 
Müsica Labor, ii, pp. 2218 ff.; T. N. Saxton, The Masses of Victoria (Princeton Diss. 
1951); Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music, pp. 345 ff. 


TOMÁS LUIS DE VICTORIA 399 


for the priesthood side by side with those of music. For the 
better understanding of Victoria's work, it is necessary to remember 
that in 1552 Julius III had founded the Collegium Germanicum, at 
the request of St. Ignatius Loyola, primarily for the education in Rome 
of youths from Germanic countries, while the Collegium Romanum 
—later known as the ‘Gregorian University'—had been founded 
in 1551 by St. Ignatius for the education of youths from other 
countries. Victoria studied at the Collegium Germanicum, then under 
Spanish direction, when Palestrina was maestro di cappella in the 
Collegium Romanum, and thus had the opportunity to take lessons 
from him. The facts that Victoria was put in charge of the music in 
the Collegium Romanum as successor to Palestrina in 1571 and 
made moderator musicae of the Germanicum in 1573 show that he 
quickly won the highest esteem of his patrons in Rome.! 

The work of Victoria, together with that of Morales, constitutes 
the chief monument of Spanish religious polyphony. Although 
Pedrell's edition of the ‘complete works’ needs augmentation,? it 
includes 20 Masses, 44 motets, 34 hymns, a number of Magnificats, 
an Officium Hebdomadae Sanctae, and an Officium Defunctorum. 
In quantity Victoria cannot compare with Palestrina or Lassus; but 
in quality he is not unworthy to stand beside them, and in expres- 
siveness and depth of religious and dramatic emotion he may be 
compared with Palestrina himself. Combining the vocations of priest 
and musician, Victoria created an art of incomparable spirituality. 

There are traces in his music of the Florentine monody which was 
then beginning to develop; Pedrell’s lapidary phrase ‘In Victoria we 
glimpse the lyric drama” is fully justified. Studying the relation of 
text to music, particularly in his motets,* we perceive his stature at 
its most impressive. He had no other aim than to sing of the Cross 
and the mysteries of the Redemption, using means uncontaminated 
by profane art. Even when he employed the ‘parody’ technique he 
always chose sacred models which he treated in a highly individual 
manner. 


1 See Anglès, ‘Tomás Luis de Victoria und Deutschland’, Festschrift Wilhelm Neuss 
(Spanische Forschungen der Görresgesellschaft. Erste Reihe, xvi, 1960), p. 174; R. G. 
Villoslada, ‘Algunos documentos sobre la musica en el antiguo Seminario Romano’, 
Archivium Historicum Societatis Jesu, xxxi (Rome, 1962). The motet-cantata ‘Super 
flumina Babylonis’, composed by Victoria in 1573, was sung as a farewell when the 
Italian cortvictores were separated from the Collegium Germanicum. 

* See Rubio, ‘Una obra inédita y desconocida de T. L. de Victoria: El motete “O 
Doctor optime ... beate Augustine” for four voices’, in La Ciudad de Dios (El Escorial, 
1949), and two unknown motets in Antologia, ii. 3 Opera Omnia, viii, p. lvii. 

4 On Victoria's motets, see Leichtentritt, op. cit., pp. 372 ff., Gustave Reese, Music in 
the Renaissance (New York and London, 1954), pp. 600 ff., and May, op. cit., passim. 


400 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


Thus Victoria kept to the path traced by his Spanish predecessors, 
combining the native spirit of his country with those Roman elements 
which he so thoroughly absorbed in the city of the popes. Faithful to 
the principles of his ancestors, Victoria continued to use natural and 
simple forms. He knew how to express himself without recourse to 
the intricate counterpoint of the Netherlanders. Educated by Pales- 
trina himself, Victoria also imitated, to some extent, the princeps 
musicae of the Roman school, by writing music in praise of God and 
for the moving and uplifting of the listeners; like the mystical writers 
and painters of Spanish humanism, he was able to harmonize 
artistic severity with loving emotion. The secret of this aesthetic 
achievement lies in the dramatic mysticism with which he infused his 
works; consider, for instance, the ecstasy of ‘ Vere languores’ :1 


1 Opera Gmnia, i, p. 24; originally published by Gardano in a volume of Victoria's 
motets (Venice, 1572). 


401 


TOMÄS LUIS DE VICTORIA 


ta 


і - pse por - 
vit 


pse por - ta 


i 


fe - rens 


quae so - (la) 


the sweetness of 


5 


It is hard to decide which to admire most 


" for the Feast of the Nativity, 
the moving drama of the Passion which permeates his Officium 


the motet “О magnum mysterium 


® Ibid. i, p. 11. 


402 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


Hebdomadae Sanctae; reaching its climax in the turbae of the 
Matthew and John Passions: 


Ex.182 Passio SECUNDUM JOANNEM 
Clamaverunt ergo rursum dicentes: 


Ju -dae-o 


or the confident piety breathed by the Officium Defunctorum? 
Victoria wrote no madrigals or other secular songs and never depar- 
ted from the principle that music exists in order to raise men's souls 
to their Creator. 

Of Victoria's nineteen Masses? (the * Missa Dominicalis', published 


! Opera Omnia, v, p. 111. Originally published at Rome in 1585, though some of the 
numbers—e.g. the six-part ‘O Domine Jesu’ recorded in The History of Music in Sound, 
iv—had been printed in earlier collections of Victoria's music: the above-mentioned 
volume of Motecta, the Liber Primus of Masses, psalms and Magnificats (Venice, 1576), 
and the enlarged collection of Motecta (Venice, 1583). On the Passion-settings, see Kade, 
op. cit., p. 150. 2 Opera Omnia, vi, р. 124. 

* On the Masses, see Peter Wagner, op. cit., pp. 421 ff., Reese, op. cit., pp. 605 ff., 
and May, passim. 


TOMÄS LUIS DE VICTORIA 403 


by Pedrell,! is apocryphal),? eleven are parody Masses on motets of 
his own. His Mass ‘Surge propera” is based on Palestrina’s four- 
part motet;* ‘Simile est regnum caelorum'* seems to be constructed 
on a motet by Guerrero. As Peter Wagner observed, when writing 
a missa parodia Victoria does not simply copy the motet which served 
as model, as Lassus and others do, merely adapting it to the text of 
the Mass and varying it in successive movements, but uses only the 
part of the motet that best lends itself to the purpose. A good example 
of this is the Mass “О quam gloriosum" where Victoria discards the 
opening of his own motet® and begins the Kyrie at ‘in quo cum 
Christo’; but this passage of the motet is used again only at the end 
of the Credo: 


! Opera Omnia, viii, p. 5. 

з May, op. cit., p. 144; Raffaele Casimiri, ‘Una “Missa Dominicalis” falsamente 
attribuita a Tommaso Ludovico de Victoria', Nore d'archivio, x (1933), p. 185. 

3 Opera Omnia, ii, p. 119. 

* Palestrina, Werke, v, p. 47; Opere Complete, iii, p. 57, 

5 Opera Omnia, ii, p. 21; see Guerrero, Motteta (1570). 

* Op. cit., p. 425. * Opera Omnia, ii, p. 56. Ibid. i, p. f. 


404 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


-son, Ky-ri-e 


The Christe, part of the Gloria (‘ Filius Patris’), and part of the Credo 
(‘non erit finis’) are based on the end of the motet (‘quocumque 
ierit’); the second Kyrie, part of the Gloria (‘Tu solus Sanctus . . .’), 
part of the Credo (‘Qui propter nos . . ."), and the Agnus are evolved 
from the passage ‘sequuntur agnum’ in the motet.! 

The three Marian Masses ‘Salve Regina’, ' Alma redemptoris’, and 
‘Ave Regina’,? published in 1600, form a separate group, since they 
are written for two choirs with organ accompaniment; all three are 
based on Victoria's own eight-part antiphons.? The ‘Missa pro 


* May has analysed Victoria's procedure in all his parody-Masses, op. cit., p. 82, n.2. 
2 Opera Omnia, iv, pp. 72 and 99, vi, p. 1. 
® Ibid. vii, pp. 120, 73, 85. 


TOMÄS LUIS DE VICTORIA 405 


Victoria’, for nine voices, divided into two choirs, with organ,! 
composed in 1600, is a festal Mass, a piéce d'occasion, and for the 
first time the composer writes in concertante style, with a great 
deal of parlando. It is the only work which Victoria based on a 
secular model, Janequin's ‘La Guerre’, and, as Reese has remarked, 
it lacks the mysticism so typical of the rest of Victoria's work. 
Studying this Mass in 1913, Peter Wagner wondered at its style and 
actually doubted its authenticity. ‘If it is genuine’, he wrote, ‘we are 
confronted by the fact that the roots of the concertante style go back 
earlier than we had hitherto supposed. "3 

As with Palestrina, the basis of Victoria's style is the melodic line; 
the tension between the melodic and harmonic elements produces 
incomparable emotive force by means of dissonance. In Victoria's 
music, as in the classic polyphony of humanism, the melodic and 
harmonic elements are contrary forces whose union constitutes the 
typical style. In his music we also find characteristics of the Spanish 
national school: for instance the ascending interval of the diminished 
fourth, F*-B’, so characteristic of the seventeenth-century organists, 
and the interval of the augmented second, E’-F*, equally typical of 
certain traditional songs. 


LATER CASTILIAN MASTERS 


After Victoria came a number of lesser worthies, such as Juan 
Esquivel Barahona? (d. after 1613), composer of three volumes of 
church music printed at Salamanca, 1608-13: the first with six Masses 
for four to eight voices, the second containing motets, the third 
psalms, hymns, antiphons, &c. His music is always deeply religious 
in character; only his six-part ‘Missa batalla'4 has themes of popu- 
lar character and military tunes; it is written in concertante style 
like Victoria's ‘Pro victoria’, and again like that work is thema- 
tically related to, though hardly a ‘parody’ on, Janequin's famous 
chanson: 


1 Ibid. vi, p. 26. 

з Wagner, ор. cit., p. 429. 

* See Albert Geiger, ‘Juan Esquivel: ein unbekannter spanischer Meister des 16. 
Jahrhunderts', Festschrift zum 50. Geburtstag Adolf Sandberger (Munich, 1918), p. 138; 
Angles, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, iii (1954), col. 1538; Stevenson, op. 
cit. i, pp. 288 ff. 

* Copious musical examples in Geiger's study. Plasencia Cathedral, Archivo musical, 
MS. 1, contains 62 motets for four or five parts by Esquivel; see Rubio, Anuario 
musical, v, p. 149. 


406 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT--3 


Ex. 184 
(i) 


JANEQUIN 


E - scou- tez, e - scou- tez, e - scou- tez tous, 


ESQUIVEL 


Cantus II Cantus I 


gen- (Us, gen- tilz gal - - loys, 


Bernardo Clavijo del Castillo! (d. 1626 in Madrid), master of the 
cappella palatina of Palermo from 1569, afterwards organist pro- 
fessor at Salamanca University from 1593, and organist of the 
royal chapel from 1603, published Motecta ad canendum tam cum 
quattuor, quinque, sex et octo vocibus, quam cum instrumentis composita 
(Rome, 1588) dedicated to Enrique de Guzman, Duke of Alba; it 
contains nineteen motets. By the restless Sebastián Vivanco (d. 1622 
at Salamanca), maestro at Lérida, Avila, Segovia, Salamanca and, in 
1612, professor of music in the University of Salamanca, we have a 
volume of Magnificats (Salamanca, 1607), one of Masses (Salamanca, 
1608), one of motets (Salamanca, 1610), and a great quantity of 
music in manuscript. 

Of works by Sebastián López de Velasco (d. after 1648), a well- 
known maestro de capilla at León and teacher of the Infanta Juana 
in her convent of the Discalced Franciscans of Madrid, we have a 
Libro de Misas, Motetes, Salmos, Magnificas y otras cosas tocante al 
culto divino (Madrid, 1628) containing five eight-part Masses, one of 
which is inscribed ‘Missa super Bassis Philyppi Rogeri', while the 
others seem to be written on sacred themes. His style is grandiose; 
he knew how to combine the contemporary Spanish technique with 
dramatic-religious fervour, attaining a high degree of expressiveness. 
By Juan Ruiz de Robledo, maestro at León and Valladolid we have 


1 Not to be confused with his successor in Madrid, Diego del Castillo. 


LATER CASTILIAN MASTERS 407 


two books: Laura de Müsica Eclesiastica (Madrid, 1644) and a col- 
lection of Masses and psalms (Madrid, 1627).! He specialized in 
eight-part works for double chorus, broadly conceived, with contra- 
puntal sections alternating with homophony. Finally we must men- 
tion Mateo Romero (‘El maestro Capitán") (d. 1647) who in 1596 
succeeded Philippe Rogier as chief of the capilla flamenca of Philip II. 
Although he wrote a great deal of secular music,? some of his nine- 
part Masses for three choirs have been preserved, as well as psalms for 
nine and twelve voices ;? he specially cultivated polychoral music, and 
his contemporaries considered him "el portento musical de Europa’. 


THE CATALAN SCHOOL 


After the extinction in Catalonia of the royal chapel of Aragon on 
the death of Ferdinand the Catholic in 1516, Catalan musicians were 
seldom able to find noble patrons. There were exceptionally talented 
men among them, but the limiting of the religious composer’s sphere 
of activity to the cathedrals and the lack of an encouraging environ- 
ment had their inevitable consequences. The cathedrals of Barcelona, 
Tarragona, Lerida, and La Seo de Urgel could count on musicians 
of the first rank. Closely connected culturally with Italy, Naples, and 
Sicily, Catalan musicians advanced beyond the Castilians in the 
development of themadrigal and secular song. But Catalan composers 
seldom went abroad at this period; owing to the lack of patrons and 
publishers their work remained in manuscript, and as a result of 
continual political struggles many treasures of ecclesiastical music 
were lost for ever. 

Mateo Flecha the elder (d. 1553), maestro de capilla from 1523 at 
Lerida, from 1544 to 1548 maestro to the royal princesses of Castile, 
Doña Maria and Doña Juana, daughters of Charles V, was one of 
the most talented Catalan composers. Although none of his liturgical 
works have survived, at least some of his Ensaladas were printed by 
his nephew Mateo Flecha the younger (Prague, 1581). These pieces 
are religious quodlibets in which Flecha combines the comic with the 
dramatic, the ironic with practical moral instruction, and popular 
songs with themes of liturgical origin, mixing texts from Latin, French, 


1 On Vivanco, López de Velasco, and Ruiz de Robledo, see Anglès, Catàleg dels 
Manuscrits Musicals de la Collecció Pedrell (Barcelona, 1921), pp. 7 ff. 

2 See particularly J. Aroca (ed.), Cancionero musical y poético del siglo XVII (Madrid, 
1916), including twenty-two compositions by Romero; Pedrell, Teatro lirico español 
anterior al siglo XIX and Cancionero Musical, iii, nos. 81-82. 

3 Eslava prints his *Libera me’ for two four-part choirs, op. cit., serie 2, i. 1, p. 101. 


408 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


Italian, Catalan, and Spanish. Such ensaladas were widely popu- 
lar in Spain at that time; they helped materially to create a Christmas 
atmosphere and to entertain the Court at Christmas and New Year. 
Flecha's ensaladas have a symbolic and doctrinal significance, for 
they constantly refer to the victory of the newly born Child in the 
war against Lucifer for the salvation of the human race.! 

Pedro Alberch Vila (or Villa) (1517-82), of Barcelona, was adviser 
to all the Catalan cathedrals on matters concerning organs; the 
finest organists were educated in his school. His motet ‘O crux fidelis’ 
for four equal voices, preserved in manuscript,? and his Lamentation 
of Jeremiah * Lamech: O vos omnes” for three voices, deeply dramatic 
and mystical, would be sufficient to ensure his fame; his four-part 
Magnificat* shows the construction of a master-hand.* 

Mateo Flccha the younger, educated by his uncle, by Antonio de 
Cabezón and by Francisco de Soto at the court of the princesses of 
Castile, was a Carmelite, chaplain from 1564 to the empress Maria in 
Vienna, court chaplain and cantor to Maximilian II, for whom in 
1576 he wrote a Mass which has not survived. Besides a book of 
Madrigali (Venice, 1568), he published Divinarum completarum psalmi 
. . . (Prague, 1581), which is preserved incomplete, three four-part 
religious ensaladas and a Miserere for four voices. 

Joan Brudieu, born in the diocese of Limoges about 1520, became 
naturalized among the Catalan uplands, since he lived at La Seo de 
Urgel from 1539 till his death in 1591. He published a volume of 
Madrigales (Barcelona, 1585), which opens with Los Goigs de 
Nostra Dona (The Joys of Our Lady), and his four-part ‘Missa pro 
defunctis' is one of the finest of its kind. Brudieu adorns the plain- 
song canto fermo with the arabesque melodies and popular cadences 
typical of his style. His entire Mass is filled with spiritual light and 
optimism, full of faith and hope in divine pity and eternal life; its 
contrast with the Masses ‘Pro defunctis' of Morales and Guerrero 
strikingly illustrates the polished art of this modest priest. 


1 See Anglès, Mateo Flecha, Las Ensaladas (Biblioteca Central, Publicaciones de la 
Sección de Müsica, xvi) (Barcelona, 1955); J. Romeu Figueras, ‘Mateo Flecha el Viejo, 
la Corte literariomusical del duque de Calabria y el Cancionero llamado de Upsala’, 
Anuario musical, xiii (1958). Eleven ensaladas by Flecha are preserved in print or manu- 
script. Madrid, Bibl. Medinaceli, MS. 607, contains ‘parody’ masses ‘La bomba' and 
‘La Batalla’ for four voices on ensaladas by Flecha. 

* Barcelona, Iglesia del Palau. s.s. з Barcelona, Orfeó Catala. MS. 6, ff. 42”-43. 

* Barcelona, Biblioteca Central, Depart. de Müsica. 

5 On 23 December 1559 Philip If gave permission to ‘Pedro Vila, canónico de Bar- 
celona’ to publish ‘algunas obras de canto llano y de órgano y de misas, motetes y madri- 
gales’: no such book has been preserved. See also p. 616. 

* See Mateo Flecha, Las Ensaladas, new edition by Anglès, p. 37. 

* See p. 83. 


THE CATALAN SCHOOL 409 


Pedro Riquet, maestro de capilla at Urgel from 1598, is notable for 
a belated four-part Mass 'Susanne un jour', exceptional for its date, 
especially in the Provincia Tarraconensis, which strove to put into 
practice the liturgical-musical reforms of the Council of Trent. Pablo 
Vilallonga, maestro de capilla at Santa Maria del Mar in Barcelona, 
from 1564 at the cathedral of Palma de Mallorca,! and Rafael Coloma, 
at Seo de Urgell (1586),? were other masters during the sixteenth 
century of sacred music in Catalonia. 

Until the middle of the seventeenth century Catalan composers 
continued to cultivate the Palestrina style of the Roman school, with 
all its mysticism and clarity of form, while at the same time in their 
psalms, motets, villancicos and chansonetas they practised the new 
style which had penetrated every European centre. The religious 
villancico, which had already been known in the sixteenth century 
despite Philip II’s exclusion of it from his chapel, forced its way 
everywhere. 

Various cathedrals and music chapels in Catalonia maintained not 
only singers but small orchestras of ministriles who played the bass, 
sackbut, chirimia, vihuela de arco, harp, cornetto, clavichord, and organ. 


JUAN PUJOL 


The most outstanding composer of religious music during the first 
quarter of the seventeenth century in Spain was undoubtedly Juan 
Pablo Pujol (d. 1626).? In his youth he was maestro de capilla in the 
cathedral of Tarragona, afterwards in El Pilar at Saragossa, and 
finally in the cathedral of Barcelona. In the inventory of his works— 
all in manuscript—made at the time of his death, eighteen collections 
are enumerated: among them 89 villancicos for the Holy Sacraments 
and Christmas, 120 motets, more than a dozen Masses, psalms, 
responsories, Passions, &c. His works are always written for four to 
eight voices, some with basso continuo. Pujol's Officium Hebdomadae 
Sanctae has been continuously sung in Barcelona Cathedral from his 
own day down to our own. While the four-part psalm settings, 
though in note-against-note style, are remarkable for the ingenuity 
of their infinite polyphonic embellishments of the Gregorian canti 
fermi, the eight-part Masses astonish by the expressive force and 


! One manuscript with psalms and motets has been preserved in the cathedral of 
Palma de Mallorca. 

* Two motets for four voices are preserved at Barcelona, Bibl. Central; Rubio, op. cit. 
ii, has printed the four-part motet *Surrexit Pastor bonus'. 

* Only two of the eight projected volumes of his Opera Omnia (ed. Anglés) have so 
far been published (Barcelona, 1926 and 1932). * Tbid. i, p. 1. 


410 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


mature technique with which Pujol, employing a double chorus, 
combines the homophonic style with the contrapuntal. His music is 
not dramatic, like that of some masters of the Castilian and Anda- 
lusian schools, but mystical, always severe and profoundly religious, 
in the tradition of Alberch Vila. It represents an intermediary style 
between the a cappella style of Palestrina and the basso continuo 
style which he generally reserves for settings of Spanish texts. In- 
cidentally, Pujol sometimes strengthens his canti fermi with a trumpet. 
The boys' choir-school of Montserrat, which flourished during 
the seventeenth century, was a fertile nursery of distinguished 
musicians who made their way all over the peninsula. Miguel 
Andreu, Juan Verdalet, Antonio Reig, Marcia Albareda are among 
those who continued the tradition of Pujol and his predecessors. 


THE VALENCIAN SCHOOL 


The city of Valencia, with its Cathedral, the church of Corpus 
Christi, and the chapel of the dukes of Calabria, was a centre of 
culture and of religious and secular music during the age of human- 
ism. According to Pedrell the Valencian school during the period 
1590-1630 was notable for its musica exultante, owing to its cultiva- 
tion of polychoral effects for two, three, or four choirs. Little is 
known about Cárceres, though it is believed that he came from 
Gandia; we have a number of five-part Credos, a four-part " Lamen- 
tatio Lamech: O vos omnes’, villancicos for three to five voices and 
also some four-part ensaladas. Perhaps the sixteenth-century com- 
poser Bartolomé Comes was also of Valencian origin; he is known 
for motets which appear in Gardano's Motecta quinque vocibus 
(Venice, 1547) and Montanus and Neuber's Tomus tertius evangelia- 
rum (Nuremberg, 1555) and their Tomus V (1556). Juan Ginés Pérez 
(1548-1612), who had some part in the writing of the music for the 
Misterio de Elche? is one of the most distinguished composers of this 
school. In addition to works which have disappeared from Orihuela, 
where he was born and died, and those published by Pedrell in the 


1 One of the dukes of Calabria, Don Fernando de Aragón, viceroy of Valencia (d. 
1550), married in 1526 Germaine de Foix, widow of Ferdinand V of Aragón; his chapel 
was, musically, one of the best in Spain, and in 1536 was conducted by Pedro de Pastrana, 
who was afterwards conductor of the Royal Chapel of Philip II; see José Romeu 
Figueras, ‘Mateo Flecha el Viejo, la corte literariomusical del duque de Calabria y el 
cancionero llamado de Upsala’, Anuario musical, xiii (1958), p. 25. 

2 Cf. Consueta de la Fiesta de Elche, ed. facs. with an introduction by Eugenio d’Ors 
(Barcelona, 1941). See also Pedrell, ‘La festa d’Elche’, Sammelbände der internationalen 
Musikgesellschaft, ii (1900-1), p. 203, and J. B. Trend, ‘The Mystery of Elche’, Music and 
Letters, i (1920), p. 145. 


THE VALENCIAN SCHOOL 41 


fifth volume of Hispaniae Schola Musica Sacra,! some forty com- 
positions by him, all religious, are preserved in the cathedral archives 
at Valencia; they are for three to six voices; other manuscript works 
by him are in the Colegio del Patriarca (Valencia), Málaga, the 
cathedral at Segorbe, and elsewhere. The most famous and charac- 
teristic master of this school, however, is undoubtedly Juan Bautista 
Comes (1568-1643).? At Valencia alone there are in manuscript some 
230 of his compositions for eight and twelve voices. He was one of 
the first to devote his talent to the writing of villancicos in the form of 
religious cantatas, with instrumental accompaniment; some seventy- 
four are preserved in the archives of Valencia Cathedral. Comes must 
be ranked among the foremost Spanish composers of polychoral 
religious music; his work is cheerful, optimistic, and technically 
polished, and he also draws inspiration from popular song.* 


THE ARAGONESE SCHOOL 


One of the first masters of this school was Juan García Basurto 
(d. 1547), cantor at Tarazona, maestro de capilla at the Pilar—one of 
the two cathedrals—at Saragossa,’ and finally master of the royal 
chapel of Philip II; a four-part *Missa pro defunctis', motets, and 
other works by him are extant. But the outstanding figure of this 
School is Melchior Robledo (d. 1586), at one time a singer in the 
Sistine Chapel and later maestro de capilla of the Seo, the other 
cathedral at Saragossa, who had the distinction of being classed with 
Josquin, Morales, Victoria, Palestrina, and other classic masters 
whose music alone might be performed in the Pilar. At least three 
of his Masses, one for four and two for five voices, survive, as well as 
a number of motets,® and a series of psalms, Magnificats, an eight- 
part ‘Te Deum', Lamentationes, and other works. 


1 Rubio prints an alternatim ‘Miserere mei’, op. cit. i, p. 143. 

2 See Manuel Palau, La obra del Músico Valenciano Juan Bautista Comes (Madrid, 
1944). Selected works ed. J. B. Guzmán, Obras musicales de J. B. Comes (Madrid, 
2 vols., 1888). Palau has published a separate edition of the four-part Mass ' Exsultet 
coelum’ (Valencia, 1955). The twelve-part ‘Hodie nobis’ for three choirs is printed by 
Eslava, op. cit., serie 2, i. 1, p. 1, a simple four-part “Christus factus est’ by Araiz, 
Op. cit., p. 310. 

* Listed in J. Ruiz de Lihori, barón de Alcahali, Diccionario biográfico de músicos 
valencianos (Valencia, 1903). 

* See the editions of Comes's vocal dances for Corpus Christi and his polyphonic 
Gozos, issued by the Instituto Valenciano de Musicologia (1952 and 1955). f 

* On music in Saragossa, see Antonio Lozano, La música popular, religiosa y dra- 
mática en Zaragoza (Saragossa, 1895); Diccionario de la Müsica Labor, i, pp. 91 ff. 

* Four motets in Eslava, op. cit. i, 1; one in Araiz, op. cit., p. 263, and Rubio, op. cit. 
i, p. 82, with a Magnificat, ibid. ii, p. 135. 


412 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT--3 


Jose Gay (d. 1587), Robledo’s successor (for only three months), 
is represented by a number of motets and other religious works. 
Sebastián Aguilera de Heredia (b. 1570), organist of La Seo, is 
another distinguished Aragonese. In his Magnificats (Canticum 
beatissimae Virginis Deiparae Mariae) (Saragossa, 1618),! for four, 
five, six, and eight voices in all the eight modes, he works the 
plainsong contrapuntally according to the tradition of Spanish 
fauxbourdon; his practice of the art of vocal variation is marked by 
profound religious feeling and technical austerity: 


(Tone II) et sul - ta vit 


- - - us spi-ri-tus me - us in De - 


1 Four-part Magnificat in Eslava, op. cit., serie 2, i, 1; excerpts in Araiz, op. cit., p. 304, 
and Mitjana, Encyclopédie, iv, p. 2043. 


THE ARAGONESE SCHOOL 413 


He also wrote some organ pieces! which enhance both his own reputa- 
tion and that of the Aragonese school. Pedro Rimonte (Ruimonte), 
was first active at Saragossa, but in 1605 entered the service of the 
Archduke Albert and the Infanta Isabella, governors of the Nether- 
lands, where he published his Cantiones sacrae (Antwerp, 1607) and 
Missae sex vocum (Antwerp, 1614), which still await study and a 
modern edition. Nicasio Zorita (Corita), maestro first at Tarragona, 
then at Saragossa, is known for his Liber I Motectorum (Barcelona, 
1584), a collection of thirty-two motets for four voices and twenty for 
five; there are other works by him in manuscript. Although Cerone, in 
EI Melopeo y Maestro (Naples, 1613), chapter xl, treats him as a 
plagiarist, Zorita’s motets have real value and display his masterly 
technique. Allied to the Aragonese school was Miguel Navarro, 
maestro of the cathedral at Pampeluna, who published a Liber 
Magnificarum for four, six, seven, and eight voices ‘et fugis duobus, 
tribus et quatuor simul concinnatis' (Pampeluna, 1614). Besides 
Magnificats in all eight modes, this volume also contains seven 
psalms, a Salve Regina and two motets for four voices; other works 
in manuscript by him have been preserved at Saragossa. 


MUSIC IN PORTUGAI? 


During the greater part of this period, from 1580 to 1640, Portugal 
was ruled by the kings of Spain. Nevertheless, although Portuguese 
composers sometimes offered excessive adulation to the Spanish 
monarchs—as Cardoso did in his ‘Missa Filipina’ in which one 


1 See p. 679. 

2 The editor is responsible for this section. 

* Printed by Julio Eduardo dos Santos, A polifonia clássica portuguesa, i (Lisbon 
1937), p. 96. 


414 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


voice or another throughout sings the theme announced by the cantus 
at the outset: 


she maintained her artistic tradition, established under Alfonso V 
(1438-81) and encouraged by the music-loving John III (1521-57); 
the marked conservatism of her composers must be attributed not 
to political conditions but to the continuing influence of the Counter- 
Reformation in a Jesuit-dominated country. And when she regained 
her independence it was under a king who not only composed but 
wrote books about music and founded one of the greatest of musical 
libraries. Of John IV's compositions! only two doubtfully authentic 
four-part motets have survived ;? of his vast library, destroyed in the 
Lisbon earthquake of 1755, we have only the catalogue 3 which he 
published in 1649; but we possess his two treatises, the Defensa de la 
musica moderna (Lisbon, 1649; Italian translation, Venice, 1666) 
and the Respuestas a las dudas que se pusieron a la missa ‘Panis quem 


1 See L. de Freitas Branco, D. João IV, músico (Lisbon, 1956). 

* Printed in Santos, op. cit. i, pp. 33 and 35; also in Mário de Sampayo Ribeiro, 
Cadernos de repertório coral * Polyphonia' (Série azul, No. 4) (Lisbon, 1957), and else- 
where. 

* Published Lisbon, 1649; only two copies are known, at Lisbon (Bibl. nac.) and Paris 
(Bibl. nat), but there is a nineteenth-century reprint by Joaquim de Vasconcellos, 
Index da Livraria de müsica do Rey Dom Joäo o IV (Oporto, 1873). 


MUSIC IN PORTUGAL 415 


ego dabo’ del Palestrina (Lisbon, 1654; Italian translation, Rome 
1655), which demonstrate both his learning and the backwardness 
of musical thought in Portugal. 

The earliest Portuguese polyphonist of distinction seems to have 
been the humanist and traveller, Damião de Goes (1502—74), friend 
of Erasmus and of Glareanus who printed his three-part motet "Ne 
laeteris inimica mea? in the Dodecachordon (Basle, 1547); two years 
earlier Sigismund Salblinger had published his five-part ‘Surge pro- 
pera’ in Cantiones 7, 6, 5 vocum (Augsburg, 1545). But the most im- 
portant Portuguese school developed in the Colégio da Claustra 
and cathedral at Évora? under the guidance of Manuel Mendes 
(d. 1605), whose most distinguished pupils were Duarte Löbo 
(c. 1563-1646),° the already mentioned Manuel Cardoso (c. 1571- 
1650), and Felipe de Magalhães (d. after 1648). Lóbo, director of 
the music of Lisbon Cathedral for more than forty years, has been 
generally considered the greatest Portuguese polyphonist; he enjoyed 
a European reputation in his lifetime and Plantin of Antwerp 
published four volumes of his work: one containing responsories 
and an eight-part Mass for Christmas Eve (1602), one of Magnificats 
(1605), and two of Masses (1621 and 1639); other works were pub- 
lished at Lisbon by Plantin's former apprentice Peter van Craesbeck. 
Despite the skill of his craftsmanship, his music is sometimes dry 
and uninspired. The six-part motet * Audivi vocem’ shows him at his 
best: 


1 See Sampayo Ribeiro, Damiào de Goes na Livraria Real da Müsica (Lisbon, 
1935). 

3 Several times reprinted: e.g. by Hawkins, General History of Music, ii (Lon- 
don, 1776), p. 438, by Thomas Busby, History of Music, i (London, 1819), p. 539, 
and in Publikation älterer praktischer und theoretischer Musikwerke, xvi (Leipzig, 1888). 

з See Freitas Branco, “Les Contrepointistes de l'école d'Évora' Actes du Congres 
d'histoire d'art, Paris, 1921, iii (Paris, 1924), p. 846, and A. T. Luper, ‘Portuguese 
Polyphony in the Sixteenth and early Seventeenth Centuries', Journal of the American 
Musicological Society, iii (1950), p. 93. 

+ A ‘Missa de feria’ and an eight-part * Asperges' by Mendes have been published by 
Manuel Joaquim in Müsica, ii (1942). 

5 See M. A. de Lima Cruz, Duarte Löbo (Lisbon, 1937). Of the complete edition by 
Joaquim, Composições polifónicas de Duarte Löbo (Lisbon, 1945- ), only the first 
volume, containing sixteen four-part Magnificats, has so far appeared. The Masses 
*Dum aurora’ and ‘Ductus est Jesus’, with the motet ‘Vidi aquam', are reprinted in 
Santos, op. cit., pp. 40, 57, and 38. 

* On Cardoso, see Mário de Sampayo Ribeiro, Frei Manuel Cardoso (Lisbon, 1961). 
Proske reprinted two of Cardoso's motets, "Cum audisset' and 'Angelis suis’, in Musica 
Divina, 1. ii (Regensburg, 1854), pp. 12 and 98. In addition to the “Missa Filipina’, 
Santos prints the ‘ Angelis suis’, a * Tantum ergo’, and ‘Panis angelicus’, op. cit., pp. 75, 
77, and 78. J. A. Alegria has published the Liber Primus Missarum in Portugaliae Musica, 
v and vi (Lisbon, 1962), and twelve Mass-movements and motets in Polyphonia, No. 2 
(Lisbon, 1955). 


416 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


Au-di-vi vo-cemde  cc-lo,de co - lo 


Pa m | 


vo - cem de coe-lo,de cœ - lo 


Cardoso) for many years musical director and sub-prior of the Car- 
melite monastery at Lisbon, was held in high honour not only by the 
Spanish kings but by John IV, for whom he also wrote an adula- 
tory Mass; his works were published at Lisbon by the Craesbecks— 
a volume of Magnificats (1613), three books of Masses (1625, 1636, 
and 1636), and a Livro de varios motetes, Officio da Semana Santa e 
outras cousas (1648) ; his musicis Palestrinian in style. But the favourite 
pupil of Mendes seems to have been Magalháes (d. 1652), to whom 
he bequeathed his books. Magalháes became choirmaster of the 
Capela da Misericórdia at Lisbon and then, from 1623 to 1641, 
master of the royal chapel. He published a volume of Cantus eccle- 


1 Not to be confused with an earlier Manuel Cardoso, archipraecentor to John III, 
who published music for Holy Week (Leiria, 1575) and died before the end of the 
century. 


417 


MUSIC IN PORTUGAL 
siasticus (Lisbon, 1614; reprinted 1642), a book of Masses (Lisbon, 


1631), and Cantica Beatissimae Virginis (Lisbon, 1636). He excels in 


expressive writing, as in the Sanctus of his Mass ‘De Beata Virgine": 


Ex. 1881 


- sis. Ho- 


ctus, San 


in ex- cel- 


na 


- ctus, 


Ho-san - 
! From a manuscript copy kindly supplied by Mário de Sampayo Ribeiro. 


San - 


418 LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT—3 


in ex-cel - sis. Ho-san - - па in ex-cel - - sis. 


-san - - na in ex - cel - - sis. 


Besides Lisbon and Évora, there were at this period centres of 
musical activity at Vila Viçosa, where the Dukes of Bragança had a 
palace,! and Coimbra, where a canon, Heliodoro de Paiva (d. 1552)? 
seems to have been the most distinguished of a school of composers 
at the monastery of Santa Cruz? In the north at Viseu, Estêvão Lopes 
Morago was choirmaster at the cathedral.* 


1 See Joaquim, ‘A propósito dos livros de polifonia existentes no Pago Ducal de Vila 
Viçosa (Portugal)', Anuario musical, ii (1947), p. 69. 

* Manuscript Masses, motets, and Magnificats in Coimbra, Univ. Lib., M.M. 12 
and 44. 

3 See Sampayo Ribeiro, ‘A musica em Coimbra’, Biblos, xv (1939), p. 439. Santos 
prints some anonymous pieces of the Coimbra school, op. cit., pp. 86, 88, and 90. Six 
compositions by a late Coimbra composer, Pedro de Cristo (c. 1545-1618), are published 
by Sampayo Ribeiro in Polyphonia, No. 3 (Lisbon, 1956). 

* A selection of his compositions has been published by Manuel Joaquim in 
Portugaliae Musica, iv (Lisbon, 1961). 


VIII 


PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


By THÉODORE GÉROLD 


LUTHER'S VIEWS ON CHURCH MUSIC 
WHEN various countries adhered to the Reformation in the course 
of the sixteenth century, music was at once given an important place 
in their religious life. Two essential trends can be discerned. The 
countries which adopted the ideas of Luther—a large part of Ger- 
many and some Northern lands—retained some connexion with the 
Catholic faith, and their music had from the beginning a certain 
richness, which continued to develop and led finally to the creation 
of masterpieces. In countries which followed the precepts of Calvin— 
French Switzerland, part of France, some districts of Germany— 
religious music was confined to a more limited sphere: to more or 
less elaborated psalm-tunes. But this type of music, also, produced 
works worthy of admiration and deserving of study. Already in the 
sixteenth century, and at the beginning of the seventeenth, all this 
music constituted a vast repertory. 

Martin Luther has rightly been called the Father of Protestant 
music in Germany. Thanks to his fundamentally religious mind, 
combined with genuine artistic feeling, as well as to his energy and 
determination, he succeeded in laying the foundations of a type of 
music which not only became an essential element in the Protestant 
religion, but also exerted a beneficial influence upon the whole 
civilized world. He was convinced of the divine origin of music. 
‘Music,’ he said, ‘is a gift from God, not from Man.’ In opposition 
to those who, impelled by their hatred of Roman Catholic cere- 
monies, wished to suppress hymn-singing and organ-playing in 
religious services, and to destroy the images of saints and other 
artistic objects, he wrote in the preface to Walther's first collection of 
hymns (1524): ‘I am not of the opinion that all the arts should be 
stricken down by the Gospel and disappear, as certain zealots would 
have it; on the contrary, I would see all the arts, and particularly 
music, at the service of Him who created them and gave them to 


* 


us. 


420 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


The task which he set himself was not easy. He did not wish to 
suppress the Mass, but only to alter or delete certain passages which, 
in his opinion, did not conform to the spirit of the Gospel. In addi- 
tion, he wished the Roman Mass to be translated into German, so 
that each one of those who attended the service would be able to 
understand the words of the priest and the choristers, and to grasp 
the meaning of the ceremonies. But, if the words sung by the cele- 
brant were translated into German, the question arose as to whether 
the music could be adapted to the new text or whether it would have 
to be modified. Then yet another problem was raised. In Catholic 
services, music was entrusted to the priest and his assistants, to the 
choir, to the organ, and sometimes to other instruments. The con- 
gregation did not have to take part; it had only to listen. One of 
Luther’s most ardent desires was that the congregation should take 
an active part in the service, that they should find in it an opportunity 
of praising God, of expressing their gratitude towards the Lord, or 
of confirming their faith and their will to follow the divine precepts. 
It was, therefore, indispensable to find hymns which could be taught 
to the congregation. From 1523 onward, Luther was actively occu- 
pied with this question, and himself began to write words which could 
be set to music. On 14 January 1524 he wrote to Spalatin, Councillor 
of the Elector of Saxony: ‘We intend to follow the example of the 
prophets and the ancient Fathers of the Church, and to make a col- 
lection of a certain number of psalms for the people, so that the Word 
of God may be kept alive in their hearts by song.' Shortly before this, 
he also expressed his desires and fears in the Formulae Missae: ‘I 
would that we had plenty of German songs which the people could 
sing during Mass, in the place of, or as well as, the Gradual, or 
together with the Sanctus and the Agnus Dei. But we lack German 
poets, or else we do not yet know of them, who could make for us 
devout and spiritual songs, as Paul calls them." 


THE EARLIEST LUTHERAN SONGBOOKS 
However, in 1524, there appeared four collections of religious 
songs. The first, known as the Achtliederbuch,! was the work of the 
printer Jobst Gutknecht of Nuremberg. He collected eight songs, 
which had been issued on single sheets from various presses during 
the previous winter, and made a little volume of them. This was soon 
followed by the two Enchiridien printed at Erfurt,? and towards the 
end of the summer the Gesangk Buchleyn of Johann Walther was 


! Facsimile edition by Konrad Ameln (Kassel and Basle, 1957). 
з Facsimile edition (Kassel, 1929). 


THE EARLIEST LUTHERAN SONGBOOKS 421 


published, under Luther’s direction and with a preface by him. 
Walther, still a young man, was assistant to the musical director in 
the chapel of the Elector of Saxony at Torgau, Conrad Rupsch. His 
volume contains thirty-eight settings of German texts and five of 
Latin words, and remained the essential foundation of all subsequent 
publications. They are composed for three, four, or five voices. 
Walther’s essential achievement was the setting of the melodies of the 
hymns ‘to music for several voices’; which of the melodies he him- 
self invented, it is very difficult to say. (The sources of the German 
Protestant hymn will be dealt with later.) For the moment, let us first 
of all see how Walther treated the melodies. He employs two methods: 
in both, the melody is given to the tenor as canto fermo, in long notes 
practically all of equal value. But in a fairly large number of pieces 
the two upper voices develop above the tenor a very free counterpoint 
which has very little relation to the melody. Sometimes, at the begin- 
ning or towards the end, there is a brief, short-lived access of imita- 
tion. In exceptional cases a middle voice also takes the melody of the 
canto fermo, and sings with it in canon. The composition is then for 
five voices, and again a higher voice and one of the others indulge 
in supple and lively counterpoint. An interesting example is provided 
by the composition of the hymn *Nun komm der Heiden Heiland', 
by Luther. It is noteworthy that towards the end the canto fermo 
loses its usual rigidity. 

The second method is simpler and shows a different point of view; 
while in the compositions of the first style the musician's aim is 
evidently to show his skill, in the others he seeks, by very simple 
means, to make the melody stand out so that it shall be grasped more 
easily by the congregation. There is no more lively counterpoint; 
the other voices progress almost as calmly as the tenor, often form- 
ing simple chords with it, each line of the verses ending with a cadence. 
Musically, the verses are often divided into two parts; in the first, 
lines 3 and 4 repeat the melody of 1 and 2; the second part is generally 
a little longer. This corresponds closely to a common type of popular 
song. Later on, this second method was used more than the first; but 
in both occur obvious attempts, however modest, to vary the form. 

1 On the Geystliche Gesangk Buchleyn (1524) (modern edition by Kade, Publika- 
tionen der Gesellschaft für Musikforschung, Jg. 6 (Leipzig, 1878)) ana the compositions 
of Johann Walther, see the articles by W. Lucke and H. J. Moser in the Weimar edition 
of Luther's works (1923), xxxv. See also Wilibald Gurlitt, *Johannes Walther und die 
Musik der Reformationszeit', Luther-Jahrbuch, xv (1933). Examples from the 1524 
Buchleyn are easily accessible in Davison and Apel, Historical Anthology of Music, i 


(London, 1947), p. 115, Schering, Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen (Leipzig, 1931), 
p. 76, and Jóde, Chorbuch alter Meister, ii (Wolfenbüttel, 1948). 


422 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 
In the preface to this collection of 1524, Luther says: 


These hymns have been arranged for four voices, for the sole reason that 
I should like young people, who in any case should and must be instructed 
in music and in other proper arts, to have at their disposal something which 
will rid their minds of lascivious and sensual songs, and teach them 
instead something wholesome, and in this way they may become acquainted 
with goodness in a joyous manner, as befits the young. 


He had already learned to sing as a little boy at school, and later, as 
a monk, he had found consolation in music at times of sorrow. He 
had also learned to play the lute and the flauto traverso. Above all, 
he had learned to recognize good church music and had formed his 
own critical standards. He had become acquainted with the works 
of Heinrich Isaac, who had spent some time in Wittenberg at the 
beginning of the century; he esteemed highly the compositions of 
Josquin des Prez, and corresponded with Senfl, Isaac's favourite 
pupil 


LUTHER AS COMPOSER 


The question whether Luther himself composed the melodies of 
certain hymns, of which he had written the texts, has often been 
discussed. He was long believed to be the composer of most of the 
melodies of his chorales. Then, little by little, doubts arose and for a 
time no melodies at all were attributed to him. Recent research has 
made it possible to answer the question more accurately, and there is 
a fairly general agreement in attributing the melodies of four or five 
hymns to him.? The earliest of these compositions treats the subject 
of the two martyrs of Brussels: ‘Ein neues Lied wir heben an’ (1523), 
simple and scarcely at all narrative in character. The original melody 
of ‘Nun freut euch, lieben Christengmein’ may also be by Luther 
himself. The text is a sort of personal confession, in which the author 
expresses his joy in the fact that God, through Jesus Christ, has 
delivered him from the power of the Devil. The mood of the melody 
is joyous, though hardly of a popular character. The verses have seven 
lines of 8. 7. 8. 7. 8. 8. 7 syllables. The musical phrases of the first 
two lines are repeated in the third and fourth; in the second half the 
melody becomes a little more varied, but the last line returns to the 
tune of the first: 


1 See pp. 255-6. 
2 See Moser, op. cit. 


LUTHER AS COMPOSER 423 


Ex. 189 


Babst's Geysflicke Lieder (1545) 


Nun freut euchlie-ben Christengmein: Und lasst uns frö-lich sprin-gen, 
Dass wir ge-trost und all in ein Mit LustundLie-be sin - gen 


а. 
л 
e 
- 
1 
2 
o 


Was Gott an uns ge- wen-det hat Un 


Gees — Ee EE i 
SE Le Ee 


süs - se Wun-der -tat gar teur hat ers ег - wor - ben. 


(Dear Christians, let us now rejoice. . . .) 


The tune of the chorale ‘Mit Fried und Freud ich fahr dahin’ (based 
on St. Luke 2, 29-32) is quite different in character. Here again, the 
feeling of joy and gratitude is expressed, no longer with the idea of 
new activity, but in a mood of gentle tranquillity. The stanza is a 
little shorter, six lines of 8. 4. 8. 4. 7. 7. There is no repetition of 
melodic phrases, the tune goes solemnly on from beginning to end. 
Here is the first verse (according to Babst's Geystliche Lieder of 1545): 


— ә 
Ge-trost ist mir mein Herz und Sinn, Sanft und stil - le. 


eo ====— 


Was Gott mir — ver-heis-sen hat Der Tod ist mirSchlaf wor - den. 


(In peace and joy I now depart. . . .) 


It is known that Luther composed a tune for the hymn which 
paraphrases the Lord's Prayer, ‘Vater unser im Himmelreich’,? and 
that he subsequently rejected it. But it is not impossible that the 
hymn, which is in use right up to the present day, is also by him. 
Finally, he can with certainty be considered the composer of the tune 
of his most famous hymn: ‘Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott’. Something 


1 Published by Karl von Winterfeld, Der evangelische Kirchengesang, three vols. 
(Leipzig, 1843-7). 


424 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


will be said later about the composition with which he replaced the 
Sanctus: ‘Jesaia dem propheten das geschah.’ 

Very soon, too, the reformers began to ‘parody’ secular texts, 
giving them a religious character, while retaining the melodies. So 
far as Luther himself is concerned, we have an example in the 
charming Christmas hymn "vom Himmel kam der Engel Schar’. 

Transference of melodies was already fairly frequent at that time. 
Take, for example, the very simple melody by an unknown composer 
to which Paul Speratus wrote the hymn ‘Es ist das Heil uns kommen 
her'. It was immediately borrowed by Luther for four different 
texts, though these soon acquired tunes of their own. It would also 
happen that a text would be set to music in different ways, according to 
the part of Germany into which it was introduced, and two musical 
versions have sometimes continued to exist right up to the present 
day. Luther's fine hymn ‘Aus tiefer Not schrei ich zu dir’ may serve 
as an example. It reflects the words of contrition and hope of Psalm 
130. The text is very expressive and impregnated with deeply reli- 
gious feeling, yet, at the same time, simple and easily understood. 
Luther himself seems to have been content with his work, for, in 1524, 
writing to Spalatin and asking him for help, and, if possible, to 
paraphrase a psalm, he sent him as model this very hymn ‘Aus 
tiefer Not’. He recommends, moreover, that Spalatin should take 
great care to avoid all the new expressions then in fashion and used 
in the courts of princes (neumodische und höfische Ausdrücke), and that 
the words should be simple and popular. The melody admirably 
reflects the mood, particularly of the first two verses. It is in the 
Phrygian mode, which suits it perfectly. The composer is unknown. 
The opinion has been expressed that Luther himself wrote it, borrow- 
ing in part from a motet by Josquin des Prez, the first notes of which 
are identical with those of the hymn. But the reasons are not con- 
clusive. It will be remembered that in the religious and secular com- 
positions of this period and the preceding one, there are a number 
of melodic motives which often recur, each time with different words. 
To quote but one example: the five notes which open a fifteenth- 
century French song ‘Au bois, au bois, Madame’, аге exactly the 
same as those at the beginning of Luther's tune. Now, the year after 
the Wittenberg collection appeared and became known in Northern 
Germany, the same words were set at Strasbourg to an entirely 
different Ionian melody which became very popular in the South. Here, 
for comparison, is the first half of each. First, the Wittenberg 
melody: 


LUTHER AS COMPOSER 425 


Aus tief-er Notschreiich zu dir,Herr Gott, er-hör mein Ru - fen... 
(Out of the depths have I cried unto thee, O Lord) 


and here is the one which appeared in the Teutsch Kirchenamt at 
Strasbourg in 1525: 
Ex. 192 


Irre 


Aus tief-er Not schreiich zu dir, Herr Gott, er-hór mein Ru-fen... 


In both melodies, the same notes are repeated for the third and fourth 
lines. 


LUTHER AND THE MASS 


The example set by Luther was soon followed, and bore fruit. But 
his musical activities were not limited to the music intended specifi- 
cally for the congregation. They also extended to other aspects of the 
service. The reforms he wished for could not be effected hastily, but 
in the meantime certain too impetuous, and at times too drastic, 
reformers— Karlstadt at Wittenberg, Thomas Müntzer at Zwickau, 
and others—did simplify the service and make various changes. They 
introduced hymns in German but kept the original music written for 
the Latin words, often with very unfortunate effect. Luther noticed 
this at once. In a work published in 1524, Wider die himmlischen 
Propheten, he declared: 

I would very much like now to have a Mass in German, and I am setting 
about it. But I want it to have a truly German character. I have allowed the 
Latin text to be translated and the Latin melodies preserved, but it sounds 
neither agreeable nor right. Both text and music, accentuation, melody and 
gait, must come from true mother tongue and voice. Else it is all an 
imitation, such as monkeys do. 


During 1525 he obtained permission from the Prince Elector to 
summon to Wittenberg Conrad Rupsch (or Rupf), the Kapellmeister, 
and Johann Walther, in order to discuss melodies with them, and the 
choice of ecclesiastical modes. For three weeks they worked together, 
*Luther trying always to arrange the notes as the rhythm of the 
words demanded', said Walther in an account which he made of 
these meetings (reproduced by Praetorius in his Syntagma). In the 
work which appeared in 1526 under the title of Deudsche Messe und 


426 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


Ordnung Gottisdiensts precise instructions, with examples, are given 

for the different hymns.! Thus, for the beginning of the service: ‘ First 

of all, we sing an ecclesiastical hymn or psalm in German, in the first 

mode.' But it will be seen that he still adapts the ancient psalmody. 

Here, for example, is Psalm 34, of which only the beginning need be 

given, although it is set to music throughout in the Deudsche Messe: 
Ex. 193 


Ich will den Herrn lo - ben al - le - zeit 


Sein lob soll im- mer- dar in mein-em mun-de seyn. 
(I will bless the Lord at all times) 


These two phrases are repeated without alteration, save for a few 
inflexions. Then comes the Kyrie eleison sung, not nine times, but 
only three. For the Epistle, Luther recommends the eighth mode, 
giving rules and examples, as he does later for the Gospel, for the 
beginning and ending of the component parts (introitus, comma, 
colon, full-stop, question, final). He wishes that after the Epistle a 
hymn should be sung in German, for example: ‘Nun bitten wir den 
heiligen Geist’, or another, with the whole choir. He also wishes that 
in those churches which possess a real choir, the latter should some- 
times sing with the congregation. He then passes on to the Gospel, 
which is, he says, in quinto tono. This does not quite correspond to 
what Walther says in his account, already quoted above. According 
to the latter, Luther said: * Christ is a kind master and his words are 
pleasant to hear, therefore let us choose the sixth mode for the Gospel’. 
But, as Johannes Wolf has remarked, Luther probably had in mind 
the somewhat dramatic form of the Passion texts, in which the words 
of the Evangelist, of Christ, and of the other personages have each 
a different tone: the words of Christ being in the sixth mode, while 
those of the Evangelist and the others are in the fifth. Here is a short 
example from the scene of the Last Supper: 
Ex. 194 


Nempt hin und trinck-et Al- le draus, Das ist der Kelch, 


! Werke (Weimar edition), xix; see the edition with music by С. and Н. Kawerau 
(Leipzig, 1926) and Johannes Wolf’s facsimile edition (Kassel, 1934). 


LUTHER AND THE MASS 427 


eyn neu tes- ta- ment in mein-em blut... 
(Take and drink of it; this is the cup, a new testament in my blood... .) 


Later on, the music accompanying these words was to be given much 
greater expressive force. While the sacrament was being given to com- 
municants, the German Sanctus was to be sung. For the latter, both 
text (based on Isaiah 6, 1-4) and music were composed by Luther. 
It is in the fifth mode, and it will be noticed how well the words and 
the melody are suited to each other. It will suffice to quote the 
beginning: 
Ex. 195 


uf eyn-em ho-hen Thron ynn hel-lem Glantz 


a 
(It befell the prophet Isaiah that he saw in spirit the Lord sitting upon a 
high throne. . . A 
Further on, the angels sing three times in succession: 
Ex. 196 


| Hei - lig ist Gottder Her-re Ze-ba-oth 


(Holy is God, the Lord of Sabaoth) 


Instead of the Agnus Dei, the congregation could sing the canticle: 
* Christe, du Lamm Gottes’. 

Elsewhere, there were some rather remarkable differences. Stras- 
bourg in particular distinguished itself by important modifications in 
the liturgy. The Preface and Sanctus were omitted; after the Lord's 
Prayer there was sung an arrangement in verse of the same prayer, 
by Symphorianus Pollio, a rather curious character among the 
Strasbourg reformers. This hymn begins:! 

Ex. 197 


EE EE GE 
Se ИЛЕШ Le V XI Lei ———— — 


Va- ter unser, wir bit - ten dich, Wie uns hat gelehrt Herr Је - su Christ 
(Our father, we pray to thee as the Lord Jesus Christ has taught us) 


1 Gesang und Psalmen, so man singt unter des Herrn Nachtmahl und sonst (Strasbourg, 
1526). (There is a copy in the Zürich Library.) 


428 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


Compositions on psalms also played an increasingly important 
part at Strasbourg. Luther did not wish to impose his plan on all the 
communities which supported him. He left the towns and villages, 
and the religious institutions of the different states, in complete free- 
dom to organize the liturgy according to the means at their disposal. 
In the north, as in south and south-west Germany, the services were 
arranged in different ways. 


CONGREGATIONAL PERFORMANCE OF HYMNS 

One great difficulty was at once apparent. How would the con- 
gregations learn the melodies of the hymns they were to sing? In the 
polyphonic settings of hymns, like those of Walther’s collection of 
1524, the melody is given to the tenor, and from these compositions 
it is often simply transcribed into the collections for single voice.! 
But in the polyphonic hymns the melody, the canto fermo, was often 
subjected to slight alterations, making its rhythm somewhat irregular. 
Had the people, then, to learn the melodies in the forms in which 
they appeared in these collections ? That can have been hardly feasible. 
They would obviously sing generally in even note-values adapted to 
the accentuation of the words. The cantor, or the whole choir in 
unison, gave the tune to the congregation. Moreover, the tunes were 
taught in the schools, and the scholars sang in church—as did the 
members of burial societies and similar organizations. 


ARRANGEMENTS 

The congregation naturally took no part in the singing of poly- 
phonic arrangements of a hymn tune. The organ did not at this 
period accompany congregational singing, though it may have played 
alternate verses of hymns in polyphonic settings in accordance with 
the Roman practice.? But Luther was not in favour of organ-playing 
during the service; he seldom mentions it in any of his writings. The 
new organization of the service for the canons of the castle church 
at Wittenberg, drawn up by Bugenhagen and Justus Jonas in accord- 
ance with Luther's advice, prescribes: * Organa ad missam non debent 
adhiberi'. The courts of the princes generally had well-organized 
chapels and well-trained choirs (Hofkantoreien). That at Munich was 
directed by Senfl; at Stuttgart, at the time of Duke Ulrich, the choir 
numbered thirty; the chapel of the Prince-Elector Frederick the Wise, 
at Torgau, under the direction of Johann Walther, was slightly 


1 On this point see particularly Friedrich Blume, Die evangelische Kirchenmusik 
(Potsdam, 1931), pp. 38-39. 
* See Blume, op. cit., pp. 57-58. 


ARRANGEMENTS 429 


smaller. This last was unfortunately dissolved in 1527 by Frederick’s 
successor, who wanted to economize. Luther protested in vain. But 
then some citizens of Torgau, musical amateurs, met together and 
declared that they were prepared to study and sing without remunera- 
tion under Walther’s direction, and thus the first free choral society 
was founded. This example was soon followed elsewhere. 


THE HYMN-COLLECTIONS 


During the first twenty years after 1524, the number of hymn- 
collections increased considerably, and in different parts of the coun- 
try various poets and musicians made effective contributions towards 
the development of the Protestant hymn. At Wittenberg in 1526 
appeared the Enchiridion of Hans Lufft, which was the first congre- 
gational hymn-book. Walther's above-mentioned collection, for 
choir, had already gone into a new edition in 1525, which was 
followed by three others, enlarged, in 1537, 1544, and 1551.! In 1525 
also appeared the Breslau and Zwickau Gesangbücher, and the 
Strasbourg Teutsch Kirchenamt. In this last city, the following year, 
Wolf Kópphel published his Psalmen, Gebet und Kirchenübung. In 
1530 and 1537 new collections came out at Strasbourg, and in 1538 
an entire Psalter, a very important publication by Kópphel. 

In Wittenberg in 1529 Josef Klug published a hymn-book under 
the direction of Luther himself. It is particularly interesting, since 
it contained, for the first time, the melody of ‘Ein feste Burg’. 
Unfortunately no copy of this work has survived, though it was 
reprinted with little alteration by Andreas Rauscher of Erfurt as 
Geistliche lieder, auffs new gebessert (1533).? Finally, attention must 
be drawn to the collection of Valentin Babst (Leipzig, 1545),? the last 
to appear under the direction of Luther. 

In 1541 there was published at Strasbourg, with a preface by 
Martin Bucer, a hymn-book printed with special саге. Some of the 
Strasbourg melodies had become known in several districts of Ger- 
many and Switzerland. Two composers who must be specially men- 
tioned are Mathis Greiter and Wolfgang Dachstein. The former, 
precentor of the cathedral, was famous from the beginning of the 
Reformation for his liturgical compositions; some of his psalms were 


1 The 1551 edition has been reprinted in Johann Walther: Sämtliche Werke, i and ii 
(Kassel and Basle, 1953); pieces omitted from the last edition are printed in iii (1955). 
* Facsimile edition by Ameln (Kassel and Basle, 1955). 
3 Geystliche Lieder. Mit einer newen vorrhede D. Mart. Luth. Facsimile edition by 
Ameln (Kassel, 1929). 
| * Gesangbuch, darinn begriffen sind die aller fürnemisten und besten Psalmen, Geist- 
liche Lieder und Chorgeseng. Facsimile edition by Ameln (Stuttgart, 1953). 


430 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


highly esteemed by well-known musicians; for example, the melody 
for Psalm 51, “О Herre Gott, begnade mich’ (see Exs. 199 and 200 
on p. 439) was set for four voices by Senfl. The expressive melody 
which Greiter wrote for Psalm 13 was also used for others: 


Ach Gott,wie lang ver-gis-sest mein, gar bald bis an das En ~ de 
(How long wilt thou forget me, O Lord, for ever?) 


The most famous of these melodies was that written for the open- 
ing of Psalm 119: ‘Es sind doch selig alle die. . .'.! During the second 
quarter of the sixteenth century, it was really popular in Strasbourg; 
the collections from 1538 to 1541 contain something like forty hymns 
fitted to it. Right into the middle of the seventeenth century, poets 
were writing lines to this tune. Calvin chose it for Psalm 36 and 
Théodore de Béze adapted to it the words of Psalm 68 (see Ex. 201 
on p. 440). With Sebald Heyden's words, “О Mensch, bewein dein 
Sünde gross’, it inspired two beautiful compositions by J. S. Bach, a 
chorale prelude in the Orgelbüchlein and the chorus which ends the 
first part of the Matthew Passion. 


*NEWE DEUDSCHE GEISTLICHE GESENGE' 


The collections just mentioned give only a single melodic line. 
Those with polyphonic settings are much less numerous. One of the 
best of these is Johann Kugelmann's Concentus novi trium vocum 
(Augsburg, 1540), consisting mainly of three-part hymn-arrange- 
ments, many of them by the compiler himself. Kugelmann addressed 
these compositions to *the common schools which have only a few 
` pupils’, offering them music which could be performed ‘by untrained 
singers'. With the same purpose, Georg Rhaw published in 1544 at 
Wittenberg his Newe deudsche geistliche Gesenge für die gemeinen 
Schulen? He also wished to develop in young people an under- 
standing of church music and ability to perform it, and thus to help 
to give church music an increasingly artistic character. The publisher 
Rhaw was himself a trained musician, who had been cantor of St. 


1 On the melodies and words of the first Strasbourg collections, see Gerold, Les 
plus anciennes mélodies de l'Église Protestante de Strasbourg (Paris, 1928). 

з New edition by Johannes Wolf in Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, xxxiv (1908). 
Separate numbers by Stoltzer, Senfl, and Arnold von Bruck are given in Davison and 
Apel, op. cit., pp. 112, 114, and 115, by Senfl, Mahu, and Bruck in Schering, op. cit., 
pp. 78, 107, and 108. 


'NEWE DEUDSCHE GEISTLICHE GESENGE’ 431 


Thomas's School, Leipzig, before he founded in 1525 his famous 
musical printing-press at Wittenberg. In the Newe deudsche geistliche 
Gesenge he gives a valuable selection from the work of a number of 
musicians who were interested in the Protestant hymn (though five of 
the most prominent were probably or certainly Catholics). The names 
of seventeen composers are given: there are twelve anonymous pieces, 
but it may be assumed that the majority аге by Rhaw himself.! His 
choice of works by earlier or contemporary masters enables us to 
form an idea of the kind of piece that found favour in churches with 
well-trained choirs. 

One of the earliest of the masters represented in this collection is 
Stoltzer.? Two years previously, Rhaw had already published several 
of Stoltzer's compositions, in his Liber I Sacrorum Hymnorum? Five 
pieces are included in the collection of 1544. 

The most famous of the composers in this volume is Senfl. Rhaw's 
collection contains eleven of his compositions, of varying length and 
structure. But not one is based on a really Protestant hymn. Despite 
his correspondence with Luther, his religious vocal works in both this 
and in other volumes are connected only with tunes of the pre- 
Reformation period, and we must not assume, as some have done, 
that he had a real leaning towards Protestant ideas. Rhaw was ob- 
viously willing to include in his collection the compositions of a very 
well-known master, and Senfl was not afraid to see them in a Protes- 
tant publication. Some of his pieces are in the old polyphonic style, 
but new tendencies are manifest in the setting of ‘Gelobet seist du, 
Christe' for five voices. The melody is treated as canto fermo in the 
tenor, while the two lower voices surround it with imitative passages 
and the upper voices take a freer course. Here already is a foretaste 
of the Choralmotette, of which there is another hint in ‘O Herre Gott, 
begnade mich', where both melody (given to the soprano) and text 
were borrowed, as already pointed out, from Mathis Greiter of 
Strasbourg. Wrongly attributed to Senfl in the volume is ‘Da Jakob 
nun das Kleid ansah',? by Cosmas Alder (c. 1497-1550); this is a cry 
of despair from Jacob when he was shown the blood-stained gar- 
ments of Joseph, supposed to have been devoured by wild beasts. 
There are highly expressive and descriptive passages, contrasts of 
two- with four-part texture and chordal passages with imitative 

: See Werner Gosslau, Die religióse Haltung in der Reformationsmusik (Kassel, 1933). 
з Reprinted complete in Das Erbe deutscher Musik, xxi and xxv. 


* See p. 254. 
s Given in Davison and Apel, op. cit., p. 114. 


432 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


polyphony, and underlinings of certain words. Jacob’s outburst, 
*O weh der großen Not’, is expressed almost entirely in chords and 
low tessitura, in striking contrast with the preceding passage. 

Balthazar Resinarius (Harzer) (see pp. 260 and 262) wrote in more 
traditional style. He was pastor at Leipa in Bohemia, and was on 
friendly terms with the reformers at Wittenberg. In the preface to a 
later edition, Rhaw gives some information about the life of this 
musician-priest. "As a young boy,’ he says, “һе studied music at the 
court of the Emperor Maximilian, where he had for his master Hein- 
rich Isaac, the most celebrated and learned in the art of music, whose 
name and magnificent works are known to all musicians. Resinarius 
skilfully imitated his master's gravity and simplicity; in Austria his 
harmonies are particularly admired.' The previous year, Rhaw had 
already published eighty responses arranged by this composer,! and 
devoted in particular to the Evensong of the Protestant churches. In 
the volume of 1544 his compositions number twenty-six, of different 
types. Nearly half of them are very short, of from 16 to 25 bars, 
but their structure is fairly varied. In some, such as ' Christ lag in 
Todesbanden', the melody is given to the tenor, and the soprano 
imitates it freely, while alto and bass are quite independent. One 
setting of Luther's hymn ‘Erhalt uns, Herr, bei deinemWort’ is 
written for three voices only, two sopranos and alto; the canto fermo 
is given to the second soprano and the other two voices move in 
fairly lively counterpoint. It is noteworthy that the text of all three 
verses is given in its entirety, which is rather rare, and shows how 
this hymn was sung in the church service. The same text is set a 
second time in quite a different manner. The melody is given to the 
tenor in the first verse. But, in the second, separate motives of the 
melody pass from voice to voice, the soprano consisting mainly of 
long notes. There is no longer any real canto fermo in the third verse; 
it is distinguished, moreover, by attempts at descriptive music. The 
word ‘Tröster’ is vocalised on a somewhat convoluted series of notes, 
while for the words ‘Gib deinem Volk einerlei Sinn’ the four voices 
join in weighty chords in order to stress the value of spiritual unity. 
After this verse comes one borrowed from another of Luther's hymns, 
* Verleih uns Frieden gnädiglich’. But this added verse does not quite 
correspond in form to the preceding ones. Did the composer allow 
himself to be guided by free fancy? 

Rhaw collected ten melodies by Benedictus Ducis,? who died the 


! Modern edition in two volumes by Inge-Maria Schróder in the series Georg Rhau: 
Musikdrucke aus den Jahren 1538 bis 1545 (Kassel and Basle, 1955 and 1957). 
* See pp. 261-2. 


'NEWE DEUDSCHE GEISTLICHE GESENGE' 433 


very year of this publication. Ducis had led quite an eventful life. 
In his youth he had been organist at Antwerp and then in London 
(1516-18); later he spent several years in Vienna, where he associated 
with the humanists Grynäus, Vadian, and others. Having been con- 
verted to Protestantism, he had to leave Austria and finally, in 1535, 
obtained a position as pastor in a village near Ulm in Bavaria. His 
works are distinctive in style. In two of them he uses melodies of 
the Strasbourg church, ‘Aus tiefer Not’ and ‘An WasserflüBen 
Babylon’ (by Wolfgang Dachstein), the former set in note-against- 
note counterpoint, the other in more ornate polyphony. As for 
Luther’s hymn ‘Nun freut euch, lieben Christen gmein’, he treats it 
in a then unique way. Each phrase of the melody is first sung by the 
tenor alone, then all four voices repeat the line chordally but with only 
a suggestion of the original melody. This responsorial method of 
setting a hymn became very frequent later, but there is no other 
example in Rhaw’s collection. 

Seventeen compositions by Arnold von Bruck (see p. 264) were 
included by Rhaw. This composer’s birthplace is not definitely 
known; some believe he came from Bruck on the Leitha, others take 
his name to be a corruption of ‘Bruges’. Some of his compositions 
in Rhaw's collection are the prototypes of what came to be called the 
Choralmotette, the hymn-motet. The majority are set to texts by 
Luther. In some of these (^ Vater unser im Himmelreich’ and ‘Aus 
tiefer Not") the melody is given first to the tenor, then passes to the 
soprano, or vice versa. Some are more elaborate. Thus ‘Christ ist 
erstanden' is in three sections, the first of which corresponds to the first 
verse, with the melody (somewhat amplified by melisma) in the tenor; 
the second has the canto fermo in the soprano; while in the third, 
which is for five voices, the melody alternates between the second 
and third sopranos. Some of Arnold's pieces had already been 
printed in Ott's Newe Lieder (Nuremberg, 1534), notably a motet on 
the Pentecostal hymn ‘Komm, heiliger Geist',! in which pairs of 
voices sing each line of the melody in canon. 

The Netherlander Lupus Hellinck is another of those concerning 
whom we do not know to what extent they supported the new 
doctrine. His settings of hymns by Luther and other reformers appeared 
only after his death (1541). However, Rhaw gives eleven of them, 
several of which are quite long, with the melody well developed. In 
‘Mensch, willtu leben seliglich ?’, to Luther's words, Hellinck writes 
long vocalisations on ‘seliglich’, *ewiglich', and ‘kyrieleison’. 

1 Given in Schering, op. cit., p. 108. 


434 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


Sixtus Dietrich (see p. 261) twice, in 1540 and in 1545, spent some 
time at Wittenberg. Schóffer of Mainz published his Magnificats in 
1535, but his later works—antiphons and hymns— were published by 
Rhaw. Among the pieces Rhaw included in his collection of 1544, 
the most interesting is the setting of Luther’s * Vater unser im Himmel- 
reich’. It is in six sections, one for three voices, the rest for five. In 
each section the voices, except the bass, sing the whole verse, with 
the melody in the tenor as canto fermo, while the bass repeats one 
line of the first verse of the text: the first line throughout the first 
section, the second line throughout the second, and so on. 

Of the less important masters, Martin Agricola (1486-1556), cantor 
of the Latin school at Magdeburg from about 1525, must be men- 
tioned as the author of theoretical and didactic works rather than as 
a composer. His Musica instrumentalis deudsch was published in 
1529 and several times later, in 1545 in a revised and corrected 
edition.! In 1528 appeared a Musica choralis and in 1532 a Musica 
figuralis deudsch. For these works he composed a great number of 
examples, and in addition he wrote motets and hymns. Rhaw, in his 
1544 collection, gives only three of Agricola's hymn-tune settings. 
The most developed is that on ‘Mit Fried und Freud ich fahr dahin’, 
in which there is a descriptive passage on ‘sanft und stille’ and, at the 
end, a long vocalization. Of the works of Stephan Mahu may be 
mentioned his five-part composition on ‘Ein feste Burg’,? with the 
canto fermo in the second alto, and the two on ‘Christ ist erstanden’, 
of which the second, for five voices, is the better. 


RHAW AS COMPOSER 

There is no point in mentioning all the other composers, but a few 
words must be said about the compositions supposedly by the pub- 
lisher himself. As already mentioned, Rhaw (1488-1548), before 
becoming a publisher, had been Assessor at the University of Leipzig 
(1518) and cantor of St. Thomas's. The following year, at the opening 
of the disputation between Luther and Eck, he had performed a 
twelve-part Mass of his own composition which was much admired: 
* Missa de Spiritu sancto.' Shortly afterwards he accepted Luther's 
doctrines, gave up his positions at Leipzig and, after several rather 
difficult years, went to Wittenberg in 1523, where, soon after his 
arrival, he founded the most important of the Protestant musical 
printing presses. The anonymous pieces in his collection of 1544 are 


2 Reprint by Eitner, Publikationen der Gesellschaft für Musikforschung, Jg. 24 (Leipzig, 
1896). 
$ Schering, op. cit., p. 107. 


RHAW AS COMPOSER 435 


obviously his own. The objection has been raised that he was in very 
ill health at the time, but he might well have written them earlier. 
It has been suggested that Walther helped him; but, in that case, why 
is he not mentioned? Some of these pieces are short and simple 
Christmas songs: Luther's ‘Gelobet sei'st du, Jesus Christ’, the old 
song ‘ Dies est laetitiae", the macaronic ‘In dulci jubilo, nu singet und 
seid froh', and others. Rhaw may have felt that songs of this type 
should not be omitted, and introduced them himself. Others are more 
developed, such as the paraphrase on ‘Vater unser im Himmelreich’ 
and the already-mentioned canticle which Luther substituted for the 
Sanctus: * Jesaia dem propheten das geschah’. 


RHAW'S OTHER PUBLICATIONS 

This 1544 collection of Rhaw's is highly important since it shows 
clearly the various ways in which the Protestant hymn was musically 
treated by the masters of the second quarter of the sixteenth century. 
But Rhaw's numerous other publications are equally interesting, 
above all because they throw light on the—up to a point—intercon- 
fessional nature of the religious music of the period. In 1538 Rhaw 
published compositions for Passion Week (Selectae Harmoniae), 
with a preface by Melanchthon, and fifty-two motets for all the 
Sundays of the year, with a preface by Luther (Symphoniae jucundae)!. 
These two prefaces, written in very elegant Latin, insist that music 
is of divine origin, a gift of God, and that it is one of the most 
effective means of making the word of God known among men. 
They also contain practical instructions on church music and how 
to execute it. The following year Rhaw issued compositions for the 
principal festivals of the Church: Officia Paschalia, de Resurrectione 
et Ascensione Domini and Officia de Nativitate, &c. These contain not 
only ‘Offices’, in the strict modern sense, but Masses; though in the 
Mass the Gradual, Creed, and Offertory are discarded and passages 
in German inserted. Besides several Masses there are also motets, 
and a psalm for Easter by Senfl. In the Opus decem Missarum (1541) 
Catholic composers are found side by side with Protestants. (Six of 
the Masses are composed on tenors from secular songs.) But Rhaw's 
dedication to the town of Torgau, Der besonderen Pflegerin der 
Musik in den Schulen und der Heimat der besten Musiker, puts its 
Protestant purpose beyond doubt. In 1540 he began a new series of 
the Vespertini officii opus with Vesperarum precum officia The psalms 

1 Ed. Hans Albrecht, Georg Rhau: Musikdrucke, iii (1959). 

2 Ed. by Moser, ibid., iv (Kassel and Basle, 1960). 


436 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


are in so-called fauxbourdon style, the hymns, antiphons, and 
Magnificats in very simple counterpoint. But the contributors in- 
clude some of the best composers: Isaac, Stoltzer, Walther, Ducis, 
and others. In 1541 came the 36 antiphons of Sixtus Dietrich, and in 
1542 the already mentioned collection of 134 hymns (Hymnorum 
sacrorum lib. Г) to which Stoltzer, Finck, Arnold von Bruck, Isaac, 
Josquin, Walther, Senfl, Resinarius, and others were laid under con- 
tribution. The fourth part of the Vesper series consists of the already 
mentioned Responses by Resinarius (1544), and the last of a number 
of Magnificats (also 1544). Whereas in all Rhaw's earlier collections, 
first place was always occupied by the Germans, this time the authors 
are almost exclusively foreign: Adam Rener of Liége, the Spaniard 
Morales, Netherlanders of an earlier period such as Pierre de la Rue, 
Divitis, and Pipelare, the Frenchmen Févin, Richafort, and Verdelot. 
There is only a single German, Galliculus of Leipzig. 

Rhaw died in 1548 and it was left to his successors to print the 
later, and historically less important, works of the now elderly 
Johann Walther, such as Das christlich Kinderlied (1566). 


USE OF THE ORGAN 


It is clear that there was a waning of interest in unison congrega- 
tional singing during the second half of the century. Congregations 
seem to have grown tired of hymns, and to have lost their old zest for 
learning new tunes. They preferred listening to the choir, Ecclesiastical 
ordinances of this time always contain exhortations for animated 
singing or complaints of lack of enthusiasm among the faithful. The 
question of how hymns were sung has often been discussed. As 
already pointed out, we now know that the congregation sang in 
unison without organ accompaniment, but led by the choirmaster or 
the choristers. In certain church ordinances it is expressly mentioned 
that choristers must be placed among the congregation to help them. 
But the congregation were not usually left to sing an entire hymn; 
alternate verses were sung by the choir or played by the organist, an 
old practice long retained by the Lutheran Church. The choir, too, 
sang practically always without accompaniment and alternating with 
the playing of the organ. On this subject we have a valuable first-hand 
account by the Lorraine reformer Wolfgang Musculus of the religious 
services at which he was present at Eisenach and Wittenberg in 1536. 
Musculus says: ‘Primum ludebatur Introitus in organis succinente 
choro latine’ (‘first the choir sang the Introit in Latin, accompanied 
by the organ’). Then: ‘Post Introitum ludebatur in organis et vicissim 


USE OF THE ORGAN 437 


canebatur a pueris kyrie eleison' (‘in the Kyrie, the choir and the 
organ alternated’); similarly in the Gloria. After the Gospel the 
organ plays an interlude and then the choir sings a hymn in German: 
‘Postea ludebatur in organis et a choro subjungebatur “ Wir glauben 
all an einen Gott"'. The alternation of singing with organ-playing 
was also effected in other ways. Thus, in the choral hymnbook of 
Bartholomaeus Gesius (Geistliche Lieder: Frankfurt-on-Oder, 1601) 
we read that it is very pleasant to listen to the alternating verses in 
choro et organo when a boy with a pure, sweet voice sings one verse 
with the organ and the chorus musicus then sings the next; thus, 
besides hearing all the voices together, everyone can hear distinctly 
the melody alone and the words, and can thus sing with the others. 

Preludes and interludes were to a great extent improvised by 
the organist.! But he might also play the compositions of other 
musicians, even those of other countries. The only conditions were 
that they should not be too long, and that they should not savour too 
much of virtuosity. What the Strasbourg Kirchenordnung of 1598 has 
to say on this subject is of some interest. After a word of praise to 
figural music and to organ-playing, it continues: 


But care must always be taken that this figural music and organ-playing 
do not interfere with the ordinary singing of the congregation, and do not 
cause too much delay to the service as a whole. Thus the following proce- 
dure should be observed: the organist must begin punctually. Then, during 
the congregational singing, he must not play pieces or motets which have 
nothing to do with the service, but only what the people will then sing. In 
order that the singing and organ-playing should not take up too much 
time, he should not, after giving the note, play more than once or twice 
between congregational singing, but when the service is ended and the 
benediction has been given, then he may play other pieces, or even have 
a motet sung in Latin. 


DIVERGENT TENDENCIES 


During the second half of the sixteenth century, there was a certain 
evolution in Lutheran music, particularly in north Germany. Side by 
side with the lessening of interest in congregational hymn-singing, 
composers gradually turned from the fairly simple polyphonic setting 
of hymn-tunes to ‘пе making of complicated arrangements. More- 
over, the polyphonic works of Catholic musicians found their way 
more and more into the Protestant churches. On the other hand, in 

1 On organs and organists at the beginning of the sixteenth century, see the very 


detailed list in Moser, Paul Hofhaimer (Stuttgart, 1929), pp. 84 ff. See also Vol. III, 
pp. 432 ff. 


438 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


the south and south-west, there was a genuine preference for a very 
simple form of service and for easier forms of song, particularly 
psalm-tunes. Here the influence of Switzerland is apparent. In 
cantons which adhered to the Reformation religious practice became 
extremely simplified, liturgical music was abolished and organs were 
suppressed or destroyed. Ulrich Zwingli, though himself a good 
musician, was compelled to give way on this point. In the preface 
to Froschauer’s Neues Gesangbüchlein (Zürich, 1540) written by the 
Constance Reformer Zwick, the latter says that the psalm-tunes must 
be developed in the first place, but that other types of song must not 
be neglected. He adds that no music other than congregational singing 
should be heard in church. In Strasbourg, too, the singing of psalms 
had acquired some importance and it was in this town that Calvin 
produced his first psalter. Calvin’s ideas on church music were soon 
accepted not only in France but also in certain districts of Germany 
and in.other countries, and we must glance at the birth and develop- 
ment of the Calvinist psalter, and compare its musical value with that 
of the works of Luther's disciples. 


CALVIN AND THE PSALMS 


When Calvin, banished from Geneva, took refuge at Strasbourg 
in September, 1538, he was able to observe that singing was well 
organized in all the churches of the town. So, having accepted the 
direction of the little community of French-speaking refugees, he 
determined as soon as possible to introduce congregational singing. 
Moreover, he returned to the idea, expounded in the Project pre- 
sented to the Council at Geneva on 16 January 1537, of congrega- 
tional psalm-singing (see p. 440). This was in accord with ideas 
popular in Strasbourg. But where could he find psalms in French, in 
forms suitable for singing? In France, a young poet, Clément Marot, 
a protégé of Queen Marguerite of Navarre, had already versified a 
certain number of psalms and these had become known in various 
neighbouring countries. Some had evidently reached Strasbourg. 
Calvin himself set to work and versified a few psalms, so that in the 
spring of 1539 he was able to produce a little collection, printed by 
Knobloch, under the modest title Aulcuns pseaulmes et cantiques mys 
en chant. Twelve of the texts were by Marot, five by Calvin. But 
where did the melodies come from”? Marot's psalms were accom- 


1 A facsimile reprint was published at Geneva in 1919, with a preface by D. Delétra. 
See also the English edition, Calvin’s First Psalter, with critical notes, by R. R. Terry 
(London, 1932). 

? The entire corpus of Calvinist psalm-melody from the Strasbourg, Geneva, and 


CALVIN AND THE PSALMS 439 


panied by music, but for the others Calvin searched among the 
religious compositions of Strasbourg musicians. And it must be 
admitted that he showed much discernment in his choice. It will 
suffice to mention only a few. The melodies chosen are mostly by 
Greiter, the finest being that which he wrote for a versification of 
Psalm 51. The first half is as follows: 


Tilg ab mein Ü-ber-tre-tung Mach gros-ser dein Er-bar - mung 


(Have mercy upon me, О God, according to thy loving kindness. . . .) 


The next four lines repeat the melody, and the second part begins with 
a cry of despair: 


Ex. 200 


Und  mei-ne Sünd Ist stets vor mir 


(And my sin is ever before me) 


Calvin adapted it not to a Penitential Psalm, but to Psalm 91: *Qui 
en la garde du Seigneur sa demeure et retraite aura’. The French verses 
are shorter than the German ones, but by not repeating the melody 
of the first four lines and by omitting a few notes in the penultimate 
line of the second half, Calvin skilfully fitted them. When his poetic 
version was later replaced by Marot's, Greiter's music was not re- 
tained. But another melody by the same composer, also chosen by 
Calvin, has remained in use until the present day; it has merely 
changed its text. It is the already-mentioned tune written for the first 
half of Psalm 119: ‘Es sind doch selig alle die. . . .' Calvin chose it 
for Psalm 36, but later Théodore de Béze adopted it for Psalm 68, 
‘Que Dieu se montre seulement. . .’, to which it soon became well- 
known as a Huguenot hymn before battle. It will suffice to give the 
beginning of the melody with the German text, and then Calvin's 
adaptation with his own words and Béze's: 


Lausanne collections, with all the variants, is given in Pierre Pidoux, Le Psautier 
Huguenot du XVI* siécle, 2 vols. (Kassel and Basle, 1962). 


440 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


Ex. 201 
(i) Gesang und Psalmen (Strasbourg, 1526) 


Es sind doch se- lig Al- le die In rech-tenGlau-benwandeln hie 
(Blessed are the undefiled in the way) 


(ii) Aulcuns pseaulmes et cantiques (Strasbourg, 1539) 


Calvin: En moy le se-cret pen-se-ment Du ma-lin par-le clair-e-ment... 
Béze: Que Dieu se mon-tre seu-le-ment Et Гоп үег-га en un moment 


(Psalm 36: The transgression of the wicked saith within my heart. . . .) 

(Psalm 68: Let God arise, let his enemies be scattered) 

For Psalm 46, the beginning of which had served as a basis for 
Luther's magnificent *Ein feste Burg', Calvin took the melody which 
Wolfgang Dachstein, organist of St. Thomas's Church and Stras- 
bourg Cathedral, had composed for Psalm 15: “О Herr, wer wird 
Wohnung han.' This tune has a tranquil and serious charm, in per- 
fect accord with the words of Psalm 15, but it does not evoke what 
Luther read into the first verses of Psalm 46: that absolute trust in 
God which gives strength to resist all attacks of the enemy. Calvin 
showed better judgement in another case. We have already seen that 
for Psalm 130, * Aus tiefer Not schrei ich zu dir', there was a Stras- 
bourg melody (Ex. 192), the first half of which could hardly be called 
austere. Now Calvin chose this tune, not for a song of penitence, but 
for the praise to God of Psalm 113: “Sus, louez Dieu, ses serviteurs.’ 

Meanwhile the Genevans were trying to persuade Calvin to return; 
Farel besought him to resume his activity in Geneva, and, on 13 
September 1541, return he did. He immediately resumed work on 
the organization of religious music. Before his exile, he had stressed 
the value of psalm-singing in the Project of Organisation of the 
Church, addressed to the Council: ‘Comme nous faisons les oraisons 
des fidèles sont si froides que cela nous doit tourner à grande honte et 
confusion, les pseaulmes nous pourront inciter à enlever nos cuers a 
Dieu et nous esmouvoyr a enlever ung ardeur tant de l'invoquer 
que de exalter par louanges la gloire de son nom.’ And, like the 
Lutherans, he advocated the employment of selected schoolboys to 
teach the tunes to the congregations: "La maniére de procéder qui 
nous a semblé bonne est, si quelques enfans, auxquels on avait 
d'abord appris un chant modeste et ecclésiastique chantent à voix 
haute et distincte, le peuple écoutant en toute attention et suivant de 
cœur ce qui est chanté de bouche jusqu'à ce que petit à petit, chacun 


CALVIN AND THE PSALMS 441 


s’accoutume à chanter ensemble.’ Two months after his return to 
Geneva, Calvin obtained permission from the Council to introduce 
psalms into public worship. He thereupon had a new Psalter 
printed by Girard. 

At the beginning of 1542 there appeared a printed edition of the 
thirty psalms which Marot had offered in manuscript to Francis I of 
France some three years earlier. They were greeted with universal 
enthusiasm, and the author was favourably received at Court. But 
this favour was of short duration. He was once more obliged to leave 
France and seek refuge at Geneva. Meanwhile he had made a fresh 
translation of a number of psalms and in 1543 a new edition of the 
first thirty psalms appeared, with twenty others, under the title of 
Cinquante psaumes en frangais par Clement Marot. It is very probable 
that Calvin would have liked Marot to go on to translate the whole 
Psalter. He wished also to facilitate the poet’s stay in Geneva, and 
asked the Council to grant him a subsidy. The Council told him ‘to 
advise Marot to have patience for the time being’. This refusal 
probably decided Marot to leave Geneva and try to re-enter France. 
He spent the winter in Savoy; the following summer he crossed the 
Alps, but died suddenly at Turin. 


LOUIS BOURGEOIS 
Meanwhile Calvin had discovered in Louis Bourgeois a good 
musician, willing to help him in his task, and the latter published 
in 1547 Pseaumes cinquante de David roy et proféte, traduictz en 
vers frangois par Clément Marot et mis en musique par Loys Bour- 
geoys à quatre parties à voix de contrepoinct égal consonante au 
verbe. This volume, printed at Lyons by Godefroy and Marcelin 
Beringen,! was intended to be used for congregational singing during 
the service. The melody—often adapted from a popular source— 
is given to the tenor, the other voices providing note-against-note 
counterpoint. But besides this collection, Bourgeois published another 
through the same printers and in the same year. This is shorter, 
containing only twenty-four psalms, but more varied. The composer 
evidently now had in mind those little meetings often held in the 
castles of the nobility or the houses of rich bourgeois; besides being 
composed in a different manner, the book is also arranged so that 
! Both collections of psalms by Bourgeois are in the library at Munich. A selection of 
thirty-seven Psalms from the Pseaulmes cinquante has been published by K. P. Bernet 
Kempers (Delft, 1937). Bourgeois's setting of Psalm 1 is given in Davison and Apel, 


op. cit., p. 144. The Premier livre des Pseaulmes has been edited by P. André Gaillard, 
Schweizerische Musikdenkmáler, iii (Basle, 1961). 


442 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


some of the pieces can be played on instruments, as the title indicates: 
Le premier livre des Pseaulmes de David, contenant XXIV Pseaulmes, 
composé par Loys Bourgeois en diversité de musique: à scavoir 
familiére, ou vaudeville: aultres plus musicales: & aultres à voix 
pareilles, bien convenable aux instrumentz. The compositions pro- 
nounced p/us musicales are those in figural counterpoint, the familiéres, 
those in chanson style. The words, but not the melodies, are taken 
from the previous Psalter. This was hardly the type of composition 
to win the approval of Calvin. For, if he said that ‘all the arts pro- 
ceed from God, even those which serve only pleasure and delight, 
like the harp and other instruments, which must not be considered 
superfluous, let alone be condemned’,! he declared elsewhere that 
*care must always be taken lest the ear be more attentive to the 
harmony of the song, than is the mind to the spiritual meaning of 
the words’. He opposed all songs ‘which are composed solely for 
the pleasure of the ear, like all the popish frills and frippery, and 
all that they call broken music and chose faite [res facta] and four- 
part songs’.? 

Before Bourgeois, another French Protestant, Guillaume Franc, 
had taken refuge in Geneva. He was appointed cantor by the Council, 
who specially ordered him to instruct the children in the singing of 
psalms. But, finding his salary insufficient, he left Geneva and settled 
in Lausanne, where he again occupied the post of cantor, in 1545. 
While there, he also occupied himself with the collection and har- 
monization of melodies for a Psalter, Les Pseaumes mis en rime 
françoise . . . auec le chant de l'eglise de Lausane (1565), which was for 
some time the rival of the Geneva Psalter. But it does not seem that 
Calvin was ever very interested in Franc. 

After Marot's departure, Calvin tried to find someone who could 
continue the versification of the Psalter. Having learned that Théo- 
dore de Béze, who had been appointed Professor at the Lausanne 
Academy, had a real poetic talent, he eagerly engaged him to under- 
take the translation. Béze accepted, but was in no hurry. At last, 
in 1551, he sent thirty-four psalms which Marot had not versified, 
and these were immediately set to music by Bourgeois. Three years 
later Bourgeois added five more psalms by Béze, but in 1557 he left 
Geneva to return to France and so ended his collaboration. As Béze 
did not finish his Psalter till 1562, all the remaining psalms had to be 
adapted to existing melodies, many of them to other psalm-tunes. 


1 ‘Commentarius in Genesim., ch. iv, v. 20’, Opera Calvini, xxiii. 
* Calvin, Institution Chrétienne, iii, ch. 20, pp. 31-32. 


THE PSALM-COMPOSITIONS OF GOUDIMEL AND OTHERS 443 


THE PSALM-COMPOSITIONS OF GOUDIMEL AND OTHERS 


The name most often mentioned in connexion with the music of 
the French Psalter is that of Claude Goudimel. It is true that inac- 
curate claims are sometimes made for him; he never composed psalm- 
tunes himself. But he made four-part settings of those by Bourgeois 
and Franc already in use, and these compositions give evidence of 
exceptional talent. Nor was he, as was once believed, one of the 
founders of the Roman School of the mid-sixteenth century. Born 
about 1505 at Besangon, he studied music seriously and his lively 
mind applied itself to very varied types of music. He published a 
large number of four-part chansons in the collections printed by 
Nicolas du Chemin at Paris, from 1549 to 1554, and composed two 
Magnificats, motets, and five Masses. The efforts of the humanists 
and of the Pléiade to reawaken interest in the poetry and music of 
antiquity! inspired him to set to music the odes of Horace (1555). 
Then the growing popularity of the Huguenot Psalter incited him to 
experiment with Marot's psalms. He began by composing eight en 
forme de mottetz, which appeared in 1551 at Paris, published by 
du Chemin,? and in 1557, eight others for 4 or 5 parts, which were 
published by Le Roy and Ballard.? About 1560 he became a Protes- 
tant, and when the translation of the Psalter into French verse was 
completed he made a four-part setting of the whole work. In 1564 
there appeared Les CL. pseaumes de David nouvellement mis en 
musique a quatre parties (Paris, Le Roy and Ballard),4 composed in 
syllabic counterpoint with the melody generally given to the superius. 
The following year another complete setting—simpler and with the 
melody usually given to the tenor—appeared at Geneva, published 
‘by the successors of Francois Jaqui’.5 A slightly simpler edition of the 
1564 version was printed at Geneva in 1580, after the composer's 
death (1572) in the St. Bartholomew Massacre at Lyons.* Goudimel's 
settings were intended for domestic use. Some are very simple, note 
against note, the melody given to the tenor or the highest voice; in 


* See pp. 29 ff. 

3 Premier livre contenant huyt Pseaulmes de David (Paris, 1551). Paris, Bibl. Nat. Res. 
Vm. 1, 211. 

3 Tiers livre, ibid. Res. Vm. 1, 122. 

* Les Cent Cinquante Pseaumes de David (Paris, 1564). Paris, Bibl. du Conservatoire. 
Rés. 

5 Les Pseaumes mis en rime francoise . . . (Geneva, 1565). Paris, Bibl. du Conservatoire. 
Facsimile edition by Pidoux and Ameln (Kassel, 1935). 

* The 1580 edition was reprinted by Henry Expert, Les Maîtres musiciens de la 
Renaissance francaise, ii, iv, and vi (Paris, 1895-7). On Bourgeois, Goudimel, &c. see 
Orentin Douen, Clément Marot et le Psautier Huguenot, 2 vols. (Paris, 1878-9). 


444 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


others, note-against-note counterpoint is used only in the first few 
bars, after which each of the other three voices develops on its own, 
but always quite simply. The two methods may be compared in these 
openings of Psalm 25 in the versions of 1565 and 1580: 


Ex 202 
(i) (1565) (Melody in the tenor) 


4 

Lug и р жо т үт SE ee es 
к у олш Т 1] еа 
LIES 3 E SS + —À 
[ey ZE ER E ed 5 


(ii) (1580) (Melody in the superius) 
A toi, mon Dieu, mon coeur mon - - fe, 


LL —— ` em 


(Unto thee, O Lord, do I lift up my soul) 


Besides Goudimel, several musicians of lesser importance also set 
a certain number of the Marot-de Béze psalms. In Belgium there was 
Jean Louys, who was perhaps Kapellmeister of the Emperors Ferdi- 
nand I and Maximilian II. He published Pseaulmes cinquante de 


THE PSALM-COMPOSITIONS OF GOUDIMEL AND OTHERS 445 


David, composez musicalement ensuyvant le chant vulgaire par maistre 
Jean Louys (Antwerp, 1555). He was certainly a Catholic, but 
Marot's psalms had spread rapidly into several countries. Nor did 
the famous chanson-composer, Clément Janequin, who, toward the 
end of his life, in 1559, published Octante deux pseaumes de David, 
traduit en rhythme francois par Clément Marot et autres . . . composés 
en musique a quatre parties (Paris, 1559), renounce the Catholic 
faith; he even dedicated his psalms to Queen Catherine de'Medici.! 
Another musician, Philibert Jambe-de-Fer, however, was killed, like 
Goudimel, in 1572, because he was a Huguenot, not before he had 
set to music the complete Psalter of Marot and de Béze. Born at 
Lyons, he spent part of his youth at Poitiers where he made the 
acquaintance of Jean Poitevin, who, as well as being precentor at 
St. Radegund, was a man of letters. Poitevin had undertaken to 
translate into French the hundred psalms which Marot had not 
published, and Philibert Jambe-de-Fer set them to music for four 
voices. A complete edition was published at Poitiers in 1558, and at 
Lyons in 1559.? There are a number of psalms which, because of their 
length, are difficult to adapt to one and the same tune throughout. 
In such cases Goudimel divided the psalm into groups of two or 
three verses, giving each a different setting. Jambe-de-Fer had the 
same idea. Finally, he set the complete 150 psalms translated by 
Marot and de Béze, and his work went through three editions, the 
last in 1564. In the dedication to Charles IX, at the beginning of the 
last two editions, the composer insists that he has not had in mind 
only religious assemblies, but all who like to sing decent songs, even 
with instruments: ‘Et pour autant qu'il y en a plusieurs qui prennent 
plaisir à chanter les psaumes, non seulement en ce simple chant, 
duquel on use ordinairement dans les Eglises reformées selon 
l'Evangile, qui est le plus propre pour l'assemblée publique des 
fidéles, mais aussi en un chant plus mélodieux selon l'art de musique, 
hors des assemblées publiques en compagnies particuliéres, j'ai 
bien voulu travailler pour ceux-là selon le don que j'ai regu du 
Seigneur en cette science"? A still later setting of the complete Marot- 


1 See Cauchie, ‘Les Psaumes de Janequin', S. I. M: Premier congrès, Liege: compte 
rendu (1930). Janequin had already composed twenty-eight of Marot's psalms (Premier 
livre contenant XXVIII Pseaulmes de David, Paris, du Chemin, 1549) but no complete 
copy has survived. 

! On Jambe-de-Fer, see Douen, op. cit. 

3 Pierre Certon's Psalms were arranged by Guillaume Morlaye for voice and lute 
(1554); a modern edition has been published by Francois Lesure and R. de Morcourt 
(Paris, 1957). 


446 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


de Béze Psalter, based mostly on Strasbourg and Geneva tunes, is 
that by Pascal de L’Estocart.! 


CLAUDE LE JEUNE 


A composer who surpassed even Goudimel in certain respects was 
Claude Le Jeune. Born in 1528 or 1530, at Valenciennes, he became 
a very active composer in various fields and was appointed Com- 
poser of the King's Chamber; in 1598 he became Master of the 
King's Music. His first religious work: Dix Psaumes de David 
nouvellement composés a quatre parties en forme de motets avec un 
dialogue a sept (Paris, Le Roy et Ballard, 1564) was certainly not 
destined for use in church. These are extended compositions. But it 
was not until much later that Le Jeune became intensively occupied 
with religious melodies. In 1598 there appeared at La Rochelle a 
big polyphonic work, the Dodecacorde contenant douze pseaumes de 
David, mis en musique selon les douze modes approuvés des meilleurs 
autheurs anciens et modernes, a deux, trois, quatre, cinq, et six et sept 
voix.? Here again are very large-scale compositions, each verse being 
set to different music. The accepted melodies are retained, but 
differently distributed. The dedication to the Duc de Bouillon, Vicomte 
de Turenne, is worth reading for the composer's remarks on some of 
the twelve modes. 

Claude Le Jeune died about 1600, and it was left to his sister 
Cécile to undertake the printing of his remaining works. The most 
important of these is Les cent cinquante psaumes de David mis en 
musique à quatre parties? which was published by Robert Ballard's 
widow and son in 1601, and was reprinted several times before 1650. 
The settings are in simple note-against-note counterpoint, with the 
melody in the tenor. It had a considerable success, and as late as 
1637 Mersenne, in his Harmonie universelle (ii, p. 96), recommended its 
use to Catholics, since these psalms *serve to incline the mind to the 
contemplation of things divine'. Three volumes of three-part psalms 
were printed in 1602-8, and finally in 1606 appeared another remark- 
able work, the Psaumes en vers mesurés mis en musique à 2,3,4, 5, 6,7 


1 Facsimile edition by Hans Holliger and Pierre Pidoux (Kassel and Basle, 1954); see 
also Siegfried Fornacon, * L'Estocart und sein Psalter’, Die Musikforschung, xiii (1960), 
p. 188. 

* Paris, Bibl. Nat. Rés. Vm. 1. 41. The first part has been reprinted by Expert, 
Maitres musiciens de la Renaissance francaise, xi (Paris, 1900). The setting of the first 
section of Psalm 35 is given in Davison and Apel, op. cit., p. 136, where it can be com- 
pared with Goudimel’s 1580 version of the same psalm, p. 135. 

3 Bibl. Nat. Res. Vm. 1. 46; see also Bibl. Ste Geneviève. 


CLAUDE LE JEUNE 447 


et 8 parties. Here Le Jeune put into practice, as he also did in secular 
pieces, the theories of Antoine Baif (see pp. 29—30), and the transla- 
tion, too, is Baif's. But Le Jeune's psalms in vers mesurés are some- 
times surpassed artistically by the Psaumes mesurés à l'antique de J.-A. 
de Baif (printed belatedly in Mersenne's Quaestiones Celeberrimae, 
Paris, 1623)? of his friend Jacques Mauduit, notably by the latter's 
setting of Psalm 150 (‘En son temple sacré"). 


THE HUGUENOT PSALTER IN OTHER LANDS 


The Huguenot Psalter at once aroused much interest in all the 
countries it reached and quickly inspired attempts at imitation.? 
In Germany a Lutheran Kónigsberg lawyer, Ambrosius Lobwasser, 
translated Marot and de Béze in 1565, and published his version at 
Leipzig in 1573, with Goudimel's music, slightly adapted. This work 
had a very favourable reception and went through more than fifty 
editions in five years. Despite endless criticism of Lobwasser's poetic 
diction, this edition remained in use until the middle of the nineteenth 
century. A less successful German Psalter had already been compiled 
in Württemberg, by Siegmund Hemmel, Kapellmeister to the ducal 
court, who set the whole Psalter for four voices, with melody in the 
tenor (published posthumously in 1569). The influence of Switzer- 
land, and perhaps also of Strasbourg, is discernible in this Psalter, 
although the translations are drawn from Hans Sachs and other 
South German poets, independently of Marot and de Béze. As we 
shall see later, the importance of these note-against-note psalm- 
settings in the history of the Protestant hymn lies in their connexion 
with the growing practice of accompanied congregational singing. 
The congregation sang the melody, whether in the tenor or (as be- 
came more and more customary) in the highest part, in unison; the 
other three parts supplied the simplest possible accompaniment. 

In 1602 the Landgrave Moritz of Hesse produced a new Psalter, 
with melodies only, twenty-four of which he wrote himself, and in 
1612, after abandoning Lutheranism for Calvinism, published a new 
edition in four-part harmony. At roughly the same time (1606) 
Samuel Mareschall of Basle was arranging Goudimel's compositions, 
to Lobwasser's words, giving the melody throughout to the highest 


1 Reprinted by Expert, Maîtres musiciens de la Renaissance francaise, xx, xxi, and 
xxii (Paris, 1905-6). 

з Reprinted by Expert, Florilège du concert vocal de la Renaissance, vii (Paris, 1928). 

* The English and Scottish Psalters are discussed in the next chapter (see pp. 501-2). 


448 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


voice. Finally, Schütz's Psalms of 1628? must be mentioned: a 
rhymed version of the psalms by Cornelius Becker set simply in four 
parts, with only eleven of the older tunes and ninety-two new ones by 
Schütz. A second edition (Dresden, 1661) gave melodies for the 
remaining psalms as well. 

Nor were the Catholics to be outdone. In Cologne a convert from 
Lutheranism, Kaspar Ulenberg, published in 1582 a rhymed German 
version of the psalms with tunes from various sources—including 
(as he admitted in the second edition of 1603) Calvinistic ones; a 
four-part harmonization of the tunes by Conradus Hagius Rinteleus 
appeared at Düsseldorf in 1589. Two years before Ulenberg, 
Mikołaj Gométka brought out four-part settings of the complete 
Psalter in Polish (Cracow, 1580);* again the basic melodies come from 
various sources, plainsong, popular, and Protestant, and Gomólka's 
settings—though very simple—are pleasantly varied. Similar, if more 
modest, collections appeared in Bohemia, where simple vernacular 
religious song naturally flourished under the Protestant churches 
and the Bohemian Brethren; for instance, Jifi Strejc's Psalter of 
1587, with the Calvinist tunes only, though a four-part harmoniza- 
tion by Daniel Karolides appeared in 1618, and the twelve four-part 
Psalms which Vavřinec Benedikt Nudozersky published at Prague 
in 1606,5 the words in Czech, some at least of the tunes French but 
mesurés à l'antique, like those by Le Jeune printed posthumously in 
the same year. 

All these collections are completely overshadowed in musical 
interest, however, by the great setting of the Marot-de Bèze transla- 
tion which Sweelinck published at Amsterdam or Haarlem in four 
sets: 1603, 1613, 1614, and 1621.* (Psalms 3 and 10 had appeared 
anonymously in 1597, in a volumecontaining music mostly by Lassus; 
Psalms 3, 27, and 134 were composed twice.) The compositions are 


1 Mareschall's Psalms are in the Library at Basle. Specimens are reprinted in Winter- 
feld, op. cit. 

2 Heinrich Schütz: Sämtliche Werke, xvi (Leipzig, 1894); Neue Ausgabe sämtlicher 
Werke, vi (Kassel and Basle, 1957); two psalms in Schering, op. cit., p. 226. 

з Modern edition by Johannes Overath, Denkmäler rheinischer Musik, iii (Düsseldorf, 
1955); see also Overath, Untersuchungen über die Melodien des Liedpsalters von Kaspar 
Ulenberg (Köln, 1582) (Beiträge zur rheinischen Musikgeschichte, xxxiii) (Cologne, 
1960). 

4 Modern edition by J. W. Reiss (Cracow, 1923) and Miroslaw Perz et al., Wydaw- 
nictwo dawnej muzyki polskiej (Cracow, 1963-6), xlvii-xlix. 

* Psalm 82 in Jaroslav Pohanka, Dejiny ceské hudby v prikladech (Prague, 1958), 
p. 63. 

* Reprinted by Max Seiffert, Werken van Jan Pieterszn. Sweelinck, ii-v (Leipzig and 
The Hague, 1897-8). See also B. Van den Sigtenhorst Meyer, De vocale muziek van Jan P. 
Sweelinck (The Hague, 1948), pp. 108 ff. 


THE HUGUENOT PSALTER IN OTHER LANDS 449 


extremely varied in every way. Sometimes Sweelinck composes the 
first verse only, sometimes the whole psalm. Three settings are for 
three parts only, thirty are for as many as eight, the vast majority 
being for four, five, or six voices. In almost every case Sweelinck 
uses the Geneva tune as canto fermo but he treats it with the utmost 
variety; it may appear in any part, though he favours the tenor, and 
may be rhythmically modified from verse to verse. One finds both 
sober and florid counterpoint, echo-effects and in Psalm 113 real 
Venetian cori spezzati, chromatic and other madrigalisms, and 
naive imitations of instruments (the harp in Psalm 98, and ‘tabour’ 
and ‘musette’ in Psalm 150). Altogether Van den Sigtenhorst Meyer! 
distinguishes five main types: psalm-variations, madrigal-psalms, 
motet-psalms, echo-psalms, and song-psalms. It may seem strange 
that Sweelinck based his psalms on the French translation and the 
Geneva tunes, instead of on the Dutch text and popular tunes of the 
famous Souterliedekens originally published at Antwerp in 1540? 
and many times reprinted; but the latter were intended for domestic, 
not church, use. 

In France itself the Psalter remained in use in the Reformed Church 
without change until towards the end of the seventeenth century, 
when the texts of Marot and de Béze were considered old-fashioned 
and were adapted by Conrart. But from the beginning and for a long 
time, these psalms made such a great impression upon many Catholics 
that the ecclesiastical authorities, as in other countries, sought to 
counterbalance their influence by new translations and compositions, 
made by members of their own Church. The first Frenchman to 
attempt this, towards the end of the sixteenth century, was Philippe 
Desportes. But the psalms which he versified were not at first set to 
music. Better was the Paraphrase des pseaumes de David en vers 
francois (Paris, 1659) by Antoine Godeau, bishop of Grasse and 
Vence, set to melodies by Thomas Gobert, master of music in the 
King's Chapel. 


GERMANY IN THE LATE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 


In Germany, after the first flowering of Protestant music, we come 
to a period which may be described as transitional, in which opposing 


1 Op. cit., p. 155. 

* Modern edition by Elizabeth Mincoff-Marriage (The Hague, 1922); see also D. F. 
Scheurleer, De Souterliedekens. Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis der oudste nederlandsche 
psalmberijming (Leyden, 1898); P. André Gaillard, *Essai sur le rapport des sources 
mélodiques des “ Pseaulmes cinquantes" de Jean Louis (Anvers, 1555) et des **Souter- 
liedekens" (Anvers, 1540)’, and Walter Wiora, ‘Die Melodien der ‘‘Souterliedekens” 


450 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


trends existed. Compositions on Latin texts once more assumed a 
very important—even over-important—place, and music by Catholic 
composers was often included in the Lutheran service, while towards 
the end of the century the majestic and sumptuous style of the 
Venetian School was adopted by a number of young German 
musicians. On the other hand, in certain districts a different trend of 
ideas is perceptible. The preference for a very simple religious service 
in the south and south-west of Germany, referred to above, developed 
further under the growing influence of Calvinism, especially after 
several German princes had—like Moritz of Hesse—accepted the 
ideas and ordinances of Calvin both personally and for their states. 
Calvin influenced even certain Lutheran pastors and musicians. A 
demand began to arise that Lutheran hymn-music should be made 
simpler, in the style of the Calvinist psalms. One of the preachers at 
the Württemberg Court, Hemmel’s friend Lucas Osiander, published 
in 1586 a little volume of Fünfftzig Geistliche Lieder und Psalmen‘ 
containing the principal Lutheran hymns, in the simplest four-part 
harmony with the melody in the highest part, and this example was 
soon followed generally. Still, composers preferred to set psalms and 
other biblical passages in German. Naturally these changes took place 
only gradually. 

The Dresden Court Chapel at this period had a succession of good 
musicians who, though some were Catholics, all wrote for the Pro- 
testant churches. It is curious that none was of German origin. 
Johann Walther's successor, Matthaeus Le Maistre, was Flemish. 
He was Kapellmeister from 1554 to 1567. He published Geistliche 
und Weltliche teutsche Geseng zu 4—5 Stimmen (Wittenberg, 1566) 
of which seventy were religious and twenty-two secular. In the year 
of his death, 1577, there appeared another collection, Schóne und 
auserlesene teutsche und lateinische geistliche Gesenge, for three 
voices. The composer includes nearly all the hymns sung by Lutheran 
congregations as well as some from other sources. In his first collec- 
tion, he follows in general the same style as Walther,? in the second 
it is more akin to that of Kugelmann (see above, p. 430). Besides 


und ihre deutschen Parallelen', Kongress-Bericht . . . Utrecht 1952 (Amsterdam, 1953), 
pp. 193 and 438. On the most important harmonized edition of the Souterliedekens, that 
by Clemens von Papa, see supra, p. 230. 

1 Reprinted by Friedrich Zelle in Das erste evangelische Gesangbuch (Berlin, 1903); 
one example in Schering, op. cit., p. 142. 

* Le Maistre's setting of ' Hór Menschenkind' is reprinted in Ambros, Geschichte der 
Musik, v (Leipzig, 1889), p. 421; that of ‘Aus tiefer Not’ in Schering, op. cit., p. 123; 
two others by Osthoff in Das Chorwerk, xxx (Wolfenbüttel, 1934). See also Kade, 
Matthäus Le Maistre (Mainz, 1862). 


GERMANY IN THE LATE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 451 


these compositions, the Geseng of 1566 include some more elaborate 
ones in the style of the hymn- or psalm-motet, such as the outstanding 
setting of Psalm 90, ‘Herr, du bist unsere Zuflucht für und für’, for 
five and six voices. 

Le Maistre’s successor at Dresden was an Italian, Antonio Scan- 
dello (1517-80), some of whose Newe schöne ausserlesene Geistliche 
Deudsche Lieder for five and six voices (1575), remained in use for a 
considerable time. His Passion music and Auferstehungshistorie will 
be dealt with in Vol. V. Yet another foreigner was Rogier Michael, 
born at Mons (Hainaut) about 1550, Court Kapellmeister at Dresden 
from 1587 till about 1615. He published a collection of four-part 
hymn-settings, with the melody in the highest part: Die Gebreuch- 
lichsten und vornembsten Gesenge Dr. Mart. Lutheri und andren from- 
men Christen (Dresden, 1593).! 

The end of the century was remarkable for a new outpouring of 
Lutheran hymn-poetry by such writers as Philipp Nicolai (‘Wie 
schön leuchtet der Morgenstern’ und ‘Wachet auf, ruft uns die 
Stimme’), Nikolaus Selnekker C Ach bleib bei uns’), the anonymous 
author of ‘In dir ist Freude’, and Ludwig Helmbold of Mühlhausen 
in Thuringia, whose hymns were first set by his fellow-townsman 
Joachim a Burck (1546-1610). Burck’s compositions,? particularly 
his four-part Deutsche Liedlein (of which the first set of twenty 
appeared in 1575), open a new chapter in the history of Protestant 
music; as Blume puts it,? ‘a new relationship between word and note 
is proclaimed . . . close connection of musician with poet, contact 
with the artistic bases of Lassus's style'. But Burck himself is over- 
shadowed by his great pupil, Johannes Eccard. 


ECCARD AND LECHNER 


Born at Mühlhausen in 1553, Eccard as a youth came under the 
influence of both Helmbold and Burck. From 1571 to 1574, he was a 
member of the Munich Court Chapel, which was then directed by 
Lassus. The greater part of his later life was spent at Königsberg 
(1580-1608) where he became Oberkapellmeister and he finally held 
the same post in the Electoral Chapel at Berlin, where he died in 


1 Ambros, op. cit. v, p. 463, reprints the setting of ‘Ein feste Burg’ from this collec- 
tion. 

з On Burck, see Herbert Birtner, ‘Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der protestantischen 
Musik im 16. Jahrhundert’, Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, x (1928), p. 457. The 
Deutsche Liedlein of 1575 are reprinted in Publikationen der Gesellschaft für Musik- 
forschung, Jg. 26 (Leipzig, 1898). 5 Op. cit., p. 79. 


452 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


1611.! His early compositions, Odae sacrae (1574) and Crepundia 
sacra (1578), were probably written in collaboration with Burck. 
In 1578 Eccard published Neuwe teutsche Lieder, and in 1589 Newe 
geistliche und weltliche Lieder. In these the form is very free; there is 
no clear-cut melody running right through each piece; very marked 
contrasts are frequent; ‘a man tormented by the world and his sins 
cries out in his agony, but finally triumphs in the certainty of Divine 
Grace' (Blume). In 1597 appeared Eccard's famous Geystliche Lieder, 
auff den Choral, based on the familiar hymn-tunes. The melody is 
given to the upper voice, while the three other parts move rhythmic- 
ally, giving an impression of polyphony. As Blume says: ‘Without 
them, Bach is unthinkable’.2 Eccard’s last work, the Preussische 
Festlieder, to texts by different authors, composed in collaboration 
with his pupil, Stobäus, was not published by the latter until 1642- 
44. These are all long works, for from five to eight voices. The 
chief melody—usually Eccard's own—is again given to the highest 
voice, while the other parts freely underline the expression of the 
words. One of the most expressive is the setting of Helmbold’s ‘Im 
Garten leidet Christus Not’ where, exceptionally, there is a reference 
to a traditional tune (‘Da Jesus an dem Kreuze stund’). 

While Eccard was always more or less conservative, another of Las- 
sus’s disciples, Leonhard Lechner (c. 1553-1606), constantly sought 
new methods of expression. Born in the Southern Tyrol, he was en- 
dowed with a lively and ardent temperament. Besides secular com- 
positions, he wrote numerous religious works, including motets, 
Masses, eight Magnificats, and a Passion; but it is his last work, 
Deutsche Spriiche von Leben und Tod, which is his greatest. The text 
consists of rhymed epigrams on death, of considerable literary value, 
which Lechner underlines with grave music, for four voices, in a 
highly individual style stamped with genius.? 


HASSLER AND MICHAEL PRAETORIUS 


If Eccard and Lechner were influenced to a certain extent by 
Lassus, other Protestant musicians were, towards the end of the 


1 Eccard’s works have often been reprinted separately or collectively, first of all by 
Winterfeld, op. cit. G. W. Teschner reprinted the Geistliche Lieder auf den Choral (Leip- 
zig, 1860), and the Preussische Festlieder (Leipzig, 1858). The Newe geistliche und welt- 
liche Lieder of 1589 were published by Eitner in Publikationen der Gesellschaft fir 
Musikforschung, Jg. 25 (Leipzig, 1897). Part I, Lieder auf den Choral, has also been 
reprinted by Fr. von Baussnern (Wolfenbüttel, 1928). One of the Preussische Festlieder 
is given by Schering, op. cit., p. 167. 2 Op. cit., p. 85. 

3 The Deutsche Sprüche von Leben und Tod have been reprinted by Lipphardt and 
Ameln (Kassel, 1929). A complete edition of Lechner is being edited by Ameln (Kassel 
and Basle, 1954- ). 


HASSLER AND MICHAEL PRAETORIUS 453 


century, influenced by the Venetian School. One of the most remark- 
able was Hans Leo Hassler (1564-1612). Son of a Nuremberg 
organist, he went at the age of twenty to Venice, where he studied 
under Andrea Gabrieli. If the spirit and methods of this school pre- 
dominate in his secular compositions and in his religious settings of 
Latin texts (Masses, motets, Cantiones sacrae, Sacri concentus) he also 
left the Lutheran Church works of value. In. 1607 there appeared 
Psalmen und Christliche Gesäng, auf die Melodeyen fugweiss com- 
poniert,) for four voices; these are genuinely polyphonic compositions, 
in which the melodic phrases of a hymn are developed successively in 
free imitation. They show no trace of Italian influence. The following 
year Hassler published another collection of Kirchengesäng, Psalmen 
und geistliche Lieder, auff die gemeinen Melodeyen simpliciter gesetzt. 
There are sixty-eight of these:? hymns in general use in the Lutheran 
Church, psalms, and a small number of songs of a more general 
character. Although very ‘simply set’ as the title says, they are con- 
structed with great skill. What is so striking about Hassler, and what 
sets him above. most of his contemporaries, is his power of expres- 
sion and the warm and intimate character of his music. 

Important in quite a different way is the colossal work by Michael 
Praetorius (1571-1621), Musae Sionae,? in which he explores practic- 
ally every possible method of treating the Protestant hymn-tune. 
Published between 1605 and 1610 in nine volumes, it contains 1,244 
compositions. Praetorius begins in the first four volumes with 
sumptuous and majestic pieces for from eight to twelve voices, in the 
style of the Venetian School; the next volume contains more modest 
compositions, and the last part consists only of four-part hymns and 
liturgical songs with the melody in the highest voice, and the whole 
generally in note-against-note counterpoint. Some of these pieces are 
not by him, but are borrowed from other composers, He adds 
bicinia and tricinia, which are, he says, written in motet or madrigal 
style, or in a third style invented by himself. This new style is as 
follows: one voice sings the melody and words of the hymn all through 
while the two others continuously repeat a different fragment of the 
text—not a very happy idea. On the other hand, other compositions 
on hymns, for instruments, three of them in fugal style, are decidedly 
important. In the ninth volume there are passages which anticipate 
the concertante style, and experiments with basso continuo. The 

1 Ed. C. Russell Crosby in Sämtliche Werke, vii (Wiesbaden, 1965); a selection has 
been reprinted by Ralf von Saalfeld (Kassel, n.d.). 


2 One example in Ambros, op. cit. v, p. 552. 
3 Michael Praetorius: Gesamtausgabe, ed. Blume, i-ix (Wolfenbüttel, 1927-42). 


454 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


different styles adumbrated here in fairly short examples are em- 
ployed on a much larger scale in the work entitled Polyhymnia 
Caduceatrix & Panegyrica (Wolfenbüttel, 1619).! The majority of 
these are hymn-settings. Praetorius’s object in these works is to 
display the full sonorous richness of vocal or instrumental choirs,? 
methods of varying choral performance by the introduction of instru- 
mental ritornelli, the importance of solo singing, and the principle of 
the basso continuo. But although he accepted a number of Italian 
innovations, it was always the Lutheran hymn that remained the 
basis of his works. 


LUTHERAN CANTIONES SACRAE 


Of the numerous Protestant musicians who wrote religious com- 
positions of value, there is space here to mention only those whose 
works are of special interest or who exercised a notable influence on 
the development of Protestant music. One important new feature of 
Lutheran music toward the end of the century was the increasing 
popularity of the Latin motet (cantio sacra), usually based on texts 
from the psalms or the Gospels. One of those who chose texts in 
German was Andreas Raselius (c. 1563-1602). In 1594 he published 
fifty-three five-part motets, Teutsche Sprüche, settings of verses from 
the Gospel for each Sunday. The narrative passages are sometimes 
very vividly composed: for example, the motet entitled *Navicula 
fluctuans "3 (although the text is German), in which the disciples sur- 
prised by the storm on the lake of Gennesareth are depicted in a 
state of extreme agitation. In the preface the composer says that 
organ, horns, and trombones are to be used in certain motets. 

Motets on German Gospel texts were also composed by Christoph 
Demantius (1567-1643), who was cantor at Freiberg (Saxony) from 
1604.* His Corona harmonica (Leipzig, 1610) contains six-part motets 
for every Sunday in the year.5 The one describing the parents of 
Jesus searching for him in the Temple is especially interesting. Despite 
the uninterrupted polyphonic texture, the composer knows how to 
make certain people or words stand out in relief. 

An adherent of the Venetian school, Hieronymus Praetorius of 


1 Gesamtausgabe, xvii (Wolfenbüttel, 1930). 

* See infra, p. 549. 

* Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Bayern, Jg. 29/30, p. 47. 

* On Demantius, see Reinhard Kade, ‘Christoph Demant’ in Vierteljahrsschrift für 
Musikwissenschaft, vi (1890), p. 469. 

5 Four of them published by A. A. Abert in Das Chorwerk, xxxix (Wolfenbüttel, 1936). 


LUTHERAN CANTIONES SACRAE 455 


Hamburg (1560-1629)—-Jike his younger namesake—usually wrote for 
a great number of voices: the Cantiones Sacrae (originally published 
at Hamburg in 1599 but expanded as Tomus primus of the Opus Musi- 
cum, 1622) for five to twelve voices, the Cantiones variae (Opus 
Musicum, iv, 1618) for five to twenty, the Cantiones novae (Opus 
Musicum, v, 1625) for five to fifteen voices.! All the voices have a very 
wide range and all are handled with extraordinary skill. Most of the 
motets have Latin texts, but there are a few on Protestant hymns. 
Compositions of this type could obviously be performed only in towns 
possessing choirs of numerous well-trained singers, such as Kassel, 
Stettin, Dresden, and Leipzig. 

Melchior Franck (c. 1580-1639), Kapellmeister to Prince Johann 
Casimir at Coburg and perhaps a pupil of Hassler, also wrote several 
difficult compositions for fairly large choir on Gospel texts, but as a 
rule he contented himself with more modest forces. Thus his Gem- 
mulae Evangeliorum Musicae (1623), a Gospel cycle for a year's 
Sundays and feast days, are written for four voices, some even ad 
voces aequales, perhaps for a choir of boys. Nevertheless, they con- 
tain passages very remarkable from the point of view of expression. 
The majority of Franck's compositions are secular, but among his 
religious works must be mentioned the Geistliche Gesäng und Melo- 
deyen (1608), mostly from the Song of Songs,? the Threnodiae Davidi- 
cae, six-part settings of the seven penitential psalms (1615), and the 
Geistlicher musikalischer Lustgarten (1616) for from four to nine parts. 


HERMANN SCHEIN 


With Hermann Schein (1586-1630), Samuel Scheidt (1587-1654), 
and Heinrich Schütz (1585-1672), we come to three masters whose 
religious works show many different aspects. A great number ofthem 
clearly reflect Italian influence; others preserve the spirit of the 
Reformation. Schein? was, as a boy, the pupil of Rogier Michael 
and singer (soprano) in the court chapel at Dresden; he then studied 
at the famous Pforta School and in the University of Leipzig. From 
1613 to 1615 he was Kapellmeister at Weimar, and then became can- 
tor at the Thomas School at Leipzig. His secular compositions were 
more numerous than his religious works, yet the latter have an impor- 
tance of their own. His first sacred publication was a collection of 

% A selection from these motets, edited by Leichtentritt, is printed in Denkmäler 
deutscher Tonkunst, xxiii; two edited by Blume in Das Chorwerk, xiv (Wolfenbüttel, 
1931). See also Leichtentritt'S Geschichte der Motette (Leipzig, 1908), pp. 309-15. 


* Five pieces republished by A. A. Abert, Das Chorwerk, xxiv (Wolfenbüttel, 1933). 
* On Schein generally, see Arthur Prüfer, Johan Herman Schein (Leipzig, 1895). 


456 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


quasi-Venetian Latin and German motets for five to twelve voices: 
Cymbalum Sionium (Leipzig, 1615)! on texts from the psalms, the 
Gospels, and the Song of Songs. The forms are those used by earlier 
composers, and are not developed much further; the sense of the 
words is underlined by the music, though Schein did not seek new 
methods. Towards the end of his life he published another conserva- 
tive work, a Cantional, Oder Gesangbuch Augspurgischer Confession 
(Leipzig, 1627).? This collection, for four to six voices, was distinctive 
for different reasons: for fifty-seven of the hymns Schein composed 
new tunes; for forty-three, he wrote his own words. (More were added 
in later editions.) The settings are straightforward harmonizations. 
But while in these publications Schein showed himself still content 
with old forms, in others we find him adopting the newest methods of 
expression. In the Opella nova | Erster Teil Geistlicher Concerten | Mit 
3. 4 vnd 5 Stimmen | zusampt dem General-Bass | auff jetzo gebrüuch- 
liche Italienische Invention (Leipzig, 1618)? he arranged the hymn- 
tunes in Viadana's concerto style* usually for one or two voices, with 
one or two obbligato instruments and continuo. There may, for 
instance, be two soprano voices duetting with fragments of the hymn- 
tune over the basso continuo, while at pauses in this duet the tenor 
intervenes with the tune in long note-values.® 


Ez.203 
Ge - lo-bet seist du, ge - lo-bet seist du, 


B.C. 


1 Johann Hermann Scheins Werke, ed. Prüfer, iv (Leipzig, 1911); see also Prüfer, 
*J. H. Scheins Cymbalum Sionium’, Liliencron-Festschrift (Leipzig, 1910), p. 176. 

* Reprinted in Adam Adrio, J. H. Schein: Neue Ausgabe sämtlicher Werke, ii (Kassel 
and Basle, 1963- ). On its historical bases, see Walter Reckziegel, Das Cantional von J. Н. 
Schein (Berlin, 1963). 

3 Werke, v (1914). 

* See pp. 533 ff. Scheine were the earliest German ‘spiritual concertos’. 

5 Werke, v, p. 5 and Schering, Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen, p. 224. 


HERMANN SCHEIN 457 
ge-lo-bet seist du, 


bet seist du 


5 -lo - bet seist du, 


(Be thou praised, Jesus Christ) 


In others, there is no canto fermo; two or three voices sing together 
interchanging fragments of the hymn-tune, often much elaborated. 
Or a voice sings a new melody to the words, while above it a violin 
plays another cantilena, the whole being supported by the continuo. 
The second part of the Opella nova! (1626) is still closer to the 
monodic type. The texts include not only hymns but prose passages 
from the Bible: from the Gospels and Epistles for specific days. The 
voice-part is sometimes in recitative, sometimes resembles an air, 
and Schein tries to express with the utmost freedom the feeling of 
the text. Sometimes he calls for choir or specific instruments: for 
instance in no. 11, the Dialogo a 6 of the Annunciation, a quartet 
of trombones plays interludes in the conversation of the angel (tenor) 
with Mary (soprano), which is accompanied only by the continuo. 
In the Lord's Prayer and the Beatitudes other instruments and choir 
appear. In these compositions Schein was already foreshadowing 
Schütz's Kleine Konzerte and dialogues. The same bold expressive- 
ness is apparent in a collection of motets with continuo which pre- 
ceded the second part of the Opella nova: Fontana d’Israel (Israels 


1 Werke, vi and vii (ed. Prüfer and Bernhard Engelke) (Leipzig, 1919 and 1923). On 
this second part, see Karl Hasse, ‘Johann Hermann Schein’, Zeitschrift für Musik- 
wissenschaft, ii (1920), p. 578. 


458 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


Brünlein) (Leipzig, 1623).! Here, too, we find intensity of expression, 
chromaticism, and strong contrasts in the ' sonderbar Italian Madrigal- 
ische Manier’, as Schein himself points out. Thus, in the motet ‘Die 
mit Tränen sáen werden mit Freuden ernten’? (‘They that sow in 
tears shall reap injoy’), the word ‘Tränen’ is set to a vocalized passage 
which first rises chromatically, then descends, and ‘sien’ to another 
vocalized passage suggesting painful toil; while for *werden mit 
Freuden ernten’ there is an octave leap and the words ‘mit Freuden’ 
are repeated several times in short notes: 


() Die 


mit Trá - 


Die mit Trà - 


1 Ed. Adrio, Schein: Neue Ausgabe, i (1963). 
? Separate edition by Blume, Das Chorwerk. xiv (Wolfenbüttel, 1931), p. 24; see also 
Leichtentritt, Geschichte der Motette, p. 358. 


HERMANN SCHEIN | 459 


Hi 


-en, wer-den mit Freuden,mit Freu - den ern - ten, 


In certain respects Schein recalls Lechner, but sometimes he also 
makes one think of Monteverdi. 


SAMUEL SCHEIDT 


Pupil of Sweelinck and friend of Schein, the Halle organist Samuel 
Scheidt! is best known for his keyboard works? but healso contributed 
notably to the choral church music of his day, particularly with 
motets and concertos on Lutheran hymns. Like Schein, his first 
publication for church use, Cantiones Sacrae Octo Vocum (Hamburg, 
1620), consists of a cappella motets, both German and Latin, nearly 
half of them hymn-settings, with a number of psalms. The double- 
choral technique is employed with great effect, though it is clear 
that Scheidt acquired it from Sweelinck or his colleague Michael 
Praetorius, not from Italy. There is no continuo, but in no. 15, ‘In 
dulci jubilo’, there are ad libitum parts for two small trumpets (vulgo 
clarien’). However, in his next work, the Concertus Sacri of 1622,* 
containing three Magnificats, a Lutheran Mass, and seven settings of 
Biblical texts—all but one in Latin—Scheidt introduces not only an 
organ continuo but other instruments which sometimes accompany, 
sometimes play ‘symphonies’, as in no. 6, ‘Angelus ad pastores’, 
which is an arrangement of no. 13 in the Cantiones Sacrae.® 


1 On Scheidt generally, see Seiffert, ‘J. P. Sweelinck und seine direkten deutschen 
Schüler', Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, vii (1891), p. 145; Arno Werner, 
“Samuel und Gottfried Scheidt', Sammelbände der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, i 
(1899-1900), p. 401, and ‘Neue Beiträge zur Scheidt-Biographie’, ibid. xiii (1911-12), 
p. 297; Christhard Mahrenholz, Samuel Scheidt: sein Leben und sein Werk (Leipzig, 
1924). 

* See p. 666 ff. 

з Reprinted by Gottlieb Harms and Christhard Mahrenholz, Samuel Scheidts Werke, 
iv (Hamburg, 1933). 

4 See Erika Gessner, Samuel Scheidts geistliche Konzerte (Berliner Studien zur Musik- 
wissenschaft, ii) (Berlin, 1961). 

5 On Scheidt's arrangements and use of parodia technique, first detected by Mahren- 
holz, see Gessner, op. cit., and Werner Braun, ‘Samuel Scheidts Bearbeitungen alter 
Motetten’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, xix-xx (1962-3), p. 56. 


460 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


It was not until 1631, when Halle was temporarily freed by the 
Swedes from Imperialist occupation, that Scheidt brought out Newe 
geistliche Concerten (with German title and all German texts), though 
the conditions produced by the war obliged him to reduce drastically 
the forces for which they were originally conceived; in their published 
forms all are for two or three voices only, with continuo but no other 
instruments. Other sets followed in 1634, 1635, and 1640,! and two 
more are lost; in these, more favourable conditions allowed Scheidt 
to employ five or even six voices but he was never able to gratify his 
desire to make public the original forms ‘mit. 8. 12 Stimmen/zwey/ 
drey/vier Choren/mit Symphonien, vnd allerley Instrumenten’. In 
these later ‘concertos’ the tendency away from the old motet style to 
the new dramatic one, begun in the Concertus Sacri, is carried much 
further. A typically dramatic effect occurs near the end of "Kommt 
her zu mir alle’ in the 1634 set, which Scheidt describes as " Dialogus, 
that is a conversation of Christ with the Righteous and the Damned 
on the Day of Judgment’: 


THE 
ELECT 


CHRISTUS 


B.C, 


1 The four sets have been republished in Werke, viii-xii (1957-65). 


SAMUEL SCHEIDT 461 


in ds e- - - -wi-ge Le - ben 
4 шин рах нин 
үт Se Se ER GER ee WEE EM 
ы al 9 A | 2 fF e LA? ER eee ПА 
wf. a )p——9»—i1—-—9— — PT IT ee y te 
EE d LL RR 


D 
E 


wa CE — —É—————au St. Af 2 — 
DF ГЕН ШИРИДИ nn dm PT IT a ИМ Г ү И i 2 
СБ е те ET IF ———-—— 
nn! CHI —— LLL 
nn} 
7, E 
Сї on = oe Г. 1 © ve, ыш GE, EEGENEN 
РУ: 10—00 Te = 
en” a ES Eegen e 
4 
е- wi- ge Pein ge - - - (ben 


E X. xy 
e - wi-ge Le- u - - - ben 
5 6 5 6 Н $ 5 ү 


(But the righteous into life eternal) 
(And these shall go away into everlasting punishment) 


Perhaps the most interesting feature of the later Concerten is the way 
in which the variation-principle in setting successive verses of ahymn 
is developed into a miniature cantata, the precursor of the so-called 
*chorale cantatas’ of J. S. Bach. Often two or three verses are joined, 
so that the whole *concerto' consists of several sections each em- 
bodying two or three variations. Thus * Wenn wir in hóchsten Nóten 
sein' in the 1634 set is constructed as follows: 


Verse 1: miniature motet 
2: duet for soprano and tenor 
3: variation: hymn-tune in bass 


` motet style 

variation: tune in tenor 

duet for soprano and tenor 

: note-against-note harmonization of tune 


MOON tA 4 


HEINRICH SCHÜTZ 
Both Schein and Scheidt have been partially eclipsed in this field 
by a still greater figure: their friend Heinrich Schütz.! As a boy he was 


1 On Schütz in general, see particularly André Pirro, Schütz (Paris, 1913), Hans 
Joachim Moser, Heinrich Schütz: Sein Leben und Werk (Kassel, 1936; English translation 
by Carl F. Pfatteicher, Saint Louis, 1959), and Erich Müller (von Asow) (ed.), Heinrich 


462 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


a protégé of the Landgrave Moritz of Hesse. He sang in the court 
chapel at Kassel and, when his voice began to break, he was sent to 
study at Marburg, and finally the Landgrave sent him to Venice, 
where he worked for three years (1609-12) under Giovanni Gabrieli. 
In 1617 he was appointed Kapellmeister to the Elector of Saxony, a 
post which he held nominally for the rest of his life, though his service 
was interrupted by the Thirty Years War and by visits to other courts, 
notably that of Copenhagen. His first religious publication, Psalmen 
Davids sampt etlichen Moteten und Concerten, appeared in 1619.1 The 
majority of these compositions are for eight voices with basso continuo 
*vor die Orgel, Lauten, Chitaron, &c.', sometimes with other obbli- 
gato instruments. In the preface, Schütz gives instructions for per- 
formance, on the lines he had learned in Italy. His choirs are divided 
into two classes: the coro favorito, formed of the singers with the finest 
voices and the most talent, and the cappella, employed to enhance 
the strength and brilliance of particular passages. Like Praetorius? he 
is willing sometimes to replace voices by instruments: for example, 
in the cappella, though one part in each choir should be sung, cornetti 
may be substituted for the higher voices and trombones for the lower 
ones. As some psalms are too long to be sung throughout in motet 
style, he has some verses declaimed ‘in stylo recitativo', a style ‘almost 
unknown in Germany at present', by soloists with chordal accom- 
paniment or, more often, by all the voices. He treats some psalms 
as ‘concertos’ for a solo voice, and in the psalms of praise he adds 
obbligato instruments: flute, strings, cornetti, trombones. He tries 
as far as possible to give a faithful reflection of the text and if he 
sometimes, like others, indulges in rather puerile word-painting, 
here too he is only following in his master's steps; thus, as Pirro 
pointed out? Giovanni Gabrieli in his motet ‘Timor et tremor’ 
separates the two syllables of ‘timor’ by a pause, and Schütz does 
exactly the same with ‘fiirchtet’ in his Psalm 128.* The beginning of 
Psalm 130, ‘Aus der Tief ruf ich, Негг”,5 is particularly impressive; 
the four voices of the first choir sing in the low register with a dis- 
sonance on the word ‘Tiefe’; the soprano rises an octave for ‘ruf’; 
and it is only on ‘Herr!’ that the second choir enters with overpower- 
Schütz: Gesammelte Briefe und Schriften (Ratisbon, 1931). Schütz's Sämtliche Werke 
were edited in 18 vols. by Philipp Spitta, Arnold Schering, and Heinrich Spitta (Leipzig, 
1885-1927); a Neue Ausgabe sämtlicher Werke (various editors) was begun by the Neue 
Schütz-Gesellschaft (Kassel and Basle, 1955-  ). 
1 Sämtliche Werke, ii and iii. 
* See p. 549. 


* Op. cit., p. 176. . 
4 Sämtliche Werke, ii, p. 120. 5 Ibid. p. 47. 


HEINRICH SCHÜTZ 463 
ing effect. Schütz is more or less following in Gabrieli’s footsteps even 
in the use of chromaticism: 


Ex.206 (Note-values halved) 
Aus der Tie - fe ruf ich, Herr, 


CHOIRI 


CHOIR II 


B.C. 


(Out of the depths I cry unto thee, O Lord) 

The four-part Cantiones Sacrae of 1625! with Latin texts show us 
Schiitz generally more faithful to the style of the old polyphony; 
even the ‘Bassus ad Organum’, he says, was added only because the 
publisher insisted on it. But here again we find him trying to give 
special emphasis to certain words; one is stressed by a full chord, 


1 Ibid. iv; Neue Ausgabe, viii-ix. The Historia der Auferstehung (1623) will be dis- 
cussed in Vol. V. 


464 PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


another is thrown into prominence by a little melisma. The triptych- 
like setting of Psalm 6, ‘Domine ne in furore tuo’,! is particularly 
bold, with its dramatic chromaticism of melody and harmony, its 
dissonance, and its monodic passages (in which, of course, the 
continuo is indispensable): 

Ex.207 

(i) (Note-values halved) 


(O Lord, rebuke me not in thine anger) 


In 1629 Schiitz obtained leave from the Elector and made another 
journey to Venice. He found that changes had taken place there; 
Monteverdi had long been maestro di cappella; even the second 
maestro, Giovanni Rovetta, who had just succeeded Gabrieli’s 
pupil Grandi, was a disciple of Monteverdi. The first part of Schütz’s 
Symphoniae Sacrae (Venice, 1629)? shows what Schütz learned during 
this later sojourn in Italy. But discussion of these, with the other 
works of the later period, must be left to Vol. V. 


1 Sämtliche Werke, iv, p. 124; Neue Ausgabe, ix, p. 93. 
* Werke, v; Neue Ausgabe, xiii-xiv. 


IX 


CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 
By FRANK Lr. HARRISON 


HUMANISM AND LUTHERANISM IN THE ENGLISH REFORMATION 


In the first two decades of his reign Henry VIII showed himself a keen 
promoter of humanism and of the arts of music, poetry, and pagean- 
try. Later this youthful interest was lost in the maze of controversy 
which followed his assumption of Renaissance absolutism over 
Church and State. The * Oxford reformers' Colet, Erasmus, and More 
shared a love of humanism but differed in their views of its relation- 
ship to Christianity. While Erasmus satirized English choral founda- 
tions, Colet sought to put that of St. Paul's on a sounder basis. 
Though both were revolted by the popular devotion to relics, and Colet 
preached fearlessly against the luxurious life of churchmen, neither 
thought of humanism in terms of a Protestant reform. Still less did 
More, who resisted it to the death on grounds of conscience. Of later 
humanist churchmen, Pole was the most implacable opponent of the 
breach with Rome, while Tunstall and Gardiner supported it, but 
opposed the doctrinal and liturgical Reformation of Edward Vis 
reign. 

The invasion of Lutheran ideas was under way by 1521, when 
Wolsey ordered the public burning of Lutheran books. Lutheranism, 
less radical than Wycliffism (which survived into the early sixteenth 
century), had its groups of proponents at the universities, and pro- 
duced its martyrs to Henry's determined orthodoxy in matters of faith 
and ritual. The influence of Lutheran thought, though strong, was 
indirect until Martin Bucer and Peter Martyr, both of whom came to 
England in 1549, were called on to help in the revision of the First 
Prayer Book. However, neither they nor the leaders of the English 
Reformation took up Luther's explicit direction that choral music, 
together with the new congregational hymns, should be cultivated in 
the reformed churches and schools. The influence of Calvinist ideas, 
which resulted in the printing of the Psalms in English Metre (probably 
in 1548) ensured that the congregational music of the English reformed 
church should follow the Genevan model. 


466 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


THE REFORM OF CHURCH AND LITURGY 


Erasmus’s complaint that the attention of English monks was 
entirely taken up by music! was, of course, a caustic exaggeration, 
since in almost all cases the polyphonic choir of a great monastery 
was composed of boys and lay singing-men, under a lay master. The 
chief losses at the Suppression of 1540-1 were such abbeys as Bury 
St. Edmund’s and Glastonbury, for which there was no place in the 
reformed church, and those which, like St. Albans and Waltham, 
were reduced to being parish churches. The secularized communities 
adopted forthwith the Sarum rite, so that the results of the Suppres- 
sion were less serious than has sometimes been supposed. The active 
cultivation of choral polyphony had, in fact, long since passed out 
of the hands of monastics. 

The suppression of chantries in the first year of Edward VI, 
together with the injunctions of his reign against organs and florid 
polyphony, were much more significant for the musical life of the 
Church. Winchester, Eton, and St. George's, Windsor, were exempted 
from the provisions of the Chantries Act, but other foundations, 
among them St. Stephen's (Westminster), St. Mary Newark, Fother- 
inghay, Tattershall, and Higham Ferrers, were suppressed or deprived 
of their musical establishment. The injunctions for the taking down 
of rood-lofts and organs and the destroying of Latin service-books 
were not carried out everywhere with equal rigour, but otherwise the 
harrowing story of destruction alternating with restoration ran its 
course for more than a century. 

The reign of Henry VIII saw no basic reform of the medieval 
liturgy. Though the introduction of the vernacular for a lesson at 
Matins and Vespers in 1543 and for the Litany in the following year 
was, in principle, a fundamental change, it affected only a small part 
of the rite and left the main edifice untouched. The Prymer, of which 
several new translations appeared, was not a liturgical book, and its 
history belongs to the sphere of private devotions. As such it aroused 
no controversy, but the First Prayer Book of 1549 was met in Devon 
and Cornwall with armed resistance, the people refusing to ‘receive 
the new service, because it is but like a Christmas game’.? The Western 
Rebellion was suppressed, and the Second Prayer Book (1552) em- 
bodied further changes. In the following year Queen Mary restored 

1 Quoted in P. A. Scholes, The Puritans and Music in England and New England 
(London, 1934), p. 216. 


з F. Procter and W. Н. Frere, A New History of the Book of Common Prayer (London, 
1932), p. 56. 


REFORM OF CHURCH AND LITURGY 467 


the services as they had been ‘most commonly used . . . in the last 
year of our late sovereign Lord King Henry VIII’.! This left the 
English Litany as a legal form, and it was in fact the only public 
service in English known to have been printed in her reign.? 

Queen Elizabeth and her advisers, chiefly Cecil, though rightly 
anticipating opposition from ‘men which be of the papist sect’ and, 
at the other extreme, from those who would ‘call the restoration 
a cloaked papistry or а mingle-mangle’,? nevertheless succeeded, by 
three votes in the Lords, in re-establishing the Second Prayer Book, 
with some amendments, in 1559. But it was to remain a centre of 
controversy through the whole of our period. In an Injunction of 
1559 the queen desired that in the ‘divers Collegiate, and also some 
Parish-Churches’ where there had been ‘Livings appointed for the 
maintenance of men and children to use singing in the Church . . . no 
alterations be made of such assignments of Living'. The same Injunc- 
tion allowed that *in the beginning, or in the end of the Common 
prayers, either at Morning or Evening, there may be sung an Hymn, 
or suchlike song to the praise of Almighty God in the best sort of 
melody and Musick that may conveniently be devised, having respect 
that the sentence of [the] Hymn may be understanded and perceived '.* 
However, the term ‘Hymn or suchlike song’ left scope for differences 
of interpretation, and its performance was a permissive and not an 
essential part of the rite of Common Prayer. 


PURITAN ATTACKS 


The atmosphere of disputation and uncertainty in which services 
were carried on in the early years of Elizabeth may be judged from 
Bishop Grindal’s report in 1565 on the state of affairs in his diocese 
of London: ‘Some say the service and prayers in the chancel, others 
in the body of the church; some say the same in a seat made in the 
church, some in the pulpit with their faces to the people; some keep 
precisely to the order of the book, others intermeddle psalms in 
metre; ... the Table standeth in the body of the church in some places, 
in others it standeth in the chancel’, and so on.^ The petition of the 
Puritan party in 1563 that ‘the psalms appointed at common prayer 
be sung distinctly by all the congregation . . . and that all curious 
singing and playing of the organs may be removed' was narrowly 
defeated, and their Admonitions to Parliament in 1572, attacking t the 


1 Ibid., p. 92. $ Ibid., 

* H. Gee, The Elizabethan Prayer-Book and Ornaments (London, 1902), pp. Lie? 
* Injunctions Given by the Queen's Majesty (London, 1559), no. 49. 

* Gee, op. cit., p. 164. 


468 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


Prayer Book as ‘culled and picked out of that Popishe dunghill the 
Portuise and Masse boke, full of all abominations’ and proposing the 
replacing of the Episcopal system by the Presbyterian,! initiated a 
copious controversy, with Thomas Cartwright as the chief figure on 
the Puritan side and John Whitgift and Richard Hooker on the 
Anglican. In the Fifth Book of his Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity (1597) 
Hooker wrote his eloquent defence of the place of music, in church 
and elsewhere, as 


a thing which delighteth all ages, and beseemeth all states; a thing as 
seasonable in grief as in joy; . . . the reason hereof is an admirable facility 
which music hath to express and represent to the mind more inwardly than 
any other sensible mean, the very steps and inflections every way, the turns 
and varieties of all passions whereunto the mind is subject; . . . There is 
one [kind] that draweth to a marvellous grave and sober mediocrity; there 
is also that carrieth as it were into ecstasies, filling the mind with an 
heavenly joy, and for the time in a manner severing it from the body. 


PERSISTENCE OF THE CATHOLIC RITES 


In 1560 Walter Haddon's Liber Precum publicarum, a Latin transla- 
tion of the Book of Common Prayer, was printed with a royal Injunc- 
tion approving its use in the colleges of Oxford and Cambridge, and 
at Winchester and Eton. There is nothing to show that it was generally 
used, and Strype's comment that "most of the colleges in Cambridge 
would not tolerate it, as being the Pope’s Dreggs' probably represents 
the predominant attitude. In some parts of the country Romanism 
was strong, and there is no doubt that Mass was celebrated regularly 
in those large households which remained Catholic. In 1564 William 
Luson, a canon, and the vicars of Hereford entertained priests and 
some had Mass in their houses.? After the abortive rising of the 
northern Earls in 1569, when the new service books were destroyed 
and the old rites celebrated in Durham, John Brimley, the master of 
the choristers, deposed that *he was twice at High Mass, but he song 
nott hym selff at them, but played at orgains, and dyd dyvers tymes 
help to sing Salvaes at Mattyns and Even songe: and plaid on the 
organes, and went in procession, as other dyd, after the Crosse'.? 
Following Pius V's excommunication of the Queen in 1570 the treat- 
ment of recusants became less tolerant, and about the same time 


1 Procter and Frere, op. cit., pp. 112-14. 

* P. Hughes, The Reformation in England, iii (London, 1954), p. 124. 

3 Depositions and other Ecclesiastical Proceedings from the Courts of Durham, ed. 
J. Rains (London and Edinburgh, 1845), p. 149. 


PERSISTENCE OF THE CATHOLIC RITES 469 


began the flow of Catholic missionaries from the English College at 
Douai (founded in 1568), who were received and held services in 
Catholic houses. That the Queen maintained a personal policy of 
distinguishing between recusancy and treason, as she did in the case 
of Byrd, is shown by her description of the Earl of Worcester, one of 
Byrd's patrons, as ‘a stiff papist and a good subject’.! 


THE JACOBEAN AND CAROLINE RITUALISTS 


As soon as James I had shown by his answer to the Millenary Peti- 
tion that he had no intention of being a Puritan, a new generation of 
ritual-minded churchmen began to exercise an increasing influence in 
the larger churches. The first leader of this movement was the saintly 
Lancelot Andrewes, Dean of Westminster at the accession and later 
Bishop successively of Chichester (1605), Ely (1609), and Winchester 
(1618), and also Dean of the Chapel Royal (1619). The adornment 
of buildings and the restoration of ceremonial and music were fostered 
particularly by William Juxon at St. John's College, Oxford, from 
1621, and at St. Paul's, as Bishop of London from 1633; by John 
Cosin at Durham as Bishop Neil's chaplain and from 1624 as Canon, 
and at Peterhouse as Master from 1635; and most actively by William 
Laud as Juxon's predecessor at St. John's, as Bishop of St. David's 
(1621), of Bath and Wells (1626), of London (1628), and as Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury from 1633. 

We have detailed accounts of the ‘innovations’ at Durham in a 
sermon delivered there in 1628 and in other writings by Canon Peter 
Smart,? who took a strictly Protestant position based on the Eliza- 
bethan Injunctions and Homilies, and was deprived and imprisoned 
for twelve years. Smart laid the responsibility for bringing in ‘pom- 
pous ceremonies' at the door of Richard Neil, who from his enthrone- 
ment in 1617 proceeded to 'countenance, cherish, and maintaine 
schismaticall, hereticall, and traiterous Arminians and Papists’; and 
he names here and elsewhere Cosin, Laud, Matthew Wren, and others 
as introducers of ‘Altars, Images, Organs . . . and all manner of 
Massing furniture'. 


! Quoted by E. H. Fellowes, William Byrd (London, 2nd ed., 1948), p. 36, from Lloyd's 
State Worthies (1670), p. 582. 

3 The Vanitie & Downe-fall of Superstitious Popish Ceremonies (Edinburgh, 1628); 
A short Treatise of Altars, Altar-furniture, Altar-cringing, and Musick of all the Quire, 
Singing-men and Choristers . . . (1629); A Catalogue of Superstitious innovations . . . 
Brought into Durham Cathedrall by Bishop Neal . . . (London, 1642); and Canterburies 
Crueltie, coworking with His Prelaticall brethren . . . (London, 1643). See also J. Buttrey, 
‘William Smith of Durham’, Music and Letters, xliii (1962), p. 248. 


470 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


THEIR MUSICAL ‘INNOVATIONS’ 


Among the changes which so incensed Smart against Cosin in par- 
ticular were that 
the 6. of the clocke Service which was used to bee read onely, and not sung: 
he chaunts with Organs, Shackbuts and Cornets which yield an hydeous 
noyse... hee enjoynes all the people to stand up at the Nicene Creed ... 
which he commands to be sung with Organs, Shackbuts and Cornets and 
all other instruments of Musicke, . . . He hath brought meere ballads and 
jigs into the Church, and commanded them to bee sung for Anthems: 
and among many others, the three Kings of Colen, JASPAR, MELCHIOR, and 
BALTHASER. Hee will not suffer so much as the holy Communion to bee 
administred without an hideous noyse of vocall and instrumentall Musicke, 
(the tunes whereof are all taken out of the Masse-booke). 
According to Smart it had been the practice in cathedrals to have 
early morning prayers ‘plainly read by the Minister, with a Psalm in 
the end, in a vulgar tune, which all the Congregation may sing 
together', and to sing a metrical psalm before and after a sermon, 
the preacher remaining in the pulpit. He censures the practice of 
*multiplying unlawfull Anthemes, and disallowing lawfull Psalms- 
singing by the whole Congregation’, so that the ‘singing of Psalmes 
in the vulgar tunes within these five years [since 1627] hath quite been 
banished out of Durham Church, contrary to the practiceand custome 
both of this and all other Cathedrall Churches'. It appears that one 
of his chief objections was to elaborate music at week-day services, for 
he admits that David had instruments 
at the solemnities of Festivall dayes and Sabbaths. Therefore not every day 
in the week, nor thrice every day: they did not turn the hours of prayer into 
solemn services, with piping and chaunting, morning, and evening, and 
mid-day, as our new-fangled ceremony-mongers of late most audaciously 
attempted to do in this Church of Durham, and did so indeed the space of 
two years without authority, contrary to the Injunctions. 


Other evidence tends to confirm the impression he conveys of the 
drabness of services in Elizabethan times, apart from the royal chapel 
and one or two colleges.! The royal choir was maintained at a high 
level, with about thirty-two gentlemen members, by the system of the 
monthly course, so that a certain number attended on 'workinge 
dayes’ during their month of * wayting in the Chappell’ and all were 


! The Mundum Books of King's College show regular payments from 1560-1 
onwards for *pryckyng' sets of *prycksonge books’, including in 1591-2 ten shillings 
to *Mro. Hamond Informatori choristarum pro le suit of service De 8 parts ad usum 
Ecclesie’ and the same in 1594-5 to ‘Mro. Gibbins be Ellis Gibbons, elder brother of 
Orlando] for pricking 3 churche books of ten parts’. 


MUSICAL 'INNOVATIONS' 471 


present on Sundays and festivals.! Gentlemen who held a local appoint- 
ment did not provide a deputy for it, as appears, for example, from 
the statement of the Dean and Chapter of Rochester in answer to a 
direction from Nathaniel Brent, Vicar-General for Laud’s Visitation 
of 1634: ‘Mr. Coton, Mr. Stephens and the said Mr. West have been 
dyvers tymes requyred by us to provyde able men to supplye their 
places in our quyer, who have alwayes answered, that the deane of 
His Majesties chappell did assuer them, that by His Majesties service 
there, they were discharged from the servyce of all other quyers, 
where they had places.’ In this case the Dean and Prebendaries 
promised to pay deputies out of their own stipends.” 

In his Visitation of the cathedrals and colleges in his province, Laud 
inquired from each in a series of Articles about the state of buildings 
and precincts, the numbers in the Chapter and choir, and the ordering 
of services.? The articles vary at times in details, so that Salisbury 
alone was asked whether ‘the voices be sorted every one in his place 
soe that there be not more of tenors therein, which is an ordinary 
voice, then there be of baces and counter-tenors, which doe best 
furnish the quire; and whether have you in your quire a fair and 
tuneable pair of organs and a skilfull organist to play thereon?’ The 
answers give a conspectus of the state of church music, labouring in 
some places under the handicaps of insufficient endowments, incom- 
petent singers, and neglected choristers, but also tell of efforts to 
improve the standards of music and observance. Thus Rochester had 
spent ‘of late yeres, upon the fabrick of the church and makeing the 
organes . . . above one thousand pounds’, and prided itself that ‘for 
our church bookes . . . no church in England hath newer or fayerer, 
for . . . all our pricksong bookes have been pricked newe and trewe, 
and fayerlie bound . . . to the great charge of the church’. Christ 
Church, New College, King's, and other colleges likewise spent large 
sums about this time on paving, woodwork, hangings, and painting 
in their chapels,! and this but a decade or so before a new wave of 
Puritan iconoclasm was to engulf the English Church. 

1 E, F. Rimbault, The Old Cheque-Book . . . of the Chapel Royal (London, 1872), 


pp. 71-3. 
* Historical Manuscripts Commission, Appendix to the 4th Report (London, 1874), 


p. 146. 

a Ibid., pp. 124-58. 

* In 1637-8, for example, New College, Oxford, paid ‘Richard Hawkins painter for 
guilding and painting 62 seates at 4s. 6d. the foote each seate conteyning 9 foote & each 
buttresse at 25... £126 35” and to the same ‘for guilding one round bottle in the quire 
and 52 Antick seanes 333 starres and the casement about the pictures for pryming and 
stopping the wainscott ut per billam £20 3s 5d". The chapel expenses for that year totalled 
£309 odd as compared with £59 odd the previous year (Bursars' Rolls). 


472 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


ORGANS AND OTHER INSTRUMENTS 


The revival of organ-building had begun before the end of the 
sixteenth century with instruments by John Chappington being in- 
stalled at Westminster in 1596, at Magdalen in 1597, and at New 
College in 1598. Thomas Dallam built a new organ for King's in 
1605-6, for Christ Church in 1608 and again in 1624-5, for Worcester 
in 1613, and for Wells in 1620, while Robert Dallam built the organs 
at Durham (1621), York (1632), St. Paul's, St. John's College, Cam- 
bridge (1635), and elsewhere.! Charles I had an organ in each of his 
chapels at Whitehall, St. James's, Hampton Court, Greenwich, and 
Richmond.? The use of other instruments to support the choir seems 
to have begun about 1600. The chorus of an anthem sung in the royal 
chapel in 1605 was ‘filled with the help of musicall instruments’? and 
in the same year Christ Church bought 'two trebill cornets for the 
quire', the treasurer adding this precautionary note in the accounts: 
*No precedent for the buying of their other instruments; and these 2 
are the churches "3 There seems to be no direct evidence for the use of 
stringed instruments in churches, though they may well have been 
used in the chapels of the royal and other households to which string 
players were attached. There were cornetts with or without sackbuts 
in the choir of Worcester in 1619,5 of Westminster in 1625 (at the 
funeral of King James),? and at Durham in Cosin's time, as we have 
seen, while the accounts of the Chapel Royal in 1634 have a payment 
for twelve surplices for wind players, for ‘service in the Chappell’.’ 
In the same year Canterbury replied to Laud's Visitation Article on 
the choir that ‘in lieu of a deacon and subdeacon . . . are substituted 
two corniters and two sackbutters, whome we do most willingly main- 
taine for the decorum of our quire, though with greater charge then 
we might have done the other’.® 


1 For details of some of these see W. L. Sumner, The Organ (London, 1952), pp. 104, 
112-15. 

з Н. C. de Lafontaine, The King's Musick (London, 1909), pp. 68-107 passim. 

* Rimbault, op. cit., p. 168. 

* [ am grateful to W. G. Hiscock for this and other references from the Treasurer's 
Accounts; see also his 4 Christ Church Miscellany (Oxford, 1946), pp. 215-16. The use 
of cornetts with the Te Deum at the Queen's reception in 1566 (ibid., p. 166) conforms 
to medieval usage. 

* Ivor Atkins, The Early Occupants of the Office of Organist and Master of the 
Choristers of . . . Worcester (London, 1918), p. 47. 

* Lafontaine, op. cit., p. 58. 

7 Ibid., p. 90. 

* Historical Manuscripts Commission (as above), p. 125. 


THE END OF AN ERA 473 


THE END OF AN ERA 


The Committee appointed in 1641 by the Long Parliament to con- 
sider ‘all innovations in the church respecting religion’ heard objec- 
tions to ‘singing the Te Deum cathedral-wise’ and to introducing 
*Latin Service in the Communion at Cambridge and Oxford’, and a 
request ‘to mend the imperfections of the metre in singing psalms and 
then to add lawful authority to have them publicly sung before and 
after sermons, and sometimes instead of the hymns of Morning and 
Evening Prayer’.! As the discussions developed, the Puritan element 
gained complete ascendancy. This chapter in the history of English 
church music closes with the Act of 3 January 1645, the day on which 
Laud’s Attainder was passed in the Lords, abolishing the Book of 
Common Prayer in favour of the Directory for the Public Worship of 
God in the Three Kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland. 


LAST YEARS OF THE SARUM RITE: MASS AND ANTIPHON 


In the last years of the Sarum rite composers seem to have had little 
interest in writing large-scale canto fermo Masses. Almost the only 
example from this generation, not a felicitous one, is Marbeck’s ‘Per 
arma justitiae’, which may have been written as early as 1531.? The 
‘Western Wynde’ Masses of Christopher Tye and John Sheppard? 
are, like Taverner’s on the same melody, sets of choral variations, 
while Thomas Tallis’s ‘Salve intemerata’ is a missa parodia on his 
own antiphon.* The remainder are Lady-Masses or shorter Masses, 
some with names which do not imply the use of a canto fermo (Tye's 
‘Euge bone’,5 Sheppard's ‘French Mass’, and ‘Be not afraid’)? or 
seem to refer to a unifying theme not used in the orthodox canto 
fermo fashion (Sheppard's "Cantate" and Richard Allwood's ‘Praise 
him praiseworthy Christ full of mercy") The Lady-Masses by 


1 Procter and Frere, op. cit., pp. 152, 154. 

з Marbeck's polyphonic church music is printed in Tudor Church Music, x (London, 
1929). He may have been at Windsor in 1531; see ibid. Appendix (London, 1948), p. 31. 

3 Both are in Brit. Mus. Add. 17802-5 (Gyffard part-books), almost certainly written 
during the reign of Queen Mary; see F. Ll. Harrison, Music in Medieval Britain (London, 
1958), pp. 288-9. 

* The Latin church music of Tallis is printed in Tudor Church Music, vi (London, 
1928). 

в Ed. G. E. P. Arkwright, The Old English Edition, x (London, 1893). 

* In the Gyffard part-books. 

? In Bodl. Mus. Sch. e. 376-81 (Forrest-Heather part-books), containing eighteen 
Masses. The last seven, including the two mentioned, were added by William Forrest, 
chaplain to Queen Mary and minor canon of Christ Church, Oxford. Allwood's Mass, 
with Thomas Ashewell’s * Ave Maria’ Mass, has been printed by J. D. Bergsagel in Early 
English Church Music, i (London, 1963). 


474 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


Sheppard (called ‘Playnsong’ because of its restricted rhythms) and 
Thomas Appleby,! and unnamed Masses by Tye? and Tallis, have the 
unifying device of a common opening for some or all of their move- 
ments. A Lady-Mass by William Whytbrook and two by William 
Mundy are based on the common-property melodies called ‘squares ',? 
used earlier by Ludford and others, while Kyries or Alleluias (or both) 
for the Lady-Mass were written by most of the composers mentioned, 
and by John Hake, Robert Okeland, Thomas Knyght, and Hyett.* 
There survive single verses, probably from complete alternatim set- 
tings, of Lady-Mass sequences by Tallis (* Euge caeli porta’ from ‘Ave 
praeclara?) and Tye (‘Tellus flumina' and ‘Unde nostris eya’, both 
canons on the plainsong, from ‘Post partum"). 

The composition of large votive antiphons seems, on the other 
hand, to have been continued in the last decade of Henry VIII and 
resumed under Mary. Besides examples in a manuscript of the fifteen- 
forties by such composers as Arthur Chamberlayne, Marbeck, John 
Mason, Hugh Sturmys (an antiphon of St. Augustine, “Exsultet in hac 
die") and Catcott (an Epiphany antiphon ‘Trium regum’),® there are 
fine pieces in this genre by William Mundy’ and Robert Parsons, 
whose fondness for energetic rhythms is well exemplified in this 
extract from ‘О bone Jesu" 3 


Ex.208 O  bo-ne Je - sul 


о Ъо- пе Je - 801 Il- lu - mi- 

! In the Gyffard part-books. 

з In Cambridge, Peterhouse, 40, 41, 31, 32 (the tenor book is missing), written between 
c. 1540 and 1547; for list of contents see Dom Anselm Hughes, Catalogue of the Musical 
Manuscripts at Peterhouse (Cambridge, 1953), pp. 2-3. 

з Vol. III, p. 336. See also H. Baillie, ‘Squares’, Acta Musicologica, xxxii (1960), 
p. 178, and Bergsagel, *An Introduction to Ludford', Musica Disciplina, xiv (1960), 
p. 118. 

4 The Lady-Mass music is in the Gyffard part-books. 

5 In Christ Church 45, written during the reign of Queen Elizabeth. 

* In the Peterhouse MSS. The text set by Sturmys is in Paléographie musicale, xii 
(Tournai, 1922-5), pl. 316. For Catcott's text see Horae Eboracenses, ed. C. Wordsworth 
(Surtees Society, York, 1920), p. 74; some editions of the York and Sarum Horae have 
the heading ‘An other prayer to the iij kynges of Colen’. 

? Mundy's Latin Antiphons and Psalms have been printed by Harrison, Early English 
Church Music, ii (London, 1963). 

в In Christ Church 984-8, which belonged originally to Robert Dow, benefactor of 


475 


LAST YEARS OF THE SARUM RITE 


' 
ba 
о 

ч 

D 
© 
о 
3 
с 
D 
a 
З 
vo 
Iz] 


cu-los me 


o 


ne 


-te, 


ob-dor - mi-am in mor - 


a 
= 
D 
Ы 
f 
v 
e 
u 


-ni-mi - 


- cat i 


di 


cat i-ni-mi - 


prae-va- 


- cus 


v 
E 
E 
д 
d 


sus 


ad-ver 


u 


Robert Whyte set ‘Regina caeli’ and ‘Tota pulchra es’ on their own 
plainsongs in the way normally used for responds.! Among the 


Christopher 


H 
H 


*Sancta Maria 


S 


5 


shorter votive antiphons Knyght 


the music at Christ’s Hospital, and were compiled between 1581 and the early years 
of James I. The original note-values have been reduced by half in all the musical 


examples in this chapter. 


1 Whyte’s sacred music is printed in Tudor Church Music, v (London, 1926). 


476 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


Hoskins's ‘Speciosa facta es’ and Thomas Wright's ‘Nesciens mater’ 
are also on the homonymous plainsong, while Sheppard’s lively 
‘Gaudete caelicolae’ and Robert Johnson's ‘Gaude Maria’ are in 
imitative style, and Philip Alcock’s ‘Salve regina’ is in a manner 
verging on ‘playnsong’.! 


MAGNIFICAT, RESPOND, AND HYMN 


Of the seven Magnificats in the Peterhouse collection, only two are 
by composers whose work did not appear in earlier manuscripts, 
Appleby and John Dark.? Since the tenor book is missing it is im- 
possible to say whether they were based on the plainsong or the 
faburden. The latter method may have been going out; though Tallis 
followed it, Mundy, Sheppard, and Whyte used the tone itself, and 
Stonings used a two-note canto fermo which is simpler than any of 
the tones.? 

Quite the most vigorous of the liturgical forms in this period was 
the respond, especially in the hands of Sheppard‘ and Tallis. As fore- 
shadowed by Taverner, the choral parts of responds were treated in 
elaborate polyphony woven around the plainsong, normally in the 
tenor. Certain responds of special ceremonial importance were still 
set in the older fashion, though Sheppard composed ‘Inmanus tuas’ 
in both ways.® In hymns the work of these two composers is again 
outstanding, while there are good examples, unfortunately without 
their tenor parts, by Mundy and Parsons. Hymns were set for 
alternatim performance, the polyphony beginning with the second 
verse; the melody is usually in the treble, in monorhythm or in a 
consistent rhythmic scheme, with occasional ornamentation, particu- 
larly at cadences. 


OTHER RITUAL FORMS 


Among other ritual forms in this period is a fine anonymous setting 
of the St. Matthew Passion.? The Lamentations by Tallis and Whyte 


1 Allthese are in the Gyffard part-books. 

* Hitherto unidentified; he was a vicar-choral of Exeter from c. 1519 to c. 1569. 

* The settings by Mundy, Sheppard, and Stonings are in the Gyffard books. On the 
use of faburden in settings of the Magnificat, see Harrison, ‘Faburden in Practice’, 
Musica Disciplina, xvi (1962), pp. 20-2 and 32-4. 

* A selection of Sheppard’s responds is printed by Harrison in John Sheppard: Sechs 
Responsorien (Das Chorwerk, Ixxxiv) (Wolfenbüttel, 1960). 

5 See Vol. III, p. 340-2. 

* See Harrison, Music in Medieval Britain (London, 1958), pp. 371-2; one of the 
settings in Das Chorwerk, Ixxxiv. 

т In Christ Church 979-83, written in the late sixteenth century; the initials LB. on 
the binding may stand for John Baldwin. 8 [n the Gyffard books. 


OTHER RITUAL FORMS 477 


are among the greatest in their kind, Whyte’s imposing six-part setting 
being designed with three- and four-part sections like the greater Mass 
and antiphon, while Osbert Parsley’s is unusual in treating the liturgi- 
cal reading-tone as canto fermo.! Composition on the plainsong or its 
faburden was the almost invariable method of setting other ritual 
items. On the plainsong are John Redford's lively ‘Christus resur- 
gens’, Mason's Lenten antiphon ‘O rex gloriose’, an anonymous 
‘Vidi aquam "3 and Sheppard's six-part Te Deum for men, in his best 
style, as may be judged from this verse:* 


Ex.209 
Tu 


eben See pg O E EE ES € 
2 7 = ма 2:3 
a f 


de-vi - cto mor-tis a-cu-le = e о ae 


a- cu-le 


© ш II SET Led 
rn IT Te LC Lë 
аЬ ЛИМИН 


ыл es 
в Jg 
г тте > 
Géi e ee 7 


F 


Tu Ё. vi- cto mor - 


-i - sti cre - den - ti - bus 


1 Parsley's sacred music is printed in Tudor Church Music, x. 

2 In the Gyffard books. 

3 [n the Peterhouse books; the tenor can be supplied from the plainsong. 
* Christ Church 979-83; tenor supplied from the plainsong. 


478 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


re-gna caelo - - - - -rum. 


те - gna cae-o ~ 


re-gna cae - lo - - - - rum. 


The first of an anonymous group of four settings of * Asperges’ in the 
Gyffard part-books is on the faburden, as are Sheppard’s psalm 
‘Laudate pueri’ with the Alleluia antiphon, one of his two settings of 
the antiphon ‘Libera поѕ’ and the setting of the psalm ‘In exitu 
Israel’ with the Alleluia antiphon made jointly by Sheppard, Mundy, 
and Byrd (most likely Thomas).? 

Sacred polyphony in England was more closely related to the ritual 
and to the votive acts of Mass and antiphon than it was on the Conti- 
nent. Only two pieces in the Gyffard books cannot be placed in any 
of the categories which have been mentioned: Philip Van Wilder's 
‘Pater noster’ and Mundy's canonic ‘Exsurge Christe’, a collect 
against heresy. The term ‘motet’ seems not to have been current before 
Morley defined it, in the Plaine and Easie Introduction, as compre- 
hending ‘all grave and sober music’, and gave a wrong account of its 
origin. Orlando Gibbons used it in the title of his secular collection 
of 1612, John Amner applied it to some of the pieces in his Sacred 
Hymnes (1615), while several of Martin Peerson's secular Mottects or 
Grave Chamber Musique (1630) are not what we should normally 
term ‘grave and sober’. 


PSALMS 


In contrast to the total absence from sources before 1547 of com- 
plete Latin psalms (apart from a few special items of the Processional), 
there is a considerable number among the works of Whyte (with 

1 In Christ Church, 979-83. * See Harrison, op. cit., pp. 289, 357. 

® The anonymous last keyboard piece in the Mulliner Book (Musica Britannica, i), 


entitled ‘Tres partes in una’, is a transcription of this. 
* Ed. R. A. Harman (London, 1952), pp. 292-3. 


PSALMS 479 


twelve), Mundy (with ten), Sheppard, Tye, Tallis, Parsons, and Pars- 
ley.1 Mundy used a special version and the others the Sarum text of 
the Psalter.? It is most unlikely that many of these pieces were written 
after 1559; most were probably composed in Queen Mary's reign, 
perhaps under the impulse of a new awareness of their cultivation on 
the Continent. The surviving examples constitute the largest form of 
the period, some having the bisectional layout of the greater votive 
antiphon. This heritage is most apparent in those which have further 
subdivisions into ‘full’ and ‘solo’ sections, and in some of Whyte's 
and single examples by Parsley and Mundy which keep the conven- 
tion of triple measure for the first main section and duple for the 
second. Others follow the more *modern' method of a continuous 
full treatment in imitative style with occasional homorhythmic and 
antiphonal phrases. Whyte has some passages, such as *et omne con- 
silium tuum confirmet’ in " Exaudiat te Dominus’, which rival Taver- 
ner in floridity of line, while Mundy is able to achieve intensity of 
expression without relaxation of linear energy, as in this instance, 
from his ‘Miserere’ 3 


Ex.210 Do - ce - bo præ e va » ri-cae 


Va - Ti-ca- to - res vie as tiu -~ as, ^C et | 


1 See the ‘Check List of English Psalm Settings’ in Joseph Kerman, ‘The Elizabethan 
Motet: a Study of Texts for Music’, Studies in the Renaissance, ix (New York, 1962), 
p. 306. William Mundy's ‘In Aeternum’ should be added to the list. 

* Sarum used the ‘Gallican’ Psalter, i.e. the second, revised, Psalter of St. Jerome, 
usually known as the Vulgate version. This was officially adopted in the revised Breviary 
of Pius V (1568). The Psalter in Queen Elizabeth's Latin Prayer Book is yet another 
version. 

® Royal College of Music 2035. 


480 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


et рес + са - to-res ad teconever-ten - [ш] 


d- 


< ca- to-res ad te con-ver - 


Еж 


рес ca-to-res ad te conver-ten- - e -tur 


Parsley's ‘Conserva me’ has confident lines, some examples of canonic 
imitation, and an Amen which begins with the ostinato figure which 
Aston used in his ‘ Gaude virgo mater Christi'.! The psalms of Tallis 
and Tye, though technically irreproachable, lack the rhythmic vigour 
and melodic resource of those of Whyte, Mundy, and Parsons. 
Sheppard, too, adopted a markedly less forceful style in his psalms 
than in his other Latin works. 


LATER LATIN MUSIC: TALLIS AND BYRD 


It is clear that one of the purposes of the publication in 1575 of the 
Cantiones, quae ab argumento sacrae vocantur, the first English print 
of music to Latin texts, was to foster an international reputation for 
the composers, ‘autoribus Thoma Tallisio & Guilielmo Birdo Anglis’.? 
Its dedication to the queen, as one who excelled ‘vel vocis elegantia, 
vel digitorum agilitate', was followed by tributes in Latin verse 
designed to introduce the leaders of English music to the world of 
culture and learning. Thus Richard Mulcaster, author of books on 
education and first headmaster at Merchant Taylors’ School, where 
Edmund Spenser and Lancelot Andrewes were among his pupils, 
observed that Music, regarded both by antiquity and by the present 
time as holding the first place in the training of youth and the shaping 
of the state, and dignified by the pleasure and participation of the 
Royal Majesty, had already been honoured amongst other nations by 
the publication of skilful compositions. England, who had suffered 
her music to remain hidden, now allowed her offspring to see the light 
and, thanks to the printing-press, to be submitted to the judgement of 
craftsmen abroad. So Tallis and Byrd, whom she had chosen as her 
leaders, might earn an honoured name wherever the great fame of 


1 Tudor Church Music, x, p. 96. 

* Byrd's contribution is printed in Tudor Church Music, ix (London, 1928) and with 
facsimiles of the preliminary matter in The Collected Works of William Byrd, ed. E. H. 
Fellowes, i (London, 1937). 


LATER LATIN MUSIC: TALLIS AND BYRD 481 


music extended. Similarly Sir Ferdinand Heybourne (Ferdinand 
Richardson) a member of the queen's household and himself a 
composer and with Byrd a fellow-pupil of Tallis, pictures Music 
honoured among foreign peoples through the work of Orlandus 
(Lassus), Gombardus (Gombert), Clemens and Alphonsus (Alfonso 
Ferrabosco) and becoming angry that Britons should prove unworthy 
of her gifts by being unwilling to publish any books. If the right to 
judge, he says, were to be given to ‘inexperienced youths’, he would 
dare to affirm that these cantiones were “created by inspired pens’ and 
were *worthy to circulate throughout the world'. 

Tallis's contribution to the joint publication is on the whole less 
uniform in style than Byrd's and more retrospective in its choice of 
liturgical categories. Since the plainsongs of his hymns and responds 
agree with the Sarum versions, it may well be that these pieces were 
composed before 1559. On the other hand the plainsong of Byrd's 
only canto fermo respond here, * Libera me Domine', differs in signifi- 
cant respects from the Sarum form, which may be seen in the settings 
by Whyte and Parsons. Tallis’s setting of the hymn ‘O nata lux’ makes 
a definite departure from earlier practice by treating the first two 
verses only, as a continuous and virtually homophonic composition 
independent of the plainsong.! He was probably following Byrd in 
this, for the piece is in a style which Byrd used in a more elaborate 
form for his hymns ‘Siderum rector’ and ‘O lux beata Trinitas’. The 
latter is a freely composed setting in coro spezzato manner, in which 
the doxology is cleverly worked out with three canonic parts in such 
a way as to maintain the overlapping coro spezzato effect. 

Comparison of the freely composed pieces by the two composers 
reveals Byrd's abler handling of the imitative style. In several cases, 
among them ‘Absterge Domine' and 'Derelinquat impius', Tallis 
makes little or no attempt to create a flowing texture by continuing 
some voices while bringing in a new point; and he is apt to write a 
literal repeat of the working of a point rather than extend it. The two 
settings of ‘Salvator mundi’ come nearest to a continuous texture, the 
second being a special case, with superius and tenor in close canon. 
Tallis was not at ease with the technique of through-imitation, prob- 
ably because of his early training in the differentiated style, of which 
his * Gaude gloriosa' is one of the supreme examples. It is difficult to 
agree with Fellowes's opinion that the *motets of Tallis published 
in the Cantiones sacrae of 1575 show a marked advance in style 


1 The older alternatim practice is shown in * Adesto nunc propitius’ (second and fourth 
verses of ‘Salvator mundi’) recorded in The History of Music in Sound (A.M.V.), iv. 


482 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


compared with the work of pre-Elizabethan composers'.! It would 
rather seem that Tallis found some difficulty in adjusting his technique 
to changes in the style and function of church music which took place 
when he must have been nearing fifty. But of the greatness of his best 
work there can be no question. In the Cantiones there is ample testi- 
mony to this in ‘In ieiunio et fletu’, with its deeply expressive chroma- 
ticism, in the ingenious craftsmanship of the canonic essay ' Miserere 
nostri', and in the lengthy setting of 'Suscipe quaeso', with its con- 
trasts of extended imitative lines and pointed antiphonal dialogue. 
The towering achievement of ‘ Spem in alium’, where similar contrasts 
are consummately used in the medium of eight five-part choirs, attests 
his eventual mastery. 

In the Dedication of the first volume of the Gradualia (1605) to the 
Earl of Northampton, Byrd spoke of his feeling for sacred texts, 
which had, in his experience, *such a reserve of hidden power that to 
one who thinks upon divine things and earnestly turns them over in 
his mind, the fittest possible measures . . . come at once and as if 
unaided'. This lively response to the inner meaning of sacred words 
was the motive force behind the subtlety and variety of Byrd's 
methods. His ability to infuse homophonic writing with linear interest 
is manifested in the hymns already mentioned and in his first piece 
in the 1575 collection, the very expressive setting of ‘Emendemus in 
melius’. The immediately striking characteristic of his pieces in imita- 
tive style is the apposition of his points and the flexibility of their use. 
For example, the first point in * Libera me Domine et pone' illustrates 
the expressive effect of the reverted point and the free handling of the 
word ‘Domine’, which is made a linear accessory to the point. The 
next motive, on ‘et pone me iuxta te’, is an unbroken line, and Byrd 
twice makes a contrapuntal overlap of these two points. He may also 
devise a relation of ‘double descant’? between two elements of a single 
point, as in the first sentence of the second part (‘Dies mei transierunt"). 
The final sentence is worked out in a contrapuntal complex of the three 
motives arising from the words, in a variety of unions, e.g. Ex. 211 
(opposite), and the close is made on a rising form of the ‘spero lucem" 
figure. The pursuit of such contrapuntal relations within sections 
is an important factor in the unusual length and unflagging interest of 
Byrd’s unfolding of his points. At times his method approaches the 
effect of subject and regular countersubject, as at the beginning of 


1 Grove’s Dictionary of Music and Musicians (5th ed.), viii (London, 1954), p. 296. 
2 Morley’s term for double counterpoint (Plaine and Easie Introduction, ed. cit., 
p. 188). 


483 


LATER LATIN MUSIC: TALLIS AND BYRD 
‘Da mihi auxilium’, and in its third (‘aut aliquid saltem") and final 


Cut plangam’) sections, 


Ex.211 


LJ 
Ca 5 2 
e ai. ~ 
А 
z à 
E A. S , ` 
E Та B 22 2 
ч 
л 
. SÉ ё 
Ы Фо 
2 Tiv ' e. 
v 
g SA 
B 8 
' + E 
A o 
o 
а. & & 
a t t 
A 2 2 
E g 
o 
D Dua + 
2 ©, 
«2 
n 
ЕД a 
£ 
Q 
o 
D 
za 
=ч 


cem 


te - nebras spe - ro lu 


post 


t 
As counterpoise to such exercises 


e 


Byrd has occasional recourse to 


marked changes in texture, as in this striking passage in the six-part 


* Attollite portas": 


3 


est 


Ex.212 Quis 


* LU 
o " o 
е 
on 
D Я че 
Г] 
= & 
n CH 
б E 
Dua 
g 8 
om 
L 
a 
5 ` 
— 
o 
t Be 
& Ikay 
a 
© z 
2 ' 
~ D 
А 5 
ы т 
S ka B 


a ged 

H la Е 

t а.о 

Ф 

a & 
[a8 


484 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


and in the chordal antiphony he uses, for example, in “Tribue Domine’, 
there for a text concerning the Trinity. These and similar sections 
seem prompted by the words rather than by the special treatment of 
a liturgical category, as in the hymns which have been mentioned. 

Byrd’s unit of chordal movement is the semibreve (i.e. minim in 
the examples as printed here), the normal basis of rhythm at the time, 
but he is at least as enterprising as any of his contemporaries in his 
handling of the smaller subdivisions. In the 1575 Cantiones he fre- 
quently has two quavers, though never more, and only for a special 
effect (as for ‘conturbat’ in * Peccantem me quotidie") the successive 
dotted rhythms so favoured by Parsons. He is more advanced in his 
use of the syncopated minim, which may be a feature of a point, as 
for 'dissipatae sunt’ in ‘Libera me Domine et pone’, and of the 
minim as the unit, either temporarily, as in Ex. 212 (shown as 
crotchets), or throughout a piece, as in the hymns. 

The most striking examples of dissonance here are the collisions or 
near-misses between the major and minor third of a chord, an idiom 
which had a firmly rooted tradition in English polyphony. The colli- 
sion produces either a diminished octave, as in *Domine secundum 
actum’, or an augmented unison, as with the first point of ‘ Attollite 
portas’. Perhaps more remarkable in their historical context are the 
diminished fourth in the point on ‘Ideo deprecor', the secunda pars 
of ‘Domine secundum actum', and the unorthodox treatment of the 
suspension in the last point of the prima pars in the same work: 


e - gi, in conspe - ctu tu - о e- - 


ви ш 
| — 2.1 


соп-ѕре - ctu tu- o e- gi 


con-spe - ctu tu- o 


-gi, e - gi in соп-ѕре- 


LATER LATIN MUSIC: TALLIS AND BYRD 485 


-cfu tu - o e- - "gi. 


BYRD’S CANTIONES AND MASSES 


Byrd’s overt purpose in publishing further books of Cantiones was 
to print a correct text of his works, in view of what he calls the hodge- 
podge (‘farrago’) of faulty manuscript copies in circulation.! The 
further object of providing music for Catholic services at home and 
abroad cannot be doubted, and if the Masses may, on bibliographical 
evidence, be dated c. 1588 or later they too were part of the enterprise 
atthis stage. A ritual purpose for the Cantiones is suggested by Byrd's 
provision of the liturgical return in responds such as ' Laetentur caeli’, 
where it is written out, ‘Recordare Domine’, where it is given a new 
setting, and ‘Aspice Domine’, the plainsong of which deviates con- 
siderably from the Sarum form. 

The chief developments in style are more frequent recourse to coro 
spezzato treatment, to chromaticism for expressive purposes, and to 
groups of quavers for appropriate depiction of a text. A special in- 
stance of the antiphonal dialogue which occurs in many pieces is 
*Infelix ego', where the questioning passages of the text are given 
particular poignancy, while the brilliant ‘Laudibus in sanctis’ brings 
linear and chordal styles into sharp contrast, heightened by hemiola 
rhythms on two levels. Chromaticism and livelier rhythms are equally 
manifestations of a deep response to words. The chord on À flat for 
‘desolata’ in ‘Vide Domine’, the augmented sixth for ‘deserta’ in “Ne 
irascaris', and the many E flats in the context of the first mode in 
*Haec dicit Dominus’ are examples of the former, the treatment of 


2? Dedication of the 1589 set, in facsimile in The Collected Works of William Byrd, ii 
(London, 1937), p. viii. The 1591 Cantiones are reprinted ibid. iii. 


486 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


*exultate et laetemur’ in * Haec dies’,! of the latter. The word ‘repente’ 
in *Vigilate' and the Alleluia of ‘In resurrectione Tua' both have 
groups of four and five quavers, while the ‘exultet’ of the latter is one 
of several instances of a single word set to a brief point in crotchets. 
Nor did Byrd hesitate to write motives which approach the madri- 
galesque for such words as ‘circuitus’, ‘persequere’, ‘exsurge’, and 
‘dormientes’. 

The cantiones which Byrd allowed to remain in manuscript? include 
his Lamentations, a single lesson in three sections with a remarkable 
vocalize on the Hebrew letter Teth, in the manner of Whyte, though 
less vocal in style. There are also three complete psalms, two of which, 
‘Ad Dominum cum tribularer’ and ‘Domine quis habitabit’, are 
especially fine, and some canto fermo settings of responds and hymns. 

No title-pages of Byrd’s Masses? exist, nor do surviving catalogues 
determine their dates of publication.* Nothing in their style or tech- 
nique makes it impossible that they should have been written well 
before 1588, though the composer may have been deliberately con- 
servative in his approach. He conforms to earlier practice in the use 
of common openings, most consistently in the five-part Mass, and 
departs from it in including the Kyrie, hitherto set only in the 
Lady-Mass. 


THE GRADUALIA 


Byrd’s *carmina cygnea' in the field of Latin music, the two 
volumes of Gradualia5 (1605, 1607; second edition of both, 1610), 
were unequivocally for the Catholic rite, and were dedicated to 
Catholic patrons. Together they provide the Propers for important 
festivals and for the Lady-Mass for the seasons, some music for the 
offices, including hymns for the commemorative Office of the Virgin, 
and several cantiones, such as ‘Unam petii’ and ‘Plorans plorabit’, 
which have no special liturgical relevance. Like some of the earlier 
cantiones they have texts which might well express the sentiments of 
the Catholic community in England. Since neither of the modern 
editions shows the liturgical categories of the individual pieces, it is 
not made clear that the direction in the original print for the return 


1 Recorded in The History of Music in Sound, iv. 

з Printed Collected Works, viii, ix (London, 1939), and Tudor Church Music, ix. 

з Reprinted Tudor Church Music, ix, Collected Works, i. 

* See, lower, Peter Clulow, * Publication Dates for Byrd's Latin Masses', Music and 
Letters, xlvii (1966), p. 1. 

5 Reprinted Tudor Church Music, vii (London, 1927), Collected Works, iv-vii (London, 
1938). 


THE GRADUALIA 487 


of the introit * Rorate’ after the psalm-verse and ‘Gloria patri’ must 
in fact be applied to all the introits, which are of course the only 
pieces to have the Gloria. Byrd seldom made two settings of a text 
where one would serve; thus he has indicated that the setting of 
*Eructavit' as the psalm-verse of 'Salve sancta parens' is to be 
used, with its ‘Gloria patri', both for * Vultum tuum’ and for the 
Gradual ‘Speciosus’, where he has supplied the further text ‘Lingua 
mea’ to complete the verse. Though not indicated, a similar procedure 
must be understood in a number of other instances, as in the Proper 
for the Purification, where the Introit ‘Suscepimus’ is also to be sung 
for the Gradual as far as the words ‘fines terrae’, where a complete 
stop is provided, after which the verse ‘Sicut audivimus’ follows. It 
is evident that Byrd intended each Gradual and Alleluia to be sung 
as a continuous whole, the repeat of the Gradual after its verse being 
omitted. In some cases he attached the beginning of the Alleluia 
directly to the end of the Gradual verse (as in ‘ Benedicta et venerabilis’ 
with the verse ‘Virgo Dei genitrix’), following this with the Alleluia 
verse (in this case ‘Felix es’) and the repeat of the Alleluia to new 
music. In others he wrote the Gradual and Alleluia as a continuous 
piece, as in ‘Timete Dominum’ with the Alleluia ‘ Venite ad me’ and 
*Oculi omnium’ with ‘Caro mea’. It goes without saying that all the 
Alleluia sections are an integral part of the liturgical text; where an 
Alleluia is used only in the Easter season a separate setting follows, 
as in the Offertory ‘Beata es’ and the Communion ‘Beata 
viscera '.! 

In accordance with their ritual forms, most of the pieces in the 
Gradualia are in relatively short sections, and their points of imitation 
are not developed to the length of those in the Cantiones, so that 
Byrd's technique of unfolding a contrapuntal complex has little play. 
With very few exceptions, the verses of Introits and Graduals are for 
three voices, the other sections being for four, five, or six. Apart from 
the use at one point in the original of the word "Chorus" 8 it would 
be safe to say on liturgical grounds that the verses are to be sung with 
one voice to a part. They are consistently imitative in style. Contrasts 
of texture, though on a small scale, are exploited both within and 
between sections, while coro spezzato treatment can have only momen- 
tary, but none the less telling occurrence, as in ‘Beata virgo’, in the 
respond ‘O magnum mysterium', and in the Alleluia *Ave Maria’. 


1 For a full discussion of the liturgical order of the Gradualia, see J. L. Jackman, 
*Liturgical Aspects of Byrd's Gradualia’, The Musical Quarterly, xlix (1963), p. 17. 

* Between the Gradual and Alleluia of the Mass of Christmas Day is printed ‘Chorus 
sequitur’. 


488 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


And Byrd shows as full an awareness as before of the moving effect 
of linear homophony, notably in ‘Justorum animae’ and ‘Ave 
verum’. 

Plainsong is rarely an element in the melodic lines, though there is 
an example of canto fermo setting in ‘Christus resurgens’, and motives 
derived from the chant are used in its verse ‘Dicant nunc’ and at the 
openings of ‘Puer natus’? and ‘Nobis datus’. The most advanced 
features of the style of the Gradualia are the more frequent use of 
small note-values and the occasional use of melodic sequence. There 
are many instances of two crotchets or a dotted crotchet and quaver 
having separate syllables, more particularly in the Second Book and 
the three-part pieces of the First Book. At first sight the latter group 
seem very up-to-date in style, with their crisp homophony and short 
thrusting points, but this impression is somewhat modified by a com- 
parison with Byrd’s earlier settings of hymns, the liturgical category 
of four of these pieces, and with the hymns of Ferrabosco.! Byrd also 
applied this style to good effect in appropriate choruses of the Passion. 
Both books show a certain development in florid figuration, though 
it remains a minor element in the melodic style. Groups of four or 
more quavers are used both for incidental ‘ornamentation’ and for 
the depiction of words, as for ‘ Alleluia’ in ‘Alleluia: Quae lucescit’,? 
for ‘velociter scribentis’ in ‘Speciosus forma’ and for ‘catenas’ in 
‘Solve iubente’. There seems to be only one instance, probably unique 
in Byrd’s Latin music, of a pair of semiquavers, in ‘Hodie Christus 
natus est’. 

In his Latin music, which he certainly considered the most impor- 
tant part of his work, Byrd shows himself endowed to the point of 
genius with vitality of imagination, wealth of craftsmanship, and a 
meticulous sense of detail. He was without question the key figure in 
the continuance of the great tradition of vocal polyphony in England, 
a path he pursued from firm conviction, both religious and artistic. 
Though his style is self-sufficient in its mastery, it is tempting to 
speculate what it may have owed to his continental contemporaries. 
Music by Lassus, mostly secular, was printed in England in 1570 and 
later,’ and there are motets by him and by Clemens non Papa, Gom- 
bert, Créquillon, and Palestrina in English manuscripts written in 


1 See below, p. 493. 

* The antiphon to the Magnificat on Holy Saturday; the opening words ‘Vespere 
autem sabbati' are sung by the celebrant. The Alleluia properly belongs to the end of 
the preceding psalm ‘Laudate Dominum’. 

з See Kerman, ‘An Elizabethan Edition of Lassus’, Acta Musicologica, xxvii (1955), 
p. 71. 


THE GRADUALIA 489 


Byrd’s lifetime.! As a young prodigy he may have met de Monte 
during the latter’s English sojourn in 1554-5, and we are told that 
in 1583-4 they exchanged compositions, Byrd responding to de 
Monte's ‘Super flumina' with the eight-part ‘Quomodo cantabimus’, 
with three parts in canon.? The composers whom Heybourne men- 
tioned in 1575 were Lassus, Gombert, Clemens, and Ferrabosco. On 
the level of mere choice of texts Byrd in 1575 has nothing in common 
with Gombert or Clemens, but five of his texts in that publication 
had previously been set by Lassus. Byrd's ‘Domine secundum actum’ 
is in part a reworking of Ferrabosco’s ‘Domine non secundum 
peccata’.® Byrd’s relation to Ferrabosco was without doubt one of 
the closest and most fruitful in his musical life. 


FERRABOSCO, MORLEY, AND OTHERS 


Alfonso Ferrabosco the elder had entered the service of Queen 
Elizabeth by 1562 and was in England, apart from a journey of a year 
or so to France and Italy, until 1578. There is no lack of evidence that 
Byrd and he pursued musical interests together. Morley tells us that 
‘in a virtuous contention in love’ they both made settings of the 
‘ Miserere’ plainsong, ‘each making other censor of that which they 
had done’.* Ferrabosco has been judged a routine madrigal composer, 
though important on the English scene; his church music has been 
little noticed.5 Two points only, the solidity and expressiveness of his 
motets, and the particular style of his hymns, can be briefly touched 
upon here. He is capable of thematic distinction, as in the opening of 
“Ad te levavi’, where the first six notes rise through a fifth and seventh 
to a tenth, and in its secunda pars, * Miserere nostri’, where the first 
point falls by step through a ninth, as well as of the ardent supplica- 
tion of the beginning of ‘Ad Dominum cum tribularer’ :* 


! In 1591 John Baldwin mentions Ferrabosco, Marenzio, de Monte, Lassus, Cré- 
quillon, Rore, and Andrea (Gabrieli); see E. H. Fellowes, William Byrd (London, 2nd ed. 
1948), pp. 237-8. 

* See ibid., p. 106 (though the evidence dates from the mid-eighteenth century). 

* See Kerman, ‘The Elizabethan Motet’, p. 291. 

* A Plaine and Easie Introduction, ed. cit., p. 202. Each wrote forty ways, as appears 
from the title of Medulla Musicke, licensed in 1603, of which no copy is extant (see 
Fellowes, op. cit., p. 174.) 

* A working list of sacred music by the two Ferraboscos, with sources, by G. E. P. 
Arkwright was printed in The Musical Antiquary, iv (1912), p. 45; see also Hugo 
Botstiber, ‘ Musicalia in der New York Public Library’, Sammelbände der internationalen 
Musikgesellschaft, iv (1903), р. 742, and Bertram Schofield and Thurston Dart, * Tregian's 
Anthology', Music and Letters, xxxii (1951), p. 211. 

* Christ Church 78-82 and 463-7, written early in the seventeenth century. 


490 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


bu-la - rer clama - 


HAH 
zum 


cla-ma 
-la-rer cla- ma 


- - - vi, clà-ma - vi, 

f) in. “ ge c 
Lu c LEIT Me oe! = 
т LI — — Машаш шшш кип RH L——l 
CW |... - DCA eT Е ЧИН м: sam 
LAN 4 CS а] 

P - - -rercla - ma - 


ғ PE a ИЕ E i 
HL л НИ. L 
жан шиа 
| 
vi, et ex-au 

че > GE ee 

= I eat Те 7 12.007.170 8 
Be —— z ir 
С—С] 


РА] 
- -rer cla - ma - vi, et ex - au-di - vit me 
A more surprising aspect of his musical ideas appears in ‘Posuisti 
tenebras’, the seventh part of his tremendous setting in eleven sections 
of the psalm *Benedic anima mea'. He begins with a point in the 
modern E major and takes it to F sharp major before making his 


491 


FERRABOSCO, MORLEY, AND OTHERS 
one he portrays in sound the dawn and the gathering of the ‘beasts 


way back to a cadence on F (Ex. 215 (1)). In the following verse but 
of the forest’ (Ex. 215 (1)):! 


bras 


ne 


t ' Ши ШШ $ 

ТГ A "rem: Wa , 
a E ' . irl $ б 
' Ф о 8 | © 2 n 
ad. BU $ БЕ a 
iji F Я , B 
o dh T п. 

5 | И Ee je 

| 2 a 

- 


Г] 

ы) 

Lé 

r 

a 

a 

L1 

~  ne-bras 

F H 

Le Г 
С] 
ро - su-i 


i èr 
“АШ, а 


te 


n 


te 
su - 


i 
SIb N 
m 
AN 
LER | 


|] 
I 
H 
iM 1 
\ 
у 


d 8 s 
tili mel) LET , 
М ~~ u f T 
[7] 2 H Ф H o эз a 
n с а G em ~~ ke 
4 E . . © IN A TI D a m 
A Ae LET | EI 
H4 Ы L] d Ф Uh ‚© a 
m ` D ~ 
Ы ail з . a ' ni a 
" Ф ё, 5 2o 5 ' 
SH- | щ HT E 8 з 
D Iz] 
il 3 ' H ‚з 
42 H = 
H N о jR =: ә 


Ро 


-i- sti 


Po - su 
te- ne-bras, 


N T 
KREE Pin 
[NS 4 al 


OUER 
d 
nl 
| | 
al, Wa) - З A) 


d De: 
чі Li 


1 Christ Church 78-82 and 463-7. 


CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


492 


om . . 


- Vae 
-vae 
-vae 


nox 
nox 
sil- 


sol 


est 


mnes be-sti-ae sil 


3 
-— = 
S "D 
t 
a 
v 
s 5 a 
o 8 чә 
g g 
LI 
` _ B 
x $ 
z a 
D 
б s 
G о 
+ o л 
ч ' E 
5 S 
D 
| ® S 8 
s s 8 a 
o u^ 1 4 ' 
9 $ T 3 
а d б 
Bai bs] u 
3 ‘ 5 9 o 
Ф F u 
Ф x 
~~ n 
| “ T 
LI 
Ж Ө» Do. n on 
has M = 


FERRABOSCO, MORLEY, AND OTHERS 493 
et con-gre-ga - ti 


et con-gre-ga-ti sunt:et 
Ferrabosco wrote several settings of hymns in the same style as that 
used by Byrd for the two in the 1575 Cantiones and the five in the 
Gradualia. They are freely composed pieces in a basically chordal style 
with clearly patterned rhythms, radically different both from the earlier 
English hymns and from the continental, as exemplified by Palestrina, 
among others. No precedence as between Byrd and Ferrabosco can 
be suggested, but the equivalence of method may be judged by com- 
paring the examples by Byrd with Ferrabosco’s ‘Ecce iam noctis’ :! 


Ex.216 


! Christ Church 78-82, 


CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


494 


3 
ta 
1 
о 
9 
v 
S 
o 
— 
U 
эч 
ve] 


cis au- ro 


Lu - 


mnes 


о 


, ll 


cti - po - ten 


Cun 


lam no - 


H 


ce 


Ec 


-ten - tem. 


ce iam no - 


Lu-cis au- ro 


Lu 


- bra: 
- a-tur um - bra 
-bra; Lu - 
- bra 


a-tur um 
а = tur um 
a-tur um 


te-nu- 
nu 
te- nu - 


-ctis 
-ctis 


FERRABOSCO, MORLEY, AND OTHERS 495 
-ra ru - ti-lansco-ru - scat: Ni - si-bus to - 


«та га ~ ti-lans со - ru - scat: Ni - si-bus to - 
-iis Cun - cti- po- ten - tem 


ro-gi-te- mus o - mnes Cun - cti 


-tis ro - gi-te- mus о - mnesCun- cti -  po-ten - tem 

The effect of such a musician on Byrd cannot have been slight, nor 
can their combined influence on Morley, whose Latin works,! apart 
from the four illustrative pieces in the Plaine and Easie Introduction, 
may have been written before 1583. It has been suggested that before 
that date Morley was a Roman Catholic? From 1583 to 1587, how- 
ever, he was master of the choristers at Norwich Cathedral.* Between 
1587 and 1590 he moved to London, and began the career which was 
to make him the champion of the Italian madrigal and the chief 
English exponent of its style. His ‘Domine Dominus noster' and 
‘Domine non est exaltatum’, both written in 1576 at the age of nine- 
teen, are quite cliché- and cadence-ridden, though each is a smooth 
enough essay in style. In the two Marian-antiphons ‘Gaude Maria'5 


1 Thomas Morley: Collected Motets, ed. H. K. Andrews and T. Dart (London, 1959). 

3 Including the fine ‘Agnus Dei’ recorded in The History of Music in Sound, iv. 

3 See David Brown, “Thomas Morley and the Catholics: Some Speculations’, 
Monthly Musical Record, Ixxxix (1959), p. 53; Dart, *Morley and the Catholics: 
Some Further Speculations’, ibid., p. 89; and David Brown, *The Styles and Chrono- 
logy of Thomas Morley's Motets', Music and Letters, xli (1960), p. 216. Also ibid., xlii 
(1961), p. 198. * See ibid., xlii (1961), p. 97. 

5 The text is undoubtedly the antiphon, as Brown suggests. The underlay should take 
account of the gamut-pun so-la in the first part, particularly as Morley used the similar, 
and long-standing, pun ur sol in the second part; neither part needs a final Alleluia. 


496 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


and ‘Virgo prudentissima’, joined as prima and secunda parts of one 
work, there are both exuberance and flow, while in ‘De profundis' 
and ‘Laboravi in gemitu’ Morley proves himself fully worthy of his 
master in the pertinence of the themes and his handling of counter- 
point and texture. 

Among others who composed to Latin words in Elizabethan times 
were William Daman, John Baldwin, Nathaniel Giles, Nicholas 
Strogers, and John Mundy. Daman came from the Netherlands be- 
tween 1561 and 1565 to enter the service of Thomas Sackville, Lord 
Buckhurst, and was by 1582-3 in the Queen's service. He may have 
played some part in acquainting English musicians with sacred music 
from the Netherlands, though his printed works are decidedly Protes- 
tant. Nothing is known for certain about Strogers's life, but the 
others were all in the royal service. To Baldwin as copyist (as com- 
poser he was a minor talent) we owe an anthology of Latin music of 
the century, some otherwise unknown.? With the Jacobean revival of 
ritual practice a few members of the new generation wrote Latin 
works, among them Alfonso Ferrabosco II and Thomas Lupo, both 
of the royal household, John Wilbye,? Thomas Weelkes, John Milton 
(father of the poet), and the versatile Thomas Ravenscroft. Ferrabosco 
was the most productive of these, and could reach to his father's high 
level of craftsmanship and expression:* 

Ex.217 


e 
og 


' La- bora- vi in 
La - bo-ra- i ge-mi-tu me - 


2 
Ы Д ——— GEBE | 
Ken éi 


= 
Lé 
Lu 
LI 


d 
li 
a 


LH 
ы ee 
ип 

ж. 


a LT 
g 
А 


pe 
M e 


li 


Ne 


La - bo-ra- - -vi inge - mi- 
1 His ' Miserere nostri’ was printed by G. Е. P. Arkwright in The Old English Edition, 
xxi (London, 1898), p. 35. 2 Brit. Mus. Royal 24. d. 2. 


3 His ‘Homo natus de muliere’ and "Ne reminiscaris’ (for solo voice and instruments) 
are printed in Arkwright, op. cit., pp. 24-34. 

4 Christ Church 78-82 and 463-7; there anonymous, but ascribed to Alfonso П in the 
Sambrooke MS. in New York (see Botstiber, op. cit., p. 742). Ferrabosco's ‘O nomen 
Jesu’ was printed in The Musical Antiquary, iv (1912), p. 50. 


FERRABOSCO, MORLEY, AND OTHERS 497 


N 
і 
\ 
u 
all 


hh 


o 


tu me-o, la - bo-ra- vi 

A conservative style of Latin music was maintained in this and the 
Caroline period, when the amount of newly composed Latin music 
was small; there are examples by Martin Peerson, Richard Nicholson, 
and George Kirby. At Peterhouse during the mastership of Wren 
(1632) and Cosin (1635) the use of Latin was partly restored, and the 
choir's part-books, though mainly for the liturgy in English, contain 
a fair proportion of Latin works by Tallis, Tye, Byrd, Parsons, 
Strogers, Robert Ramsey, and Thomas Wilson (then organist), 
among others; and about 1640 William Child composed for Cosin 
a Latin Te Deum and Jubilate. 

To what extent the Latin music of Peter Philips and Richard 
Deering, both Catholic emigrés, entered into the musical life of their 
own country before the Puritan revolution it is hard to say. Philips 
left England in 1582? and his church music was printed at Antwerp 
from 1612 onwards. Henry Peacham tells us that he ‘sent us over 
many excellent Songs, as well Motets as Madrigals: he affecteth 
altogether the Italian veine’.® Though Deering returned in 1625 to 
serve in the Catholic chapel of Queen Henrietta Maria after publish- 
ing sacred music at Antwerp in 1617 and 1618, it is unlikely that his 
Latin music was much known outside court circles until the Common- 
wealth and after A In pieces for four and more voices the ‘Italian 


1 Ramsey's 'O sapientia' is printed in Hughes, Musical Manuscripts at Peterhouse, 


p. 73. 

2 See A. G. Petti, ‘Peter Philips, Composer and Organist: 1561-1628’, Recusant His- 
tory, iv, no. 2 (1957). 

3 In The Compleat Gentleman (1622); the section on music is reprinted in Oliver 
Strunk, Source Readings in Music History (New York, 1950), p. 331. Philips’s * Ascendit 
Deus', from the Cantiones published at Antwerp in 1612, is reprinted in Tudor Church 
Music, octavo ed., no. 6. 

* John Playford printed a volume of Cantica Sacra for two and three voices, with 
basso continuo, in 1662. 


498 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


veine’ in both composers seems related in style to Giovanni Gabrieli’s 
Sacrae symphoniae of 1597 and in those for two or three voices to 
the work of such composers as Banchieri and Viadana.? 


THE EARLIEST MUSIC FOR THE ENGLISH LITURGY 


The first music directly connected with the English Reformation is 
in the Goostly Psalmes and Spirituall Songes by Miles Coverdale, 
printed about 1543.? Both words and tunes (the book has melodies 
only) were adapted from Lutheran sources, which proved to be the 
work’s undoing, for in 1546, four months before Henry VIII’s death, 
Coverdale’s ‘Great’ Bible and his Goostly Psalmes were among the 
‘heretical’ books burnt at Paul's Cross. Meanwhile, in 1544 Cranmer 
produced his Letanie with Suffrages to a ‘devout and solemn note’, 
which replaced the peregrinating processions of the Sarum use.‘ It 
was printed in the ‘playnsong’ notation already in use for some fifty 
years, and was at once provided with settings for three, four, and five 
voices.” Cranmer then set about translating the processions before 
Mass on some festivals, including their ‘Salve festa dies’ and verses, 
the plainsong of which he thought ‘sober and distinct enough. . . . 
Nevertheless, they that be cunning in singing can make a much more 
solemn note thereto.' But he considered that the other processional 
items (antiphons or responds) should be set as near as might be “Гог 
every syllable a note’, as in the Litany and certain other parts of the 
ritual.¢ However, in the first Book of Common Prayer (1549) all pro- 
cessions were abolished, and the Litany was ordered to be said or 
sung on Sunday, Wednesday, and Friday. 

Music for the English liturgy survives in two sets of part-books, 
both incomplete," which show by their texts that they were written 
between the accession of Edward VI (28 January 1547) and the first 
Prayer Book.? In the Wanley books the liturgical categories include 


1 See pp. 296 ff. 2 See pp. 533 ff. 

з Reprinted in M. Frost, English and Scottish Psalm and Hymn Tunes c. 1543-1677 
(London, 1953), p. 293. 

* Facsimile in J. E. Hunt, Cranmer’s First Litany, 1544, and Merbecke's Book of 


p. 25. 

* Letter to Henry VIII (1544), in Strunk, op. cit., p. 350. 

7 Brit. Mus. Roy. App. 74-76 and Bodl. Mus. Sch. e. 420-2 (the *Wanley* part- 
books). 

* See W. H. Frere, 'Edwardine Vernacular Services before the First Prayer Book" 
in Walter Howard Frere: A Collection of his Papers (London, 1940), p. 5. 


THE EARLIEST MUSIC FOR THE ENGLISH LITURGY 49 


morning and evening canticles, the Communion service, with some 
Offertories and Post-Communions, the Litany and Burial Sentences, 
the Easter antiphon ‘Christ rising again’, the hymn ‘O Lord the 
maker of all things’ (‘Christe qui lux es’)! and the Introit for Whit- 
sunday. There are also anthems with prose texts from the psalms or 
Gospels and a few metrical psalms. The Introit, *The Spirit of God 
hath replenished', is interesting in being a direct translation of the 
Sarum ‘Spiritus Domini replevit’ with its psalm-verse and Gloria; 
in the 1549 Book the Introits were complete psalms to be said or sung, 
while in 1552 they were dropped entirely. The Communion services, 
apart from the Taverner adaptations? and an anonymous setting, are 
syliabic in style—as is the best known of all the very early Anglican 
services, Tallis's ‘Short’ or ‘Dorian’ service—and the same is true in 
general of the other liturgical items. The anthems and metrical psalms, 
which allow themselves some brief imitations, include pieces by 
Tallis, Tye, Sheppard, Johnson, and Okeland.? The sacred music in 
the Royal Library set is confined to prose and metrical psalms and 
canticles, two anthems, a Litany, a doxology, and a 1552 Kyrie.* One 
of the minor mysteries of the Anglican liturgy during its first century 
or so is the method of singing prose psalms on non-festive days. Here 
there are four set to plainsong tones in the tenor and six set anthem- 
wise. 

On the basis of the first Prayer-Book, Marbeck printed in 1550 his 
Booke of Common Praier Noted, with measured monophonic music 
for Morning and Evening Prayer, the Communion and the Burial 
services." He used simplified forms of the Sarum chants for the Te 
Deum and *Pater noster', but the rest appear to be his own, apart 
from the psalms and canticles.® It is worth noting that his forms of 

1 Printed in Tudor Church Music, octavo ed., no. 83, ed. Fellowes, who has added a 
treble, and changed the first two notes to G from A. 

2 The ‘Small Devotion’ and ‘Meane’ Masses (printed, with the help of the originals, 
in Tudor Church Music, iii, London, 1924, pp. 143 and 169); the only other identifiable 
Communion service is by Heath. This must be Thomas Heath, singer at Westminster in 
1540-1 and Master of the Choristers there in 1553 (E. Pine, The Westminster Abbey 
Singers, London, 1953, pp. 42 and 62) and at Exeter in 1557 (Use of Exeter Cathedral, 
ed. H. Reynolds, London, 1891, p. 46) and 1562-3 (Accounts of the Vicars Choral). 

з Tallis’s ‘If ye love me’ (complete in Day's Mornyng and Evenyng Praier) is reprinted 
in Tudor Church Music, octavo ed., No. 69; *O Lord of Hosts' (complete in Day's Whole 
psalmes of 1563 as by S, for Southerton, but attributed to Tye in Add. 15166, after 1567, 
and Add. 29289, c. 1629) is reprinted in Frost, op. cit., p. 219. 

* Two composers are named: Johnson for ‘Behold brethren how good’, set to the 
seventh tone, and Tallis for a Benedictus (not found elsewhere). Tallis's ‘Remember not 
O Lord’ (complete in Day's Whole psalmes) is reprinted in Frost, op. cit., p. 214. 

* Facsimile in Hunt, op. cit. 


* The British Museum MS. Add. 34191, a part-book of c. 1525, has as later additions 
a bass part for the English Litany, an English Te Deum and Communion Service (all 


500 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


the fourth, fifth, and eighth psalm-tones are virtually the same as 
those given by Morley in four-part settings.! Morley introduces these 
settings by remarking that *the churchmen for keeping their keys have 
devised certain notes commonly called the Eight Tunes', and in a 
further discussion he points out that his examples are *but the forms 
of giving the tunes to their psalms in the churches which the church- 
men (falsely) believe to be the modi or tunes’.? It is very likely that 
Morley was referring to the ‘churchmen’ of his own time, and that 
psalms were sung to these forms of the tones or to standardized 
settings of them.? 

Another famous musical print of this time is Tye's Actes of the 
Apostles (1553), being four-part settings of his own metrical version 
of fourteen chapters of the Acts, in simple style with some imitation.* 
Tye was an early practitioner of this kind of enterprise, in which 
William Hunnis also engaged with his Hyve full of Hunnye, containing 
the Firste Booke of Moses (1578) and Marbeck with his versified Holie 
History of King David (1579). Neither of these had music, but Tye's 
work was anticipated in a paraphrase of the Bible made by the Swiss 
anabaptist Joachim Aberlin.5 Tye's book was not intended for church 
use, but as the title-page puts it ‘to synge and also to play upon the 
Lute, very necessarye for studentes after theyr studye, to fyle theyr 
wyttes, and also for all Christians that cannot synge, to reade the good 
and Godlye storyes of the lyves of Christ hys Apostles'. 

In the second Prayer Book Introits and Post-Communions were 
eliminated, leaving even less scope for the composer. John Day's 
Mornyng and Evenyng Praier and Communion (1565) included, besides 
the regular music for those services, the Litany, two Offertories, and 
the prayer ‘Turn thou us’ for Ash Wednesday, together with pieces 
called ‘Anthem’ or ‘Prayer’, though they are not otherwise distin- 


pre-1549 in their texts) which appear to be monophonic settings analogous to Marbeck's, 
though closer to the original plainsongs than his, and one part of a 1552 Kyrie marked at 
the end ‘iij partes’; there are some facsimiles in Hunt, op. cit., pp. 52-9. 

* A Plaine and Easie Introduction, ed. cit., p. 250. 

2 Ibid., p. 304. 

* Morley has B in the ending of the eighth tone, Marbeck has not; three of the tones 
in Marbeck are not in Morley. The only music in Robert Crowley's The Psalter of 
David . . . whereunto is added a note of four partes, (London, 1549) is a setting of the 
seventh tone (printed in Grove's Dictionary, 5th ed., vi, p. 958) which omits the intonation 
but otherwise corresponds to Morley. One of the two four-part settings in Francis 
Seager's Certayne Psalmes (London, 1553) has a form of the sixth tone in the tenor 
(printed in Frost, op. cit., p. 341). 

* Reprinted in Frost, op. cit., p. 343. 

* J, Aberlin, Ain kurtzer begriff und Innhalt der gantzen Bibel in drew Lieder zuo singen 
gestellt (Augsburg?, 1534); each of the three parts (Old Testament, Psalter, New Testa- 
ment) has a melody at the beginning. 


THE EARLIEST MUSIC FOR THE ENGLISH LITURGY 501 


guished. Most of the composers, and some of the pieces, were in the 
Bodleian part-books, but Tye does not appear, Knyght and a Robert 
Hasylton do, and Taverner is represented by an adaptation of his 
‘In nomine’, apparently by Thomas Causton, to the metrical version 
of Psalm 20, ‘In trouble and adversity’.t 


METRICAL PSALTERS 


In 1562 and 1563 Day laid the other side of his twin basis for 
Protestant music with The Whole Booke of Psalmes, collected into 
Englyshe metre by T. Sternhold, I. Hopkins & others: . . . with apt 
Notes to synge them withal? and the earliest edition of four-part 
settings of Sternhold's metrical psalter, the Whole psalmes in foure 
partes, whiche may be song to all musicall instrumentes, in which he 
included some settings of prose texts. In 1567 or 1568 a metrical 
version of the psalms by Matthew Parker, with nine original tunes 
(eight of them disposed by modes) set in four parts by Tallis, was 
printed in a very small edition.* Beginning later in the century a series 
of Psalters using the common tunes appeared, including John Cosyn's 
in 1585, two by Daman in 1591 with settings in simple imitative style 
(in one the melody is in the tenor, in the other in the highest part), 
Thomas East's in 1592 with plain settings by ten composers of the 
time, Richard Allison's in 1599 with ten tunes set for four voices or 
solo voice and lute, and Ravenscroft's in 1621 with some new tunes, 
English and imported, and settings from East and by some of Ravens- 
croft's contemporaries, including Thomas Tomkins, William Cran- 
ford, John Ward, and Peerson.5 Besides participating in East's and 
Ravenscroft's Psalters, John Dowland wrote seven settings of texts 
from the metrical psalter as a ‘Lamentation’ for Henry Noel (d. 1597), 


! Reprinted in Tudor Church Music, iii, p. 199; the only other metrical text is Tallis's 
“О Lord in thee is all my trust’ (headed ‘A Lamentation’ in Day’s Psalter of 1562; see 
Frost, op. cit., p. 213), a plain setting of the common tune. See also p. 510 and Ex. 220. 

2 Earlier editions of Sternhold's version, with tunes partly borrowed or adapted from 
the Geneva Psalter (see p. 441), had been published at Geneva in 1556, 1558, 1560, and 
1561. 

* For example, Tallis's *Remember not O Lord' (which was in Roy. App. 74-76) 
and William Parsons’s ‘Almighty God whose kingdom is everlasting’ (reprinted in 
Frost, op. cit., p. 222). The other composers concerned in Day's Psalter were Causton, 
Richard Edwards, Richard Brimle (probably the Richard Bramley who was a clerk 
at King's College 1558-61 and Instructor of the Choristers 1558-60), John Hake (a 
clerk at Windsor in 1547 and the composer of a Kyrie in the Gyffard part-books), and 
the otherwise unknown N. Southerton. 

* Reprinted in Frost, op. cit., p. 374. 

* Examples from these Psalters (except Cosyn's and Allison's) will be found in Frost, 
op. cit., passim. 


502 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


in four of which he used the common tune.! Robert Tailour’s Sacred 
Hymns Consisting of Fifti Select Psalms of David (1615) were new 
versifications ‘set to be sung in five parts, as also to the viole, and 
lute or orpharion’. His settings are fine compositions, homophoni- 
cally based but with ample linear interest, and with such features of 
the Jacobean anthem as chromaticism and florid figuration.? Though 
not a psalter, but rather ‘the earliest attempt at an English hymn- 
book’, George Wither's The Hymnes and Songs of the Church (1623) 
may be mentioned here, as it had sixteen tunes, each with a bass, by 
Orlando Gibbons.* The Reformation in Scotland produced settings 
of metrical psalms, both free and on the common tunes, and some 
devotional songs,? the most important Psalters being those of 1564 
and 1635.5 

In England the common tunes were seldom used as bases for more 
elaborate forms of composition. Among the few examples are an 
organ setting of ‘О Lord turn not away thy face’ in the Mulliner 
Book,’ three anonymous pieces presenting the ingenious combination 
of psalm-tune and the ‘In nomine’ canto fermo? and an anthem by 
Peerson.? 


ELIZABETHAN SACRED MUSIC, AND BYRD'S 1611 PSALMES 


Given the severely Protestant colour of the episcopal bench and the 
colleges, it is not surprising that so little music of any greater elabora- 
tion than the standard set in Day's publications was written in the 
Elizabethan period. This is not to ignore the fine quality of such short 
anthems as Tallis’s ‘Hear the voice and prayer’ and Mundy's ‘O Lord 
the maker of all things’.! These are the minor gems of great masters, 
but much of the music of the new race of composers is simple func- 


! Printed in Tudor Church Music, octavo ed., nos. 79, 80. 

? Reprinted in Frost, op. cit., pp. 468-506. 

3 J. Julian, A Dictionary of Hymnology (London, 1907), p. 347. 

* Reprinted in Tudor Church Music, iv (London, 1925), p. 317, and Frost, op. cit., 
p. 420. The setting of Song 67 is probably not by Gibbons, as the tune had already 
appeared in the Welsh Psalter of Edmund Prys in 1621 (see Frost, pp. 406 and 421). 

5 Examples in Music of Scotland 1500-1700, ed. Kenneth Elliott and H. M. Shire 
(Musica Britannica, xv, London, 1957) 

* The latter reprinted by R. R. Terry (London, 1935); see also Terry's A Forgotten 
Psalter and Other Essays (Oxford, 1929) and, on Scottish metrical psalms generally, the 
article in Grove's Dictionary (ed. cit.), vi, p. 972. 

* Ed. Denis Stevens (Musica Britannica, i, London, 1951), p. 80. 

* [n Christ Church 984-8; incipits in G. E. P. Arkwright, Catalogue of Music in the 
Library of Christ Church, Oxford, ii (London, 1923), pp. 156, 160, 161. 

? See below, р. 510. 

10 Tudor Church Music, octavo ed., no. 38. 


ELIZABETHAN SACRED MUSIC, AND BYRD’S PSALMES 503 


tional service-music. Most of the pieces in which the composer’s art 
is more fully deployed were written by members of the Queen’s chapel. 
Among these are Tallis’s five-part Te Deum, Tye’s ‘I lift my heart’, 
Sheppard's four-part service for men, Mundy’s “О Lord I bow the 
knees of my heart’, Whyte's complete psalm ‘Lord who shall dwell’ 
(though he is manifestly less comfortable with English than with 


Latin), and Parsons’s service for four to seven parts and ‘Deliver me ` 


from mine enemies’, this last for five voices with an optional canonic 
sixth part.! 

Few of Byrd's anthems, apart from the sacred pieces in the prints 
of 1588 and 1589, can with certainty be dated before the death of 
Queen Elizabeth.? Of those in Elizabethan sources ‘How long shall 
mine enemies triumph’ is notable for breadth of style and control of 
texture, while “О Lord make thy servant Elizabeth’, ‘Prevent us О 
Lord’, and ‘Arise О Lord’ (with second part ‘Help us O God’) are 
outstanding examples of the Anglican anthem. There appear to be no 
Elizabethan sources for Byrd's Preces, Special Psalms, Litany, and 
Services? Though some of this music must have been used in the 
Queen's chapel it is very doubtful that it had wider circulation 
before the seventeenth century, when it appears in choir manuscripts 
in Durham, St. John's College, Oxford, and Peterhouse, Cambridge. 
In style the treble part of the homophonic Short Service, like that of 
similar services in the sixteenth century, is not too far removed from 
that of the ‘composed’ pieces in Marbeck. The alternation and com- 
bination, without division of parts, of the sides of the choir, Decani 
and Cantoris, which was a frequent practice in post-Elizabethan 
services, is not in this case essential to the music, since there are no 
overlaps. In the Great Service, however, it is an integral part of a com- 
plex scheme of texture with predominantly imitative treatment (except 
in the Communion ítems); this, with the amplitude and vigour of the 
melodic lines, makes the work one of the masterpieces of the Anglican 
repertory. For his Special Psalms Byrd used an elaborated chant style 
(as in *O clap your hands’), or a version of the style of some of his 
Latin hymns (in ‘Save me О God’), or a verse style (in ‘Teach me 
O Lord’). ) 

In all three of his publications to English texts—the Psalmes, Sonets, 


1 The Tallis Te Deum is printed in ibid., no. 72; Whyte's psalm in Tudor Church 
Music, v. 

2 The pieces discussed in this paragraph are printed in Tudor Church Music, ii (London, 
1922). 

3 With the exception of John Baldwin's anthology, which contains sections from the 
Great Service. 


H 


504 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


and Songs of 1588, the Songs of Sundrie Natures of 1589, and the 
Psalmes, Songs, and Sonnets of 1611'!— Byrd followed, one is sure not 
unwittingly, the earlier practice of including both sacred and secular 
music.? Much of the music in these collections is allied both to the 
pre-Reformation carol and to the contemporary instrumental fantasia, 
and therefore is historically important for its maintenance of a line of 
development which led from the court and domestic music of Henry 
VIIT's time to the Jacobean verse-anthem and ayre. All but one CO 
God give ear’) of the thirteen sacred pieces in the 1588 book areclearly 
of the kind Byrd referred to in his ‘Epistle to the Reader’ as having 
been ‘originally made for Instruments to expresse the harmonie and 
one voyce to pronounce the dittie’.® The settings of metrical psalms, 
comprising all but two of the sacred pieces, are as it were idealized 
psalm-tunes set in the framework, often of great beauty, of an instru- 
mental fantasia. The words of ‘If that a sinner’s sighs’ are remarkable 
for their anticipation of the subjective note in Jacobean texts, while 
*Lulla lullaby my sweet little baby’ is notable both for its expressive- 
ness and its refrain form. 

The three-part psalms in the 1589 collection are in quite a different 
style, being true counterpoint with such devices as double descant and 
imitation by diminution. Besides three contrapuntal anthems, this 
book also contains two ‘Carowles’, one for solo and one for duet 
with instrumental parts, in each case with a four-part burden (Byrd 
calls it a ‘quire’), and the remarkable setting of the Easter ‘anthem’ 
‘Christ rising again’ which anticipates a Jacobean characteristic in its 
disposition of solo voices, instruments, and chorus. The 1611 collec- 
tion put greater emphasis, numerically speaking, on anthems, now in 
the rather freer style of the Jacobean full anthem. It also contained 
two ‘Carrolls’, one in anthem style, the other, ‘O God that guides’, 
having a solo-instrumental versus and a burden for chorus. A style of 
solo-instrumental song which comes close to that of the ayre may be 
seen in such pieces from manuscripts! as ‘My faults O Christ’, ‘O 
heavenly God and Father dear’, and ‘O that we woeful wretches’. 
The anthem ‘Alack when I look back’ seems to be a unique instance 
of Byrd’s using a post-Reformation metrical tune. The words, and the 
tune on which his setting is based, were printed in William Hunnis’s 


1 Reprinted in Fellowes’s edition of the Collected Works, xii (1948), xiii (1949), and 
xiv (1949) respectively. 

2 As did John Mundy in his Songs and Psalmes of 1594, reprinted complete by Dart 
and Philip Brett in The English Madrigalists, xxxvb (London, 1961). 

* The original form of two of the pieces may be seen in The Collected Works, xv, 
pp. 1, 35. 

* Printed ibid. 


ELIZABETHAN SACRED MUSIC, AND BYRD’S PSALMES 505 


Seven Sobs of a Sorrowfull Soule for Sinne (i.e. the seven penitential 
psalms) under the heading ‘A Lamentation touching the follies and 
vanities of our youth’. Byrd turned this into a verse-anthem by 
making the chorus echo short phrases and the last line of each verse. 
These settings are significant items in the history of the verse-anthem 
and of its connexion with devotional poetry. 


THE JACOBEAN REVIVAL 


The striking features of the Jacobean verse-anthem are its leaning 
towards ‘pietistic’? texts and its appropriate treatment of them. 
Musically, it exhibits at times a vocabulary of *modernisms' more 
highly coloured than that of the contemporary ayre or madrigal. For 
representative examples we may choose from the unpublished antho- 
logy called Tristitiae Remedium? made in 1616 by Thomas Myriell, 
Precentor of Chichester from 1613 to 1628,? supplemented by a set 
of part-books which has quite a few pieces in common with Myriell.* 
We have here all the signs of a rapid flowering—under the beneficent 
rays of the King's favour, the interest of churchmen, and the patron- 
age of the higher laity—of the polyphonic verse-anthem anticipated 
by Byrd and others, and now practised by a sizeable group of com- 
posers, some of whom also showed their competence in other fields. 
The full anthem was widely cultivated too, often in a more ‘madri- 
galian’ polyphony than before, and generally to less subjective texts 
than the verse-anthem. Both are represented in the two collections 
mentioned and in Sir William Leighton's publication The Teares or 
Lamentations of a Sorrowfull Soule (1614), which contained settings 
of texts compiled by him, some for four voices and broken consort 
(‘Consort Songs’) and some for four or five voices without accom- 
paniment.® About one-third of these pieces are also in Myriell’s 
manuscript.® 


1 See Frost, op. cit., p. 467. 

2 Brit. Mus. Add. 29372-7. Myriell included three of Giovanni Croce's settings of 
Bembo's sonnets on the Penitential Psalms, originally in Italian as Li Sette Sonerti Peni- 
tentiali (Venice, 1603, *novamente ristampati’), Latinized in Septem psalmi poenitentiales 
(Nuremberg, 1599), and ‘Newly Englished' in Musica Sacra (London, 1608). 

* See Dart, ‘Music and Musicians at Chichester Cathedral, 1545-1642’, Music and 
Letters, xlii (1961), p. 224. 

* Christ Church 56-60; the bass book is missing. 

5 Among the contributions to Leighton available in reprints are those of Byrd, 
Gibbons, John Milton (in The Old English Edition, xxii), and John Wilbye (in The English 
Madrigal School, vi). 

* There are four full anthems in Tomkins's Songs of 1622 (one is dedicated to Myriell 
and another was in his anthology), and three in Francis Pilkington's Second set of 
Madrigals of 1624 (if we include ‘Care for thy soul’). Dowland included four very 
beautiful sacred songs in his A Pilgrimes Solace (1612). All these are available in modern 
editions. 


506 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


The subjective element in Jacobean texts undoubtedly reflects the 
movement to restore poetry to devotion and to assert the place of the 
senses in religious experience. It took the form of intense contempla- 
tion of suffering, as in Edmund Hooper's ‘The blessed Lamb’, who 


For our sins guiltless on his cross did bleed: 
Mocked, wounded, spit upon, scourged like a slave, 


or passionate statement of devotion, as in Matthew Jeffries's full 
anthem 


My love is crucified, dead and entombed, 
Raised up, ascended, fixed on heaven's high throne 
. . . Christ is my love alone, 


or extravagant metaphor, as in Simon Stubbes's ‘Father of love’: 


Behold thy woeful servant prostrate lie, 
With dreary tears bedewing his sad face, 
The outward map of inward misery. 


The keynote of this aspect of the words and of their musical treatment 
may perhaps be suggested by the openings of Ward's 'Down caitiff 
wretch' (with second part ' Prayer is an endless chain of purest love?) 
and William Simmes’s ‘Rise О my soul’:! 


Ex.218 
(i) WARD 


1 They are in this order in Christ Church, 56-60, though separated in Myriell. 


507 


THE JACOBEAN REVIVAL 


И 
К 


м 


Hi 


| 


Vin? 
hi 


-~ 


ka 
м 


Ki 


io 
het 


(DA in Ch. Ch.57 


£ 
= 
Um 

© 
m 

vo 
5 
= 
Lea 

© 

© 
S 
5 
8 
E 
= 


Be-fore 


CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


508 


of life 


з 
Ka 
с 

m 
v 

E 

= 

m 
o 

= 
e 

8 

£ 
o 

& 
© 

5 


-fore 


(ii) SIMMES 


Hh 


509 


THE JACOBEAN REVIVAL 


o 
4 
n 
E 
© 
E 
= 
3 
® 
3 
o 
a 
> 
E 
о 
Ф 
a 
- 
ke 


1 | 


o 
L] 


s to heavn 


re 


Omysoul withthy de-si 


, contempla - tionuse 


And with di- 


And for an extreme case of chromaticism used to express deep peni- 


tence we may quote the ending of Thomas Ford's full anthem 


* Miserere my maker’:! 


1 Christ Church, 56-60; I have supplied a bass part. 


510 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


[4 T" T Е НЕ 
LRL —lL—— IT TI 
Ee EE VE 
to hear my ceaselesscry 
mycease - less cry 
TH 
Ki LL E KE К! 


E H LSZ Re a ы т 
гк Ри и: и и р и 
RAA Se тити A S Р) OH 0.00 —7 


D 4 
ers ЛИИ 
ge eve) 


mi-se-re 
mi-se-re - 


D DS 
LE 239.9 Spam 
PT 


-re- re,mise-Te - re, 
mi-se-re - re, І am dy 


Occasionally a special effect is gained by the alternation of very short 
phrases in voices and instruments, as in Peerson's *O Lord in thee’, 
a rare instance of an anthem founded on a psalm-tune (the pauses are 
given exactly as in the manuscript):! 

1 Christ Church, 56-60, bass supplied; for the common tune see Frost, op. cit., pp. 213- 
14. Peerson's setting may be compared with Tallis's in Day's Psalter of 1563 (in the 


Yattendon Hymnal, ed. Robert Bridges and H. E. Wooldridge, Oxford, 1905, no. 57) 
and with Gibbons's free setting. 


511 


THE JACOBEAN REVIVAL 


my trust, 


= 
e 
a 
om 
o 
Ф 
© 
KS 
а 
-= 
= 
o 
= 
o 


my woe - ful 


fn 


Y 


Refuseme not. 


| 
sii 
th, 
L| 
| 
а | 
и 


thatam un-just, 
^^ 


^^ 


+ 
o 
© 
B 
Ф 
B 

kä 
D 


Sy 


= 
Le 
LI 


un - just, 


that am 


Butbow-ing down 


i 
b 
KI 
=ч 
~ 
= 
= 
[7 
o 
ч 
= 
E 
= 


la- ment. 


do still 


MN 


aL. 


512 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


The obverse of the subjective texts set as anthems by the Jacobeans 
are those written for a royal or public occasion or observance, like 
John Bennet's “О God of Gods’, written for the anniversary of the 
coronation of James I, 'heaven's darling, England's happiness’, 
which expresses the prayer 


That this triumphant festival 
This holy day Imperial 

To his inauguring consecrated 
May be so often celebrated 

That finally it be not done 

Till the great coming of thy Son. 


Other examples of the ‘occasional’ anthem are Hooper’s ‘Hearken 
ye nations’, with the lines 


Our King anointed with his blessed seed 
Our sacred prophets that our souls do feed 


This day our God from fools’ bloodthirsty ire 

Hath saved as brands new taken from the fire, 
and Edward Smith's ‘If the Lord himself’, both written for the anni- 
versary of the Gunpowder Treason, Tomkins's ‘Know ye not’ for the 
funeral of Prince Henry in 1612, Ward's ‘This is a joyful happy day’ 
for the creation of Charles as Prince of Wales in the same year, John 
Bull’s ‘God the Father’ for the marriage of Princess Elizabeth to 
Frederick, Elector Palatine, also in 1612, Gibbons's ‘ Blessed are they’ 
for the marriage of Robert Earl of Somerset and Lady Frances 
Howard in 1613, his ‘Great King of gods’ for the King's being in 
Scotland in 1617, and his “О all true faithful hearts’ for the King's 
recovery from sickness in 1619.? 

Probably because they have been in print for some time, Gibbons's 
verse-anthems have tended to overshadow those of his immediate 
predecessors and contemporaries.? Generally in a more orthodox style 
than those quoted, they can be vigorous and rhythmically varied, like 
‘See, see, the Word is incarnate’ (the only Gibbons anthem in Myriell), 


1 Possibly for the day itself; the text was used for the "Kings Day’ under James and 
Charles I, for Edmund Hooper's setting of it appears in later sources. 

* Of the three sacred pieces in Richard Allison's 4n Howres Recreation in Music 
(1606; reprinted in The English Madrigal School, xxxiii) the full anthem ‘O Lord bow 
down’ is a prayer for the royal family and the verse-anthem ‘The sacred choir of angels’ 
(with refrain for chorus) is *a thanksgiving for the deliverance of the whole estate from 
the late conspiracie’. 

* His sacred music is printed in Tudor Church Music, iv (London, 1925); new edition 
of the verse-anthems by D. Wulstan in Early English Church Music, iii (London, 1963). 


THE JACOBEAN REVIVAL 513 


or deeply felt, like ‘Behold thou hast made my days’,! written for 
Dean Maxsie of Windsor in his last illness in 1618, or merely staid, 
like ‘This is the record of John’,? composed for Laud during his 
presidency of St. John's College, Oxford, from 1611 to 1621.3 

Among other Jacobean composers represented in one or both of the 
Myriell and Christ Church collections are John Amner,* William 
Corkine, Michael East,» Robert Jones, Kirbye,® Lupo, John Mundy,’ 
Ravenscroft, and Weelkes, the last with full anthems only. The full 
anthem, whether short and then normally for four voices, or extended 
and for five or more, kept to the * madrigalian' version of the tradi- 
tional polyphonic style, with rather lively rhythms and cogent points. 
Weelkes could rise to such good examples of the longer type as his 
‘Alleluia I heard a voice? and ʻO Lord arise’ (with a splendid 
closing Alleluia)? though in the verse-anthem his restrained style 
could sound ludicrous when used for such a tricky text as ‘If King 
Manasses’,!° with the lines 


A worthless worm some nice regard may win, 
And lowly creep whose flying threw it down. 


Again the full anthems of Gibbons's contemporaries are less widely 
known than his, both in the larger style, such as ' Hosanna to the Son 
of David’, and the smaller, such as ‘Almighty and everlasting God’. 
The service, which in this period took a very secondary place to the 
anthem, was like it written in both full and verse forms, and here the 


! Recorded in The History of Music in Sound, iv. 

* Easily accessible in A. T. Davison and W. Apel, Historical Anthology of Music, i 
(Cambridge, Mass., 1947), p. 195. 

5 The anthem *Glorious and powerful God’ for the dedication of a church, possibly 
in Gibbons's setting, was sung at the dedication of Sir Henry Willoughby's chapel at 
Risley in Derbyshire in 1632, after the sermon, There was an organ solo before the 
Te Deum, and before the sermon the psalm ‘Lord remember David’ was sung with organ, 
possibly in the metrical form; there is a setting by Jeffries in Myriell. See J. W. Legg, 
English Orders for consecrating churches (London, 1911), pp. 135-6. 

* Who printed a collection of his own: Sacred Hymnes of 3, 4, 5, and 6 parts for 
Voyces and Vyols (1615). 

5 East included anthems in his The Third set of Bookes (1610), dedicated to ‘Mr. 
Henry Wilughby, of Risley, in the Countie of Darby, Esquire; his singular good Master’. 
The fourth set of bookes (1618) contained * Anthemes for Versus and Chorus, Madrigals 
and Songs of other kinds to 4, 5, and 6 parts, apt for Viols and Voyces’. The Sixt set of 
Bookes (1624) had only * Anthemes for Versus and Chorus, of 5 and 6 parts, apt for 
Violls and Voyces’. Dart and Brett have reprinted the 1610 and 1618 sets complete in 
The English Madrigalists, xxxia and b (London, 1962). 

* His *O Jesu look’, in Myriell, is printed in Tudor Church Music, octavo ed., no. 18. 

7 ‘Sing Joyfully’, verse-anthem in Myrieil, is printed ibid., no. 92. 

в [n the Myriell and Christ Church collections; printed ibid., no. 45. 

э Ibid., no. 63; there are six further anthems by Weelkes in this series (nos. 9, 17, 35, 
and 88-90). Other composers represented in it by anthems include John Bull (no. 91), 
John Hilton the elder (no. 97), Morley (no. 71), and Nicholson (no. 48). 

10 In Royal College of Music, 1045-51. 


514 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


vein opened up by Byrd and Morley! was successfully worked by 
Weelkes,? Gibbons, and Tomkins.’ 


PERFORMANCE OF JACOBEAN AND CAROLINE CHURCH MUSIC 


Neither the printed collections of Leighton and Amner nor the 
manuscript anthologies of Jacobean music were provided with key- 
board parts. It seems certain that in Elizabethan times the organ was 
used at most to set the pitch for psalms and canticles, to accompany 
anthems and to play voluntaries.* From about 1600 it became 
customary to accompany full choral compositions and to write con- 
trapuntal organ parts to verse-anthems, adapted from or analogous to 
those written for viols, and an organ-book was eventually provided 
for each set of part-books. In the surviving specimens from St. Paul’s,® 
Durham, Peterhouse, and elsewhere? the texture in full sections varies 
in the course of a single piece from a two-part outline, to be filled in 
by the player? to the full detail, which is normally given for verses.? 
One of the earliest organ-books has occasional independent ornamen- 
tation,!? but from its general absence (Tomkins's printed compositions 
being an exception) one assumes that it was left to the taste of the 
performer. Though it is difficult to gauge the extent of improvised 
additions in any period, this was probably true also of vocal orna- 
mentation, which would likewise depend on local customs and per- 
sonalities.!! That it was considered becoming is suggested by a report 
on preparations for Charles I’s visit to Scotland written at Whitehall 
in 1631 by Edward Kelley, subsequently (1633) appointed master of 
the King’s Chapel Royal in Scotland. " Hereupon', he says, ‘I carryed 

1 An evening verse-service is printed in Tudor Church Music, octavo ed., no. 64. 


2 For an evening service, editorially completed, see the Evening Service for Trebles, 
ed. Peter le Huray (London, 1962). 

3 His Preces, Psalms, and Services are printed in Tudor Church Music, viii (London, 
1928). 

* In St. James's Chapel on Easter Day, 1593, when Her Majesty came to Communion, 
*Dr. Bull was at the organ playinge the Offertorye' (Rimbault, op. cit., p. 150). 

5 e.g. at New College in 1637-8: ‘So for a Sett of Service bookes with Choice Services 
and Anthemes in number Eleaven with the Organ booke 2 li. 10 s.’ (Bursars’ Account 
Roll). 

* Adrian Batten's Organ-book, with the date 1634; see Fellowes, The Catalogue of 
Manuscripts in the Library of St. Michael's College, Tenbury (Paris, 1934), no. 791 and 
pls. iii, iv (the captions are reversed). 

* See Tudor Church Music, ii, pp. 26-27. 

* Cf. Martin Peerson's (secular) Private Musicke . . . being Verse and Chorus, is fit for 
Voyces and Viols. And for want of Viols, they may be performed to either the Virginail or 
Lute, where the proficient can play upon the Ground, or for a shift to the Base Viol alone 
(1620). 

Both string parts and organ part exist for several of Gibbons's verse-anthems. 

1^ Christ Church 1001; see, for example, Tudor Church Music, iv, p. 253. 
п For suggestive passages see ibid., pp. 63, 173, and 181. 


JACOBEAN AND CAROLINE CHURCH MUSIC 515 


home an organist, and two men for playing on cornets and sackbuts, 
and two boyes for singing divisions in the versus, all of whom are most 
exquisite in their severall faculties.’ In 1632 Walter Porter, sometime 
pupil of Monteverdi, introduced Italian modes of figured bass, orna- 
mentation, and terminology in his Madrigales and Ayres.? The first, 
and only sacred, item in this print was a setting of Psalm 147, *O 
Praise the Lord’, from which a passage may be quoted :3 


speak |good ofthe|Lord, speak |good 


ur 
4 
СЦ иә 
DI Ti < [AEN 
Hr 


O speak good of the |Lord,O spe 


ko g 


1 C. Rogers, History of the Chapel Royal of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1882), p. clxvii. 

* Of two three foure and five Voyces with the continued Base with Toccatos Sinfonias 
and Rittornellos to them After the manner of Consort Musique. No organ-book exists 
for John Barnard’s The First Book of Selected Church Musick (1641); though essential 
to the verse-anthems, it may not have been printed. 

3 The opening is given in The Musical Antiquary, iv (1913), p. 247. 


516 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


(d=previous o.) 


good oftheLord,of the Lord, all ye works of his 


L LGE 
Т2 —.] 
D 


Ма’ ЛЕНИНА 0 KR EE ER EES o WR A 1: | SE JC P 
ES FO E Za анан 
e : L—EK* - ` И › eeh E A 


Porter’s lead was not followed in organ-books of the sixteen-thirties, 
nor in the pars organica of the posthumous publication of Tomkins's 
sacred music, the Musica Deo Sacra of 1668.1 


TOMKINS 


In their choice of texts Caroline composers? and compilers leaned 
to more exoteric and more definitely liturgical words than did most 
of the Jacobeans. This is particularly marked in the anthems of Tom- 
kins, whose work covers the whole period from early Jacobean times 
to the Civil War, and embraces all the forms of Anglican music.’ 
Tomkins was in any case a conservative composer, and his church 
music does not differ from his music of other kinds in showing little 
progression of style. Indeed some of his most effective anthems are 
early pieces, like ‘When David heard’? and ‘From deepest horror of 
sad penitence’:5 


! Musica Deo Sacra & Ecclesiae Anglicanae: or, Musick dedicated To the Honor and 
Service of God, and To the Use of Cathedral and other Churches of England, Especially 
of the Chappel-Royal of King Charles the First. 

* Among the new names are Ramsey, Richard Portman, William Child, Henry and 
William Lawes, and Christopher Gibbons. A word-book of the anthems used in the 
Chapel of Charles I (Bodl. Rawl. Poet. 23; printed in The Musical Antiquary, ii (1911), 
p. 109) has 65 full anthems and 152 verse-anthems, here called ‘single anthems’. 

з See Denis Stevens, Thomas Tomkins (London, 1957) for a catalogue, with sources, 
and discussion of the anthems in the Songs and the contents of Musica Deo Sacra. 

* ‘Perhaps his finest choral work’: Bernard Rose, ‘Thomas Tomkins 15757-1656", 
Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, Ixxxii (1956), p. 91. It is in Myriell and the 
1622 Songs; easily accessible reprint in Davison and Apel, op. cit., p. 191. - 

5 Myriell is the only source. 


TOMKINS 


Ex. 222 


ni-tence, 


1 
o 
a 

© 
o 
o 

D 
o 
8 
a 


- est hor- 


From deep 


Jh 


est |hor-ror of 


From deep 


e - ni- 


au 
E 
a 
E 
Q 
S 
р 
а 
П 
o 
а 
м; 
o 
o 
I 
o 


est hor-ror 


pe-ni - 


sad 


est hor-ror,hor - ror of sad |ре-пі ~ tence,of 


ror of sad pe- 


sad|pe - nidence hor - 


-est hor-ror of 


deep 


pe - ni- 


sad 


rorof sad ре - ni-tence,of 


Flies my poor soul, 


hor - 


- est hor-ror, 


flies my poor 


flies my poor soul 


id 


Flies my poor soul 


| 


=N 


Flies my poor soul 


= 


ni-tence 


pe 


ре - ni- tence Flies 


sad 


518 CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


‚soul my poor soul, my poor soul 


-tence Flies my poor soul 


4 


my poor soul, flies my poor soul Un - to 


and at least two of his more elaborate full anthems, the eight-part 
*O God the proud are risen' and the seven-part *O sing unto the 
Lord’, the Alleluia of which is a bold essay in idiomatic dissonance 
and false relation.! Also noteworthy among the full anthems are the 
twelve-part *O praise the Lord all ye heathen’ and the stern setting 
of *O God wonderful art thou’.? The organ part of the verse-anthems, 
which are called *Songs to the Organ' in Musica Deo Sacra, is con- 
sistently polyphonic in conception, even at times in strict fantasia 
style, and in some cases has moments of florid ornamentation,? which 
only rarely appears in the vocal solos.* The texture is governed by 
points of imitation taken from the voice or voices, even in such a case 
of word depiction as occurs in *O Lord let me know mine end', un- 
deterred by the implied consecutive octaves, Ex. 223 (opposite). 

If one is inclined to regard the treatment of *nothing' as prophetic 
of Purcell? the same must be said of the major-minor third changes 
in the first chorus of * Hear my prayer O good Lord' (Ex. 224). 


! Both of these are in a part-book dated 1617 (Tenbury 1382) and in two part-books 
of St. John's College, Oxford, dating from Juxon's presidency, 1621-33. The second is 
available in an edition by Rose, who has also edited three other Tomkins anthems for 
Schott (1958), two for Stainer and Bell (1957), and the anthems in Musica Deo Sacra in 
Early English Church Music, v (London, 1965-7). 

2 Printed in Tudor Church Music, octavo ed., nos. 100, 99 respectively. 

з See, for example, ‘Thou art my King O God’ and ‘My Shepherd is the living Lord’, 
both ed. Rose (Stainer and Bell). 

* As on the word ‘raise’ in ‘Above the stars my Saviour dwells’. 

5 In Tomkins's ‘Hear my prayer О Lord’ the word ‘little’ is set to a crotchet and a 
quaver separated by a quaver rest. 


519 


TOMKINS 


Ex. 223 


span long, andmineage is eyn as no- 


as it were a 


bo 
E 
3 
8 
3 


-thing, 


as no 


Е 
© 
- 
Р 
ki 
Ka 
© 
vd 
"o 
8 
оо 


Неаг ту ргау 
Неаг тургау 


good Lord 


о 


3 


good Lord 


er О 


Hear my pray - 
Hear my pray 


good |Lord 


myjpray - ек О good Lord 


good Lord, good Lord 


er 


Hear my pray - 


Though by no means all of Tomkins's sacred music is made of as fine 
metal as the examples cited, there is no doubt that taken as a whole 
his work is the most impressive single contribution to the period of 


the only age in the history of Anglican church 


music which may unreservedly be called ‘golden’. 


э 


James І апа Charles I 


A 
EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


By Hans F. REDLICH 


BAROQUE CHARACTERISTICS 


To distinguish what may be called the baroque style! in ecclesiastical 
music, it is only necessary to compare the church music written and 
published roughly between 1587 and 1630? with that of the preceding 
регіой-—с.1550 to 1594—covering the creative life of Palestrina, 
Lassus, de Monte, and their contemporaries. Whereas the religious 
music of these latter masters adheres more or less strictly to the style 
of polyphonic imitation built up by the earlier Flemish masters and 
their German and Italian followers, keeping well within the struc- 
tural and sonorous limits of traditional choral polyphony, that of the 
following generation presents a completely different aspect. New 
features are discernible at an early date, showing a growing tendency 
towards a new chordal style of music (coupled with an increasing 
dislike of polyphonic conception), certainly better fitted to interpret 
clearly and unequivocally the message of liturgical texts and to en- 
hance their appreciation by enlightened audiences. This revised 
attitude towards the scriptural text reflects partly a general tendency 
of the age, partly the combative spirit of the Counter-Reformation, 
so far as Roman Catholic musicians are concerned. The composers of 
the reformed churches, by emphasizing the overriding importance of 
the liturgical word and by enabling its import to be clearly perceived 
by any listening or singing community, only expressed one of the 
fundamental articles of their religious conviction. 

The chief means employed to establish this new style of musical 
expression were: 

! On the general conception of *baroque' in music, see Robert Haas, Musik des 
Barocks (Potsdam, 1932), pp. 5 ff.; Manfred Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era (New 
York, 1947), pp. 1 ff.; Suzanne Clercx, Le Baroque et la musique (Brussels, 1948). 

з That is, between the Concerti di A. e di G. Gabrieli, organisti della Sereniss. Sig. di 
Venezia, continenti Musica da chiesa, Madrigali ed altro, per voci ed istrumenti musicali 


(Venice, 1587), containing for the first time church music with obligatory instruments, 
and Schütz's Symphoniae Sacrae I (Venice, 1629). 


BAROQUE CHARACTERISTICS 321 


(a) A monumental style of combined choirs and orchestra, where- 
by, for the first time in the history of European music, clearly 
defined tasks were allotted to the latter. 

(b) The invention and practical application of the thoroughbass 
technique (basso continuo), as a way of enabling a single voice 
or few voices only to perform against a chordally complete 
background supplied by a keyboard instrument. 

(c) Theemergence of monody in liturgical music as a logical sequel 
and complementary feature to (b) and its ultimate crystalliza- 
tion in the solo motet with its subterranean relationship to the 
arioso of the first opera experiments. 

(d) Special features introduced by the militant Protestant church 
in Germany, as opposed to the liturgical tradition of the Roman 
Church, which it endeavoured to supplant by performing 
patterns inspired by the vernacular text in contrast to the 
Latin (hymn and Geistliches Lied). 


To these dominating tendencies must be added certain derivative 
features, which came into play only later, such as the German form of 
concerto ecclesiastico, the geistliches Konzert which emerged in 1618 
with Schein's Opella Nova:! a combination of the second and third 
features mentioned above rather than a new formal pattern, but 
carrying already the seeds of the future Protestant church cantata, 
notably in Scheidt.? 

In sharp contrast, a kind of psychological reaction set in (chiefly 
among the adherents of the equally militant Counter-Reformation) 
with a deliberate revival of choral polyphony after 1600. This con- 
sciously conservative tendency among Catholic composers—which 
incidentally was shared by prominent representatives from the 
opposite camp, such as Schütz who continued to compose in the 
old polyphonic style and stoutly defended it in the preface to his 
Geistliche Chormusik (1648)—resulted in the ultimate petrifaction 
of the Palestrinian stile antico, which artificially survived well into 
the eighteenth century.4 All the same, the stile antico significantly 
accepted the most revolutionary feature of the stile nuovo, the basso 
continuo; Monteverdi's three conservative Masses (published 1610, 

! See p. 456. 2 See p. 459. 

* Cf. the treatises of Marco Scacchi, Cribrum Musicum (Venice, 1643); Angelo Berardi, 
Miscellanea musicale (Bologna, 1689); Christoph Bernhard, Tractatus Compositionis 
(reprinted as Die Kompositionslehre Heinrich Schiitzens by J. M. Müller-Blattau); J. J. 
Fux, Gradus ad Parnassum (Vienna, 1725), and G. Paolucci, Arte pratica dicontrappunto 


(Venice, 1765-72). 
* With G. O. Pitoni (1657-1743) as its chief representative in Rome after 1719. 


522 EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


1640, 1651) for instance, are scored for chorus a cappella and basso 
continuo. This deliberate ambivalence of style during the whole 
baroque era found its most convincing expression in Monteverdi’s 
two historic categories: Prima Prattica and Seconda Prattica.! 


THE ROLE OF INSTRUMENTS 


It is difficult to assess the actual amount of participation by instru- 
ments in the ecclesiastical music of the earlier sixteenth century.? 
Contemporary testimony in the form of paintings, prefaces, letters, 
and financial accounts bears out the fact that much of the choral 
music of Palestrina, Lassus, and others was performed with the help 
of instruments. Just how far this collaboration went is still largely 
conjectural since clearly defined parts for instruments are lacking in 
publications and manuscripts of that period,’ but of course instru- 
mentally accompanied church music was well known in the Middle 
Ages.* In the sixteenth century the general practice was based on 
the principle ‘Zu singen oder zu spielen auf allerlei Instrumenten’ (to 
be sung or played on various instruments). Many contemporary 
descriptions and paintings depict the Renaissance orchestra with its 
organization ‘per choros’ (as Praetorius calls it). Schering claimed 
for the second half of the sixteenth century the existence of a special 
type of festival Mass, in which instrumental pomp and circumstance 
must have played a surprising part, and even held that this applied 
to a great deal of other liturgical music as well. Whether or not we 
accept his conclusions, we must acknowledge that unaccompanied 
performance after 1550 may have been the exception rather than the 
rule; the interchangeable functions of chorus and orchestra may have 
prevailed between 1550 and 1600 even in the performance of Masses 
and motets by such composers as Palestrina and Lassus, whose 


! [n the preface to the Fifth Book of madrigals (1605) and in his brother's Dichiara- 
tione (see supra, p. 71). 

* Cf. Arnold Schering, Aufführungspraxis alter Musik (Leipzig, 1931), Haas, Auffüh- 
rungspraxis (Potsdam, 1934), and Michael Praetorius, Syntagma Musicum III (Wolfen- 
büttel, 1619; reprint, ed. E. Bernoulli, Leipzig, 1916; facsimile, Kassel and Basle, 1958). 

* Cf. Schering, Die niederländische Orgelmesse (Leipzig, 1912) and his Aufführungspraxis, 
in which he even asserts (p. 46) that a cappella singing after 1480 was reserved for rare 
and special occasions, Peter Wagner, Geschichte der Messe (Leipzig, 1913), pp. 80 ff., 
and Denis Arnold, *Instruments in Church: Some Facts and Figures', Monthly Musical 
Record, 1ххху (1955), p. 32. 

* Vol. III, pp. 412 ff. 

* Cf. Schering and Haas, op. cit., and also Hugo Leichtentritt, "Was lehren uns die 
Bilderwerke des 14.-17. Jahrhunderts über die Instrumentalmusik ihrer Zeit’, Sammel- 
bände der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, vii (1906), p. 315, on the conclusions to be 
drawn from pictorial testimonies. 

* Op. cit., p. 53. 


THE ROLE OF INSTRUMENTS 523 


preserved res facta show no traces of orchestral collaboration.! The 
ad hoc collaboration of a group of cornetti and trombones in the 
church music of the sixteenth century may have developed into 
properly organized collaboration between chorus and orchestra in 
the Venice of Willaert and Andrea Gabrieli earlier than anywhere 
else. It certainly asserted itself there in the earliest accessible publica- 
tion of this kind. It might be claimed already for Andrea Gabrieli’s 
motets of 1565 and his Psalmi Davidici (1583).? At least equally 
specific is the title-page of the Concerti di Andrea e di Giovanni 
Gabrieli, Organisti . . . . continenti Musica DI CHIESA, Madrigali, 
& altro, per voci & stromenti Musicali (Venice, 1587). Giovanni's 
preface refers expressly to the ‘veri movimenti di affetti and to the 
‘suoni esprimenti l'energia delle parole e de concetti’, as the creative 
levers of this new type of composition. But the typical baroque 
grandeur of his music—achieved by the collaboration of several choral 
groups with a brilliant orchestra of specified wind and string instru- 
ments—emerges distinctly only in two later publications exclusively of 
Giovanni’s works: the Sacrae Symphoniae J (1597) (discussed in an 
earlier chapter)? and II (pub. 1615, three years after the composer's 
death). Both contain compositions in 12, 15, 16, and 20 parts, split 
up into two, three, or four choirs, in which the accumulation of 
massed harmony alone defeats any lingering tendency to deploy the 
music on polyphonic lines. But it was only in the Second Book that 
Gabrieli supplied quite independent obbligato instrumental parts, as 
in the famous ‘In ecclesiis',* where he writes for two choirs—one of 
soloists, the other full—and an orchestra of three cornetti, violino 
(i.e. a viola), two trombones, and organ, or the ‘Surrexit Christus’ 
for three-part choir, two cornetti, two violini, and four trombones, 
which Winterfeld® believed to have been written for the entry of the 
Doge into the church of San Zaccaria on Easter Day:? 

! See Praetorius, op. cit. on the orchestral interpretation of Lassus's motets, p. 122, 
and on Giaches de Wert’s ‘Egressus Jesus’, p. 134, &c. Cf. also Schütz's instrumental 
adaptation of Andrea Gabrieli's ‘concerto’ ‘Angelus ad pastores ait’ (Schütz, Sämt- 
liche Werke, viii, pp. 171 and 191). 

2 In the dedicatory letter to the Psalmi Andrea recommends a performance of either 
vocal or instrumental character: see p. 294 supra, Istituzioni e monumenti dell'arte 


musicale italiana (Milan, 1931), p. ixxx, and Giacomo Benvenuti's comment, p. Ixxxiv. 

? See pp. 296 ff. 

* Reprinted in C. von Winterfeld, Johannes Gabrieli und sein Zeitalter, iii (Berlin, 
1834), p. 73, and recorded in the History of Music in Sound, iv; the only modern edition 
incorporating the original basso continuo part is Frederick Hudson's (London, 1963). 
See also Hudson, ‘Giovanni Gabrieli's Motet a 15, “In ecclesiis" ', Music Review, xxiv 
(1963), p. 130. 5 Op. cit. ii, p. 116. 

* See also Denis Arnold, ‘Ceremonial Music in Venice at the time of the Gabrielis" 
Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, Ixxxii (1955-6), p. 47. 


EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


524 


SINFONIA 


Ex. 225 


E 
& 
E 
fé 
о 
о 


Ld 
d Wi 


TROMBONES} | 


THE ROLE OF INSTRUMENTS 525 


Sur-re-xit Christus, sur-re-xit 


Sur-re-xit Christus — |sur-re-xit Christus 


The abrupt modulations of ‘In ecclesiis? (e.g. at ‘Deus, adjutor 
noster") anticipate similar passages in Schütz's ‘Dialogo per la 
pascua’.! 

Gabrieli’s revolutionary technique of combining vocal and instru- 
mental ‘chori’ in great sonorous canvases was for a time unique in 
its independent employment of obbligato instruments, but he was by 
no means the only composer at this time of liturgical music conceived 
in a particularly grandand festivemanner. Giovanni Bassano, another 
musician at St. Mark’s, published Motet per concerti ecclesiastici 
a 5, 6, 7, 8, 12 with bassi per l'organo in 1598-9, and the Sacrae Dei 
Laudes (Venice, 1605) of Benedetto Pallavicino—successor of Giaches 
de Wert and predecessor of Monteverdi at the court of Mantua— 
are marked by effects of doubling at the octave and occasionally 
written for as many as sixteen parts. Another publication in the new 
spirit was the volume of Sacrae Cantilene Concertate a tre, a cinque, 


1 Schütz, Sämtliche Werke, xiv, p. 60. 


526 EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


et sei voci, con i suoi ripieni a Quattro voci et il Basso per l'Organo of 
the otherwise conservative Giovanni Croce, maestro di cappella at 
St. Mark's from 1603 to 1609; this was published in 1610 by a 
friend who gives directions for performance in a preface. To 
this group may be added Ludovico Viadana's Salmi a 4 chori per 
cantare e concertare nelle gran solennità di tutto l'anno (Venice, 1612); 
here again the preface? contains detailed rules for achieving a satis- 
factory blending of vocal and instrumental combinations. Its ideas 
are reflected in Michael Praetorius's Syntagma Musicum III (1619) 
(especially part III, chap. 8); but with this latter work we reach a new, 
post-Gabrielian period, for Giovanni's death in 1612 was soon 
followed by Monteverdi's appointment as maestro di cappella at 
St. Mark's (August 1613). 

Pallavicino's use of doubling at the octave is an important principle 
of the new style. It had been anticipated as early as 1586 by Monte- 
verdi's later antagonist G. M. Artusi? in his demand for unison 
intensification of the bass parts in concerti consisting of several ‘chori’, 
and it was eventually embodied in the axiom of Michael Praetorius: 
*Octavae in omnibus vocibus tolerari possunt, quando una vox can- 
tat, alia sonat.'*^ Unison and octave doubling were the two pillars on 
which a completely new principle of distribution of sonorities was to 
rest. Praetorius, with his fine sense for the realities of the new style, 
justifies unison-doubling by the need of a unifying base for the 
columns of harmonies in the different choral entities, and he proves 
the logical admissibility of doublings by the fact that some instru- 
ments (for instance, the flutes), even when in unison with the cantus, 
actually sound an octave higher by virtue of their acoustic pecu- 
liarities.* 


MONTEVERDI'S VESPRO 


Monteverdi had tentatively tried out in his Orfeo the com- 
bination of a mixed five-part choir with a colourful orchestra 
three years before he published his first volume of church music 
since the far-off days of the Cantiunculae Sacrae (1582). The collec- 


1 See Arnold. *Giovanni Croce and the Concertato Style', Musical Quarterly, xxxix 
(1953), p. 37. 

2 See Ambros-Leichtentritt, Geschichte der Musik, iv (Leipzig, 1909), p. 239. 

3 Arte del Contrappunto, ii, chap. 16. 

* Op. cit., p. 72 et passim. 

5 «Denn etliche Instrumenta simplicia, als vornemblich die Flóitten . . . seynd 
jederzeit eine oder auch zwo Octaven hóher nach dem Fussthon zu rechnen, als der 
Gesang an jhm selbsten gesetzt ist . . .' (Syntagma Musicum III, ed. cit., p. 73). 


MONTEVERDI'S VESPRO 527 


tion published as Vespro della Beata Vergine! (Venice, 1610) includes 
not only experimentally progressive, concerto-like pieces but a con- 
servative a cappella Mass on Gombert's ‘In illo tempore’,? in which 
only the irregular number of vocal parts (seven in the final Agnus 
Dei) and the addition of a basso continuo belong to the new century. 
In the Vespro, which includes solo motets and offertory-like move- 
ments, as well as the psalms and other pieces proper to Vespers, 
Monteverdi writes for a six-part chorus: 


1: Cornetto and violino da brazzo 


2: » » » » » 

3: Viola da brazzo 

4: Viola da brazzo and trombone 

5: Trombone and viola da brazzo 

6: Trombone, contrabasso da gamba, and viola da brazzo 
7: Basso continuo (organ) 


This scheme, which was to be the practical basis of Praetorius’s 
directions,? is closely related to Viadana's principles for compositions 
in massed style (1612) and probably derived from Gabrieli’s earlier 


methods of 1597. 
Monteverdi does not stop here, however. He takes a step beyond 
anything Gabrieli had yet published by introducing the instrumental 


1 Tutte le opere di Claudio Monteverdi (ed. G. F. Malipiero), xiv (Asolo, 1932). A 
number of practical editions have been published. On the problems of performance, see 
Redlich, Claudio Monteverdi (London, 1952), pp. 151 ff. and ‘New editions of Monte- 
verdi and Schütz', Music Review, xix (1958), p. 72. On certain anticipations of Monte- 
verdi's procedures in the Vespers, in Archangelo Crotti's Primo Libro de’ Concerti 
Ecclesiastici (Venice, 1608), Banchieri's Ecclesiastice Sinfonie (Venice, 1607), and 
Croce's Sacrae Cantilenae Concertate (Venice, 1610), see Arnold, *Notes on Two Move- 
ments of the Monteverdi '* Vespers” ’, Monthly Musical Record, lxxxiv (1954), p. 59, and 
* Monteverdi's Church Music: Some Venetian Traits’, ibid. Ixxxviii (1958), p. 83. 

3 Critical edition of Mass and motet by Redlich (London and Zürich, 1963). 

з Op. cit., chap. vii: ‘Welchergestalt ein jedes Concert und Мше mit wenig oder 
vielen Choren in der eil und ohne sonderbahre Mühe mit allerley Instrumenten und 
Menschenstimmen angeordnet und distribuirt werden könne? (ed. cit., p. 121). 


528 EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


ritornello as a completely new feature in the structure of liturgical 
music. That the appearance of the ritornello within the framework of 
his ecclesiastical music of 1610 must have been something of special 
import, appears from Praetorius’s commentary (op. cit., p. 84), where 
his explanation of the ritornello as a new instrumental type is exclu- 
sively based on examples from Monteverdi’s Vespro, and its secular 
forerunner, the Scherzi musicali (1607). 

The ritornello, as an independent orchestral interlude surrounded 
by a mass of vocally conceived music, began to impinge on the 
strictly vocal character of its surroundings. Praetorius! draws atten- 
tion to the fact that it is quite permissible to perform such works of 
mixed style in a purely instrumental manner, ignoring the vocal 
character of the parts (save for one leading melodic part, which should 
invariably remain vocal) and using the instruments alone ‘gleichwie 
ein Ritornello’.2 The introduction of the ritornello into church music 
is specially noticeable in the psalm ‘Dixit Dominus';? where the sex 
instrumenta may ad libitum play four-bar interludes between the 
sentences of the psalm; they are tentatively introduced with the note: 
‘Li Ritornelli si ponno sonare et anco tralasciar secondo il volere’. 
This choice of alternatives in the musical structure—typical of all 
music of the baroque period—plays a much larger part in Monte- 
verdi's later church music, where polyphonic sections of Masses and 
the Magnificat may be exchanged for concerto-like treatments of the 
same text. For instance in the “Et iterum' q 3* in the Selva morale e 
spirituale (Venice, 1640), * Concertato con 4 Tromboni o Viole da 
brazzo quali si ponno anco lasciare, il qual Crucifixus servirà per 
variatione della Messa a quattro pigliando questo in loco di quello 
notato tra li due segni. . . .' The two other psalms of 1610, ‘Nisi 
Dominus' and ‘Lauda Jerusalem’, pay tribute to the Venetian cori 
spezzati technique with their two choirs in seven and ten parts, but 
the most surprising movement? of the whole collection is the ‘Sonata 
sopra Sancta Maria’,® in which the vocal element has shrunk to a 
simple canto fermo phrase for one voice, monotonously reiterated 
while a richly coloured orchestra in eight parts plays the Sonata. 


! Op. cit., p. 155. 

3 Op. cit., p. 154: ‘Die neunde Art’, being part of chap. viii: ‘Admonitio und Erin- 
nerung welcher gestalt in meinen Polyhymnis auch andern Operibus die Lateinische und 
Teutsche Geistliche Kirchen-Lieder und Concert Gesánge angeordnet und angestellet 
werden können. . . ." 

* Opere, xiv, p. 133. 

* Ibid. xv, i, p. 187; for the passage of the Mass, cf. ibid., p. 88. 

5 Modelled on one by Crotti published two years before: see Arnold, ‘Notes on 
Two Movements', pp. 60-63. * See also p. 571. 


MONTEVERDI'S VESPRO 529 


The constitution of the orchestra of the Sonata is another example 
of Praetorius’s *IXth manner’: 


Viol Tromb. 
Viol. Viol, Corneto Corneto Tromb. Tromb. dubrazzo doppio B.C. 


The hymn ‘Ave maris stella’, with its instrumenta lritornello and its 
combination and alternation of two choirs, sums up these devices, 
especially in its final section ‘Sit laus’ a 8 (‘senza ritornello inanti’), 
which is scored for eight-part double choir and continuo, and should 
be executed—according to Praetorius!—with instruments and voices 
together. The hymn is purely chordal in conception, as are so many 
parts of the Vespro, with a gentle, almost ‘ popular’ melody (a beauti- 
ful transformation of an original plainsong motive) dominating the 
whole movement. The differently coloured presentations of this 
melody appear now in 4, now in $ time and are invariably shadowed 
by the same bass. The real happenings are the colour changes in the 
combination of voices and instruments; melody and harmonic base 
remain in serene immutability. 


Ex. 226 
G) (Note-values halved} " 


The same principles are applied even more strikingly in the first of 
the two Magnificat settings at the end of the 1610 volume. The 
Magnificat ‘septem vocibus et sex instrumentis’ is an outstanding 
example of the new vocal-and-instrumental style in religious music. 
The liturgical text is split up into twelve separate movements, 


! Ed. cit., p. 84. 


EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


530 


abounding in contrasts of style and sonorous combination. To a 


certain extent it might be described as a fusion of the two tendencies 


in Monteverdi’s ecclesiastical music: the Prima and Seconda Prattica, 


the old polyphonic motet style and the new word- 


interpretative, 


trumentally accompanied style. It includes one movement of purely 
vocal eight-part polyphony (‘Et misericordia"), monodies, and pieces 


ins 


expressly asks for 


and trombones: 


H 


Quia respexit 


flutes 


€ 


for both chorus and orchestra. The 


the addition of pairs of 


3 


3 
э 


fifare 


€ 


Ex. 227 


а 
E 
= 
bei 
Pn 


INSTRUMENTS? 


m 
Z 
О 
EI 
a 
9 
EI 
[2 


MONTEVERDIS HES PRO 531 


This is one of the rare cases in the early baroque period where the 
upper wood-wind are used individually and unequivocally; they were 
long unpopular in Italy because of their imperfect intonation. Later 
on in the Magnificat (‘Deposuit’) two solo violins and two solo 
cornetti are employed in rich coloratura passages and echo-effects. 

Neither here nor in the second Magnificat (a 6 voci with continuo 
but no other instruments) is the organ mentioned by name, but 
elaborate notes on registration are added in the original to the 
continuo part!—perhaps the earliest references to organ stops in any 
Score.? 


VENETIAN INFLUENCE IN ROME 


To complete the picture of the more massive church music of the 
early Italian baroque period, we must consider the so called ‘Roman 
school’ as it came under the influence of Venetian ideas. During 
Palestrina’s lifetime ecclesiastical music in Rome remained within the 
limits of the a cappella style, and his pupils and followers? tried hard 
—especially up to the time of Giovanni Maria Nanino’s death in 
1607—to keep within the boundaries of this emphatically vocal style. 
But not for long. Palestrina himself had been so far influenced by the 
Venetian style as to compose motets for two or even three choirs,‘ 
and ten years after his death his pupil Giovanni Francesco Anerio 
was providing some of the Masses, including the * Missa Papae Mar- 
celli’, with organ continuo. Giovanni Bernardino Nanino adopted the 
continuo in his Motecta (Rome, 1610), and his pupil and son-in-law 
Paolo Agostini (1593-1629) employed both continuo and polychoral 
effects, as in the famous Mass in forty-eight parts composed for Pope 
Urban VIII, to say nothing of other works scored for four, six, or 


1 Opere, xiv, p. 285. 

* Monteverdi's spiritual monodies, mostly published between 1615 and 1627, arc dis- 
cussed infra (pp. 538-41); his later religious music, the Selva morale e spirituale of 1641 
and the Messa a quattro voci et salmi of 1651, will be dealt with in Vol. V. 

* See pp. 367-8. * See pp. 327-9. 


532 EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


eight real choirs, which have hitherto remained in manuscript. The 
older Palestrina disciple Soriano introduced the basso continuo. Yet 
all these composers—even the Cremonese Tiburzio Massaino, who 
published polychoral motets, Sacrae Cantiones with organ (1607), and 
instrumental canzoni—remained reluctant to introduce obbligato 
instruments in the manner of Gabrieli and Monteverdi. The same 
may be said of the polychoral motets, Masses, and other liturgical 
works of Antonio Maria Abbatini (1595-1680), Virgilio Mazzocchi 
(d. 1646), and Domenico Allegri (c. 1585-1629) and their lesser known 
followers. Despite increasing pomp and numerical splendour, these 
mammoth choral works show a definite falling off in polyphonic 
technique and in the general standard of vocal style, which quite 
naturally relied more and more on block harmonies, without on the 
other hand achieving the lapidary simplicity and luminous harmony 
of Giovanni Gabrieli. Nevertheless, in G. F. Anerio's and Soriano's 
work, as well as in the Masses of Agostini, the traditional arts of 
Flemish counterpoint and canonic imitation are still very notice- 
able. 

A possible explanation of this expansion of the Venetian style in 
Rome is that the new principal nave of St. Peter's demanded an 
increase in sonority. Similarly the imposing proportions of the new 
cathedral at Salzburg inspired a festival Mass, long wrongly attri- 
buted to the Roman composer Orazio Benevoli (1605-72), which 
may fittingly be mentioned here as the climax of this style of massed 
sonorities. The Missa Salisburgensis (first performed at the conse- 
cration of the cathedral on 25 September 1628) is conceived on a 
truly gigantic scale, with sixteen vocal and thirty-four instrumental 
parts. This astounding feat of polychoral writing can easily be re- 
duced to eight real parts, which are only thrown into gigantic relief 
by the unison and octave doublings. Although the harmonic con- 
ception remains within the compass of the ecclesiastical modes, the 
embellishments of the instrumental parts as well as the energetic 
rhythmization of the vocal parts anticipate Carissimi, and even 
Handel. 


ECCLESIASTICAL MONODY 
The origins of secular monody have been described in Chapter IV; 
side by side with it appeared the solo motet with basso continuo or 


1 Published by Guido Adler, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Oesterreich, xx (Jg. 10 (1)) 
(Vienna, 1903); facsimile of a page of the score in Haas, Musik des Barocks, facing p. 80. 
The attribution to Benevoli was first challenged by Ernst Hintermaier, Musica! Times, 


ECCLESIASTICAL MONODY 533 


‘spiritual concerto’. The actual term ‘concerto’ had been applied to 
church music by Andrea Gabrieli in 1587 and again by Adriano 
Banchieri in 1595, when he published Concerti ecclesiastici for eight- 
part choir with a basso continuo part printed under the stave of the 
treble and containing regular barlines. (It is thus the earliest example 
of a modern score.) But the step to the concerto for single voice 
with continuo was taken by Costanzo Porta's alleged pupil Ludovico 
Grossi da Viadana (c. 1560-1627) in his Cento Concerti Ecclesiastici. 
A Una, a due, a tre e a quattro voci. Con il basso continuo per sonar 
nell'organo. Nova inventione commoda per ogni sorte de cantori e per 
gli organisti (Venice, 1602).! According to the composer's preface, 
some of these had been composed and publicly performed in Rome 
as far back as 1596-7. (Praetorius based his explanation of the new 
‘concerto’ idea entirely on Viadana.)? Viadana’s important preface,? 
in which he explains how he arrived at this new and revolutionary 
style, ends with instructions for the performance of works of this 
type. Although he aims clearly at the establishment of a monodic 
voice-part and quite consciously distinguishes between a choral and 
a solo part, the artistic results of his effort remain rather modest. The 
spirit of the older polyphonic motet was still very much alive in his 
Concerti, especially in the numerous settings for two, three, or four 
voices with continuo, in which the older types of bicinium and tri- 
cinium are only thinly disguised by the added instrumental bass. This 
is specially noticeable in Viadana's ‘Missa Dominicalis’, in his Second 
Book of Concerti, probably the first attempt at a monodic Mass with 
continuo. Giovanni Gabrieli also composed a Kyrie’ in which the 
highest part is obviously vocal, with echo-effects and very florid 
coloratura, while the lower ones are clearly instrumental. 


cxvi (1975), p. 965. Authentic works by Benevoli have been published by Laurence 
Feininger, Monumenta Liturgiae Polychoralis, i-ix (Rome, 1950-4). 

1 Despite the title, it contained only fifty-nine pieces; modern edition by Claudio 
Gallico (Kassell Basle, 1964). The remainder appeared in Books I and III (1607 and 
1611). Ten pieces reprinted in Max Schneider, Die Anfänge des Basso Continuo und seiner 
Bezifferung (Leipzig, 1918), pp. 172 ff.; separate examples in Schering, Geschichte der 
Musik in Beispielen, p. 181, Davison and Apel, op. cit. ii, p. 4, Haas, Musik des Barocks, 
pp. 40 ff. On Viadana see F. X. Haberl, * Lodovico Grossi da Viadana', Kirchenmusika- 
lisches Jahrbuch, iv (1889), p. 44, Ambros-Leichtentritt, op. cit. iv, pp. 218 ff. 

3 Ed. cit., p. 17. 

3 Original text and German translation reprinted in Schneider, op. cit., p. 3; English 
translation in F. T. Arnold, The Art of Accompaniment from a Thorough-Bass (London, 
1931), pp. 3 and 10, and Oliver Strunk, Source Readings in Music History (London, 
1952), p. 419. 

4 Reprinted by Peter Wagner, Geschichte der Messe (Leipzig, 1913), p. 534, and 
August Scharnagl, Musica Divina (new series), x (Ratisbon, 1954). 

5 Wagner, op. cit., p. 414, and Winterfeld, op. cit. iii, p. 108. 


EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


534. 


Ex. 228 


son, Kyri-e, Kyri-e, e-le-i-son, e-le-i - 


ri-ee - lei 


ШИЕ 7 —A 3 —— —-— ——1 


[ 7 ы аз. 


e - le- 


-son 


But it has been pointed out! that Viadana’s basso continuo could have 


been sung as well as played, considering its stylistic affinity with the 


that both 


the bass being also doubled by the organist. Some- 


motet basses of earlier decades. It is quite possible, then, 
times imitation occurs, quite in the old style: 


parts were sung, 


Ex. 229 


- gnusDe- i, Fi- 


-neDe-us A - 


Do-mi 


a 
Ка 
ka 
= 
' 
s 
а. 
л 
3 
' 
ons 
Lond 
1 


Fi 


1 R. Freymann, Entwicklungsgrundlagen des deutsch-protestantischen Musikstils um 


1600 (MS. 1934). 


ECCLESIASTICAL MONODY 535 


Discussing Viadana, Blume! rightly speaks of the ‘pseudo- 
polyphony’, in the spirit of which the majority of these early speci- 
mens of ecclesiastical monody were conceived. 

Viadana shows himself much more progressive in the following 
passages also taken from the Concerti Ecclesiastici: 


Ex.230 
(i) AVE HOSTIA SALUTARIS 


(2) 


(3) 


! Das monodische Prinzip in der protestantischen Kirchenmusik (Berlin, 1925); see also 
Adam Adrio, Die Anfänge des geistlichen Konzerts (Berlin, 1935), p. 15. 

2 Reprinted complete in Ambros-Leichtentritt, op. cit., p. 223. 

4 Reprinted complete in Schneider, op. cit., p. 188. 


536 EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


In the second of these excerpts chromaticism begins also to influence 
the harmonic structure and thus anticipates similar passages in 
Gabrieli, Monteverdi, and Schütz. The passage seems to be conceived 
in a novel spirit of vertical harmonization. From such insights into 
the nature of the harmonic bass the younger generation must have 
derived more encouragement than from the many compositions by 
Viadana still conceived in the spirit of the polyphonic ideal, even if 
the notation paid lip service to monody. 

The publication of Caccini’s Nuove musiche and Viadana’s Con- 
certi ecclesiastici engendered a host of solo motets, which seem to 
borrow from the early operatic experiments of Peri and Caccini as 
well as from progressively conceived church music like Banchieri’s 
Concerti. 


VIADANA’S FOLLOWERS 


The repercussions of the new style were particularly noticeable in 
northern Italy where most of its founders lived and published. Adam 
Adrio! counted no fewer than fifty composers in the territories of 
the Venetian Republic alone, who took up Viadana's new type of 
concerto ecclesiastico. According to him the main sources for our 
knowledge of early ecclesiastical monody are three collective publica- 
tions: Nikolaus Stein's collection? of compositions in 1-6 parts by 
Jacopo Finetti, Pietro Lappi, and Giulio Belli? (Frankfurt, 1621); 
Lorenzo Calvi's Symbola diversorum musicorum (in two volumes, 
1620 and 1624), with compositions by forty-five musicians including 
Monteverdi, Alessandro Grandi, Giovanni Rovetta, Ignazio Donati, 
and Giovanni Ghizzolo; and Johann Donfried’s Promptuarium 
musicum (in three volumes, Strasbourg, 1622, 1623, and 1627), which 
offers an ample choice among Viadana's immediate followers. Some 
of these early sacred monodies are not liturgical music but were 
composed on poems taken from Padre Angelo Grillo's* Pietosi 
affetti. (This was the case with the Motetti e madrigali (Venice, 1614) 
of Padre Serafino Patta.) Other composers, such as Ottavio Durante 
in his Arie devote (Rome, 1608), were inspired by secular monodies of 
the type of Caccini's Nuove musiche, while Radesca da Foggia seems 


1 Op. cit., p. 15. 

1 This Frankfurt publisher had reprinted the First Book of Viadana's Concerti as early 
as 1609 and a complete edition in 1620. 

* Belli's Concerti ecclesiastici had already appeared in Venice in 1613. 

* Whose obituary notice of Monteverdi, reprinted in Malipiero's Claudio Monteverdi 
(Milan, 1930), has saved him from oblivion. 


VIADANA’S FOLLOWERS 537 


to have modelled his lament of the Virgin ‘Anima cara e pia”! on 
Monteverdi's ‘Lamento d’Arianna’. 

Two members of Monteverdi’s choir at St. Mark’s, Girolamo 
Marinoni and Luigi Simonetti, published Motetti a voce sola in 1611 
and 1613 respectively. To this group of early ecclesiastical monodists 
also belongs Severo Bonini (organist at Forli in 1613), who published 
as early as 1607 Madrigali e Canzonetti spirituali (for voice and 
chitarrone or other continuo instrument); Bonini, who calls himself 
in his preface one of the most ardent imitators of Caccini, proceeded 
very soon to the imitation of Monteverdi and in 1615 published 
Affetti spirituali a 2 voci, parti in istile di Firenze. (His manuscript 
Discorsi e regole sovra la musica? contains important information on 
both Caccini and Monteverdi.) But whereas some of these early 
pioneers of spiritual monody—such as Agazzari? and Giovanni 
Francesco Anerio*—still adhered to Viadana's basically conservative 
style, with Ottavio Durante, Marinoni, and others who were partly 
inspired by Caccini's and Monteverdi's secular monodies, an element 
of coloratura virtuosity creeps into the hallowed precincts of religious 
song. The following passage from Durante's ‘Angelus ad pastores’ 
in the Arie devote: 


Ex, 231 


1 Cf. Ambros-Leichtentritt, op. cit., p. 424. 

2 Partly printed in Angelo Solerti, Le origini del melodramma (Milan, 1903), p. 129. 

3 Agazzari published in 1607 a treatise Del sonare sopra il basso; facsimile reprint 
(Milan, 1933), English translation in Strunk, op. cit., p. 424. 

* See the ‘Adoro te’ from the Fifth Book of Anerio's Sacrae cantiones (Rome, 1615) 
printed by Haberl, Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, i (1886), p. 61. 

* Cf. Leichtentritt, Geschichte der Motette (Leipzig, 1908), p. 242. 

* The piece is printed complete in Haas, Musik des Barocks, p. 57. 


538 EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


shows this intrusion. 


MONTEVERDI AND THE SACRED MONODY 


Monteverdi’s Lamento d’Arianna (1608) has already been men- 
tioned as an early model for sacred monody. Actually it constitutes, 
after the monodic portions of Orfeo (1607), his earliest contribution 
to the new style. A year later he composed the first of his continuo 
madrigals,! in which this device is only very tentatively employed, but 
in 1610 he wrote the solo motet * Nigra sum’ (with its continuation 
‘Audi coelum), in which the species of ecclesiastic monody seems to 
be epitomized in one unsurpassable masterpiece. In fact one might 
boldly assert that ‘Nigra sum’ and ‘ Audi coelum’, of which the initial 
stanzas are reproduced here, 


B.C. 


1 ‘Una donna fra l'altre', not published till 1614, but composed in 1609 and published 
the same year as a spiritual parody ‘Una es’ in Coppini's Terzo Libro della Musica di 
Cl. Monteverdi. Cf. Redlich, Claudio Monteverdi (Berlin, 1932), p. 152. 


MONTEVERDI AND THE SACRED MONODY 539 


voice bé 


B.C. 


are the most perfect specimens of this new type, uniting secular 
vocal artistry with religious fervour and applying the methods of 
operatic monody to a religious subject of peculiar emotional tension. 
With these two early pieces should be compared the two beautiful 
monodies for soprano and continuo included in the Selva Morale e 
Spirituale (1641): *Jubilet' (‘a voce sola in Dialogo") and ‘Laudate 
Dominum’ (‘voce sola Soprano o Tenore")! These—as well as the 
monodies issued separately during Monteverdi's Venetian years— 
strike one not only by the particular fervour of their melodic line, as 
in the beginning of ‘Jubilet’, 


2 Opere, xv (2), pp. 748 and 753. 


540 EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


but also by their inclusion of consciously operatic features of style, 
as created in the 'genere concitato’ of Monteverdi’s later years. 
These features include realistic imitations of particular instruments, as 
in this passage from ‘Laudate Dominum’: 


as well as chromaticisms, as in the ‘Salve O Regina’ ‘a voce sola e 
basso continuo" in the second volume of Calvi's Symbola:? 


1 Calvi published another ‘Salve О Regina’ in his *quarta raccolta? of 1629 for three 
voices and organ, reprinted in the Selva Morale and so in Opere, xv (2), p. 741. 
3 Ibid. xvi, p. 475. 


MONTEVERDI AND THE SACRED MONODY 541 


о с RA и и И жог и 


> Ly 
tes іп һас Ја-сгі 4 ma - rum | val - 


and marked rhythmical affinities to the style of the secular canzonetta 
as in ‘Currite populi', printed in Leonardo Simonetti's collection 
(Venice, 1625): 


Ex. 236 


Various other of Monteverdi's sacred monodies appeared in these 
collections of Calvi, Simonetti, and Donfried. Yet another 
superb fusion of operatic recitative and religious fervour was achieved 
by Monteverdi in the sacred parody of the ‘Lamento d’Arianna’; 
the ‘Pianto della Madonna, а voce sola sopra il Lamento d’Arianna’! 
was to become the model for innumerable plaints of the Blessed 
Virgin. 

This ‘Pianto’, issued so late in life, may actually have been com- 
posed shortly after the performance of the apera Arianna (1608) 


1 [bid. xv (2), p. 757. 


542 EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


and was certainly widely acknowledged throughout Italy and Ger- 
many as a masterpiece of sacred monody. - 


MONTEVERDI'S DISCIPLES 


The generation of Monteverdi's disciples may fittingly close this 
account of early sacred monody in Italy. Perhaps the most arresting 
personality among them was Claudio Saracini! from Siena, whose 
170 preserved monodies? are among the most important of the early 
Baroque period. The highlight among them is undoubtedly ‘Il 
Lamento della Madonna’ (‘Christo smarrito’) ‘in stile recitativo’,? 

Ex. 237 


(Gasping and weeping, she turned her lovely eyes to heaven) 


the chromaticisms of which are clearly derived from Monteverdi’s 
*Lamento'. Saracini’s Terge musiche (Venice, 1620) contains a 
monodic ‘Stabat Mater” also in the style of Monteverdi’s ‘Lamento’, 
which impresses the listener not only by its progressive harmony and 
bold chromaticism but also by the nobility of its flexible declamation 
and the inevitability of its vocal contours. All these features show a 
tremendous improvement on the primitive beginnings of the new 
style in Viadana. 

Among Monteverdi's other disciples, notable for their ecclesiastical 
monodies, must be mentioned his successor at St. Mark's, Giovanni 
Rovetta (d. 1668),5 Ignazio Donati (c. 1585-1638), organist at Urbino 


1 See pp. 160 ff. : also Ambros-Leichtentritt, op. cit., pp. 816 ff., and Haas, Musik des 
Barocks, pp. 53 ff. 

2 Published in six books of Musiche (1614-24) containing one or two spiritual monodies. 

* From the Seconde musiche (Venice, 1620): facsimile reprint by Count Guido Chigi- 
Saracini (Siena, 1933). 

* Excerpt in Ambros-Leichtentritt, op. cit., p. 818. 

5 See the excerpts from his ‘Salve Regina’, Leichtentritt, Geschichte der Motette, 
pp. 251 ff. 


MONTEVERDI'S DISCIPLES 543 


in younger days and ultimately maestro di cappella at Milan Cathedral, 
who published motetti in concerto, concerti ecclesiastici, motetti con- 
certati, motetti a voce sola, the nature of which is indicated by their 
titles! and Alessandro Grandi (d. 1630). The last named, a pupil of 
Gabrieli, in 1617 one of Monteverdi's cantori at St. Mark's, and after- 
wards vice-maestro there, was one of the most successful masters of 
the concertato motet? and later, from 1621 onward, of the solo motet. 
As Arnold says, ' Grandi shows a great flair for making the melodic 
line flow smoothly and match the emotional emphasis of the words’: 


Ex. 238 


at-ten-di-te et vi-de - te — si еѕі доог si - 


! See the opening of his *Languet anima mea’, ibid., p. 255. 

* Three examples reprinted by Blume, Das Chorwerk, xl (Wolfenbüttel, 1936). See 
also Leichtentritt, Geschichte der Motette, pp. 259 ff., and particularly Denis Arnold, 
"Alessandro Grandi, a Disciple of Monteverdi', Musical Quarterly, xliii (1957), p. 171, 
on Grandi's change of style between the earlier concertato motets and the later monodic 
ones. 


544 EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


THE CHANGE OF STYLE IN GERMANY 


In Germany, as in Italy, there were a number of composers who, 
despite their Lutheran convictions and their consequent attitude to 
word-interpretation, remained faithful to the old ideals. Outstanding 
among these was Christoph Demantius.! Melchior Franck? also 
eschewed to the last the use of the basso continuo and cultivated the 
motet—even with Latin words, as many Protestants did— from the 
beginning to the end of his career.? Erhard Bodenschatz (c. 1576- 
1636), the successor of Seth Calvisius at Pforta, is justly famous as 
the collector of the vocal anthology Florilegium Portense (Leipzig, i, 
1603; ii, 1621)* which was still used by J. S. Bach? and in which may 
be found the most attractive polyphonic compositions of the period, 
German as well as Italian, including some Latin compositions by the 
editor himself. The earlier works of Johann Staden (1581-1634), 
especially his motets (Harmoniae Sacrae), of 1616,6 hark back to the 
polyphonic style of Clemens non Papa and other Renaissance 
composers, but Staden later became a progressive and wrote not only 
motets with continuo but sacred concertos with obbligato instrumental 
accompaniments, ‘symphonies’, and ritornelli.? 


THE PROGRESSIVES 


The first German composers to be affected by Italian innovations 
in church music include both Protestants and Catholics. The former 
are headed by Hans Leo Hassler®-(1564-1612), Adam Gumpeltz- 
haimer (c. 1559-1625), Hieronymus Praetorius? (1560-1629), Philip- 
pus Dulichius (1562-1631), and Michael Praetorius!® (1571-1621), 
while the most prominent Catholics are Jacobus Gallus (Handl)'! 
(1550-91) and Gregor Aichinger!? (1564-1628). Among these musi- 


! See p. 454. 1 See p. 455. 

з Five German motets from the Geystliche Gesäng und Melodeyen (Coburg, 1608), 
ed. by A. A. Abert, Das Chorwerk, xxiv (Wolfenbüttel, 1933). 

* See Otto Riemer, Erhard Bodenschatz und sein * Florilegium Portense’ (Leipzig, 1928) ` 
and article ‘Florilegium Portense', Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, iv 
(1955), col. 430. One of Bodenschatz's Bicinia XC selectissima (Leipzig, 1615), which 
Riemer regards as marking an interesting stage between the bicinia of Lassus and the two- 
part concertos of Schütz, is reprinted in Schering, Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen, 
p. 171. 

5 Schering, Musikgeschichte Leipzigs, ii (Leipzig, 1926), p. 56. 

* Examples reprinted by Eugen Schmitz, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Bayern, vii (1) 
and viii (1). 

* For instance, in his Kirchenmusik (1625 and 1626), Harmoniae variatae (1632), 
and other publications; examples reprinted ibid. 

* See p. 453. ? See pp. 454-5. Y? See p. 453. 

11 See p. 274. 412 See pp. 270-1. 


THE PROGRESSIVES 545 


cians, born between c. 1560 and 1570 and dead before 1630, the 
influence of Italy is more noticeable in the general sonority of the 
harmony and choral dispositions than in specially progressive fea- 
tures such as the use of basso continuo or obbligato instruments, 
concerto-like tendencies, or decay of the polyphonic tradition. None 
of the composers mentioned here composed monodies, yet their debt 
to the Italians, especially to the Venetians, seems very great. The 
eldest of this generation, Gallus, appears at his most progressive in 
his five-part motet ‘Mirabile mysterium’,? famous for its startling 
chromatic harmonies. Like Hassler, Gumpeltzhaimer, and Hierony- 
mus Praetorius, Gallus excelled in employment of cori spezzati, 
which were cultivated in the second half of the sixteenth century in 
Germany and Austria, perhaps without any promptings from the 
Venetians.® 

In the cases of Hassler and Aichinger the relationship to the Vene- 
tian school is unquestionable, as both went to Venice after 1580 
(Hassler in 1584, Aichinger perhaps in the same year, but certainly 
before 1588),* there to become pupils of the two Gabrielis. Italian 
influence is more easily traceable in Hassler's secular compositions 
than in much of his church music, particularly that to German words. 
His Italian allegiance is more evident in his Latin motets and Masses, 
though it appears that he was more impressed by the euphonious 
motet style of Andrea, or even of the Roman school, than by the 
experiments of Giovanni Gabrieli. 

Very different was the case of the Catholic Aichinger, who be- 
came a pupil of Giovanni Gabrieli and won the reputation of being 
. more Venetian than his mentor himself. His most important achieve- 
ment was his Cantiones Ecclesiasticae, trium et quatuor vocum . . . 
cum Basso Generali et Continuo in usum Organistarum (Dillingen, 1607), 
the first work by a German composer to pay tribute to Viadana's 
invention of the sacred concerto, its bassus part containing the 
earliest German instruction for the use of a basso continuo* modelled 
on Viadana's. This publication was followed in 1614 by Book II of 


1 This needs the-more emphasis because of repeated efforts by German scholars to 
belittle this influence: cf. Blume, Evangelische Kirchenmusik, p. 94. 

2 Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Oesterreich, Jg. 6' (vol. xii), p. 161; recorded in The 
History of Music in Sound, iv. 

* Cf. Blume, ibid. It is true that Leonhart Schroeter (1532-c. 1600) published as early 
as 1571 a German Te Deum for eight-part double choir in the latest Venetian manner, 
reprinted in Ambros-Kade, op. cit. v, p. 465; but cori spezzati by Willaert had already 
been published at Nuremberg in 1564 (cf. Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Bayern, v, p. 431). 

* Cf. Denkmáler der Tonkunst in Bayern, x (1), p. xxxii. 

5 Reprinted in Schneider, op. cit., p. 85. 


546 BARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


Gumpeltzhaimer's Sacri Concentus to which is appended a ‘duplicum 
Bassum ad organistarum usum', thereby turning these motets (origin- 
ally obviously conceived in terms of traditional polyphony)! at one 
stroke into ‘concerti ecclesiastici’ in Viadana's sense: a procedure 
reminiscent of the addition of continuo parts to reprints by Phalese 
and others of Monteverdi’s earlier madrigal-books,? and of the 
continuo part in Monteverdi's otherwise completely polyphonic Mass 
‘In illo tempore’. Hieronymus Praetorius also adopted the poly- 
choral technique of the Venetians in his grandiose choral composi- 
tions of up to twenty parts, but like Hassler and Gumpeltzhaimer 
did not venture on monody or obbligato instrumental parts. 


MICHAEL PRAETORIUS 


The musicians so far considered remained attached to the tradi- 
tional motet style except for their contributions to Lutheran congre- 
gational song. With Michael Praetorius we reach a composer who 
was on the one hand positively obsessed by the Lutheran hymn,? yet 
who devoted a great part of his tremendous creative energy to the 
absorption of every Italian innovation and its fusion with his own 
characteristically vernacular type of sacred music. In his celebrated 
Syntagma Musicum III he painstakingly collected all the evidence of 
these Italian innovations of style, from the prefaces and treatises of 
Italian theoreticians down to oral reports of travellers, fresh from 
Italy, and reproduced in full translation (enriched by many useful 
marginal notes) the instructions of Viadana, Strozzi, Agazzari, and 
Artusi for the practical use of the basso continuo. He illustrates the 
novel use of figures and the art of interpreting the bass harmonically 
by a curiously angular example from one of his own hymn settings.® 
In explaining every feature of the practical music of his time he shows 
athorough knowledge of the progressive side of Italian music in addi- 
tion to a complete mastery of the style of the Lassus-Palestrina period. 

Perhaps the most impressive section of his book is the third part, in 
which he designs a system of colouring devices for the orchestration 
of every possible vocal score, whether of the sixteenth century or of 
his own time, on the basis of Agazzari's and Viadana's suggestions. 
The Syntagma III, written and published in 1619, two years before 
Praetorius's premature death on his fiftieth birthday (15 February 


1 Cf. O. Mayr, introduction to Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Bayern, x (2) (Leipzig, 
1909), which contains a selection from Gumpeltzhaimer's works. 

* Cf. Redlich, Claudio Monteverdi (Olten, 1949), p. 64, n. 2. 

3 See supra, pp. 453-4. * Cf. E. Bernoulli’s preface to the modern reprint. 

5 ‘Wir glauben’, ed. cit., p. 113. See also L. U. Abraham, Der Generalbass im Schaffen 
von Michael Praetorius (Berlin, 1961). 


MICHAEL PRAETORIUS 547 


1621), epitomizes the results of a life of remarkable mental energy, 
almost completely devoted to German religious music—above all in 
the great collections of compositions on Protestant hymns described 
in Chap. VIII. 

In the vast majority of these works Praetoriüs contrives to recon- 
cile a true feeling for the style of the traditional motet with a ready 
acceptance of novel patterns and daring methods of composition. 
The ideal vehicle for a realization of the new conception of style 
(closely related to Viadana's type of ‘concerto ecclesiastico") seemed 
the bicinium and the tricinium, two- and three-part compcsitions of 
motet- ог hymn-like character, and the bicinia and tricinia—which 
had originated in the previous century—helped to undermine tradi- 
tional polyphony, inasmuch as they fostered a feeling for the true 
bass properties of the third part. The fact that Aichinger in his 
Quercus Dodonae of 1619 calls his motets for two sopranos and con- 
tinuo ‘tricinia’ indicates that a twofold function was still allotted to 
the bass part. Even Praetorius himself in his Polyhymnia Caduceatrix 
(1619) adds a text to the bass part, which can thus be played and sung 
as well. The early bicinia of Seth Calvisius (1599) and the still earlier 
tricinia of Monteverdi (Sacrae Cantiunculae, 1582) point towards a 
development of deliberate paucity of parts, which culminated in the 
countless bicinia and tricinia of Praetorius's Musae Sioniae, in which 
the Lutheran hymn-melodies represent the backbone of the con- 
ception. Three methods of interpreting the hymn, in ‘motet’ or ‘madri- 
galian’ manner (according to Praetorius's own terminology) or in a 
style that anticipates the "chorale prelude’ of the late baroque com- 
posers (Lübeck, Pachelbel, Buxtehude, Tunder, and others) were all 
expounded in the microcosm of the Musae Sioniae:! 


Ex. 239 
(i) MOTET STYLE 


! Cf, Blume, Evangelische Kirchenmusik, p. 104, and Gesamtausgabe der musika- 
lischen Werke von Michael Praetorius, ix (Wolfenbüttel, 1929), pp. 84, 85, and 89. 


EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


548 


sest 


л 

En 

EU 

= 

o 

= 
1 


al - 


der du uns 


(ii) MADRIGAL STYLE 


4 
© 
o 
X 
Фф 
Е 
LI 
E 
D 
E 
ka 
o 
3 


- melreichun - ser 


terim Him 


Va 


un 


melreich 


im 


Va - ter im Him-mel-reich 


Va ~ ter im Him-mel-reich 


Va - ter im Him-melreich 


7 ser 


(iii) CHORALE-PRELUDE STYLE 


le, der du uns 


du uns al 


а 
d 
a 
с 
2 
3 

"o 
D 
o 

"o 


du uns al 


er 
(Hymn melody) 


im 


ter 


Va 


MICHAEL PRAETORIUS 549 


Ze SE SE oot 
о _ SE A Sees ПИЛЕ Е 
8—0 ae 
al - le, der du uns 
ei 
LAM TE DENK 
-le, der du uns al - le 
Sei 
[ ^ 
LIS 10 L— OH 
BAY, 
з 
8 - reich, der 


(Our Father which art in Heaven) 
They were projected on the much larger canvas of the *chorale con- 
certo' in the later stages of Praetorius's career, above all in the 
Polyhymnia Caduceatrix (1619),! of which the prefatory ‘Ordinantz’ 
gives the most remarkable directions for alternative orchestration of 
the vocal res facta. The volume contains elaborate compositions on 
all the favourite Lutheran melodies. Among these, two are especially 
notable for their musical value: ‘Vom Himmel hoch’ (no. 9) and 
‘Wie schön leuchtet der Morgenstern’ (no. 10)? for five voices and 
five instruments, written and published in a kind of ‘short score’ 
reminiscent of Monteverdi's Vespro and Magnificat, which were well 
known to Praetorius; the real orchestral score has to be constructed 
on the basis of the prescriptions in the Syntagma III, to which the 
composer expressly refers in a note printed at the head of each item. 
Jt is clear that the kind of rich orchestral setting Praetorius had in 
mind conformed to the pattern of Gabrieli’s Sacrae Symphoniae II 
(1615) and Monteverdi's Vespro (1610). The Polyhymnia also contains 
a German Mass, ‘Die Missa ganz Teudsch’,? for voices and instru- 
ments, with a complete continuo part and instrumental ‘sinfoniae’, 
strongly reminiscent of theorchestral ritornelli of Monteverdi's Vespro 
(especially ‘Dixit Dominus’). Works such as these were at the time 
unique intheirembodiment of Italianstylistic innovationsincompletely 
Lutheran and typically German music. Yet Praetorius kept strangely 
aloof from one Italian innovation, the recitative, with the result that his 
music despite its inherently progressive character, despite its accep- 
tance of the basso continuo and the Venetian orchestral palette—retains 
still a sixteenth-century sobriety and austerity, lacking the elasticity 
and declamatory agility which were to be outstanding features of the 
following generation: the generation of Schein, Scheidt, and Schütz.* 


! Gesamtausgabe, xvii (Wolfenbüttel, 1930). 

2 Ibid., pp. 39 and 45. Redlich's edition of ‘Wie schön’ (London, 1954) is recorded in 
The History of Music in Sound, iv. 

* Ibid., p. 664. * On these composers, see supra, pp. 455 ff. 


XI 
CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


By ERNST H. MEYER 


THE GROWTH OF INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


THE rise of instrumental music during the century of the Reformation 
is one of the most striking features of comparatively recent musical 
history. It was brought about by, and itself assisted, the great social 
changes of that era, changes which signified the end of the Middle 
Ages and the transition to modern society, the first steps toward the 
economic, social, political, religious, and cultural emancipation of 
the peoples of Europe. During the Middle Ages instrumental music 
in general had been of secondary importance compared with vocal 
music, owing to the preoccupation of the Church with the latter. 
The tremendous growth of independent instrumental music during 
the sixteenth century was a symptom of secularization. By its very 
nature this type of music was secular rather than religious. Even 
when sacred polyphony was played on instruments, the general 
feeling must have been secular, for much of the religious spirit 
of the vocal originals was lost. Musical gatherings where purely 
instrumental works were played were intended mainly for pleasure 
and entertainment. 

Towards the end of the Middle Ages the division of music into 
sacred and profane, in function as well as in ways of performance, had 
become general in all the main musical countries of Europe. How- 
ever, the separation of instrumental from vocal music took much 
longer.! 


MUSIC FOR VOICES OR INSTRUMENTS 


While in lute and keyboard music certain instrumental characteris- 
tics had already appeared some time before the sixteenth century, 
a close relationship in style between vocal and instrumental group 
music was maintained throughout the sixteenth century. Madrigals, 
songs, and chansons were frequently played by instruments, and 


1 See Vol. III, p. 465. 


MUSIC FOR VOICES OR INSTRUMENTS 551 


early instrumental dances were sometimes issued with texts. In all 
parts of Europe publications! appeared with titles such as Canzoni 
francese a 2 voci di Antonio Gardane, et di altri autori, buone da 
cantare et sonare (Venice, 1539); Schóne auszerlesene Lieder des Hoch 
beruempten Heinrici Finckens, lustig zu singen und auf die Instrument 
dienstlich (Nuremberg, 1536); Het ierste musyck boexken mit Vier 
Partyen . . . Gecomponeert by diversche componisten, zeer lustich om 
zingen en spelen op alle musicale Instrumenten (Antwerp, 1551); Le 
Recueil des plus belles et excellentes chansons . . . tant de voix que sur 
les instruments (Paris, 1576); Thesaurus musicus Continens selectis- 
simas 8, 7, 6, 5, et 4 vocum harmonias et ad omnis generis instrumenta 
Musica accomodatas (Nuremberg, 1564); Duos or songs for two 
voyces by Thomas Whythorne, playne and easie to be sung or played 
on Musicall Instruments (London, 1590). These pieces could be 
performed in four different ways: (1) by voices, (2) by instruments, 
(3) some parts by voices while the other parts were played by instru- 
ments, (4) all parts played and sung simultaneously by instruments 
and voices. In the course of the sixteenth century purely instrumental 
performances of such works became more and more frequent; after 
1600 they became the rule. 

In mixed vocal and instrumental performances there was one part 
which was almost invariably played by instruments: the canto fermo. 
In the middle of the sixteenth century many Lied arrangements and 
compositions in the motet form were still built round a basic tenor, 
secular or religious. This was especially so in Dutch and German 
music. As the tenor was often written in very long notes it was 
generally played on an instrument. 

Few principles were laid down for the employment of any parti- 
cular instruments in preference to others. As a general rule the more 
powerful types of wind instrument were used wherever instrumental 
music served the purpose of display in the open air, large halls, or 
churches. Strings and recorders were preferred for domestic enter- 
tainment. Castiglione in his Cortegiano (Florence, 1528) speaks of 
*musica delle 4 viole da arco, la qual é soavissima et artificiosa' 
which he recommends for *una domestica et cara compagnia'. The 
German composer and theorist Hans Gerle specially demands ' vier 
Geigen' in a fuga contained in his Musica teusch (1532). However, 
these are conventions rather than rules or regulations. Very often 


1 Library references to most of the works listed here and later on in this chapter may 
be found in Emil Bohn's and Robert Eitner's bibliographies, unless libraries are specially 
given. 


552 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


the players must have used whatever instruments happened to be at 
hand. Only after 1550 can certain standard groupings be found on 
a larger scale, at first in England where since the days of Tye and 
Parsons the family of the viols had been very much in fashion. 


PURELY INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


In addition to works published for performance either by instru- 
ments or by voices ad libitum, leaving the choice to the musicians, 
collections appeared after the first third of the sixteenth century 
containing items written solely for instrumental performance and 
printed without text. Music for lute or organ without vocal im- 
plications had already come out considerabiy earlier, and much of 
this music for solo instruments capable of playing several parts could 
also be played by groups of purely melodic instruments. From 1529 
onwards purely instrumental publications for groups of players ap- 
peared with increasing frequency; some of the more important, com- 
posed up to 1580, include Attaingnant's Six Gaillardes et six Pavanes 
(Paris, 1529) and Neuf basses danses, deux branles, vingt et cinq 
Pauennes auec quinze Gaillardes en musique à quatre parties (Paris, 
1530); Trium vocum carmina (100 pieces without words, Nurem- 
berg, 1538); Musica Nova with ricercari by Segni, Willaert, Para- 
bosco, and others (Venice, 1540);? Buus, Recercari (Venice, 1547 and 
1549); Tiburtino, Fantasie et Recercari a 3 (Venice, 1549); Tylman 
Susato's various publications at Antwerp from 1551 onwards; 
Padovano, I primo libro di Ricercari а 4 voci (Venice, 1556); Bendusi, 
Opera nova de balli (Venice, 1553); Conforti, I] primo libro de Ricercari 
a 4 voci (Rome, 1558); Fantasie Recercari Contrapuncti a 3 voci with 
works by Willaert, Rore and others (Venice, 1559); Pietro Vinci, 
Ricercari (1560); Lupacchino, JI primo Libro a note negre a 2 voci 
(Venice, 1565); Phalése's publication Premier livre de danseries, con- 
tenant plusieurs Pavanes, Passomezo, Almandes, Gaillardes, Bransles 
etc. (Louvain, 1571); Andrea Gabrieli, Canzoni francesi (Venice, 
1571); Vicentino, Madrigali a 5 voci (fifth book with canzone da 
sonare) (Milan, 1572); Malvezzi, A primo Libro de Recercari a 4 voci 
(Perugia, 1577); Ingegneri, // secondo libro de Madrigali with two 
arie di canzon francese per sonare (Venice, 1579). A complete list 
of sixteenth-century instrumental group music would include many 
more pieces, some in collections of vocal music, among them works 

1 The two have been reprinted together by F. J. Giesbert as Pariser Tanzbuch aus dem 


Jahre 1530 (Mainz, n.d.). 
з ‘Reconstructed’ edition by H. Colin Slim (Chicago, 1965). 


PURELY INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 553 


by great masters such as Palestrina and Lassus, both of whom wrote 
instrumental ricercari ^ duos, and other works. Many pieces that 
have come to us in manuscript would have to be added, too; among 
others the instrumental carmina by late fifteenth- and sixteenth- 
century composers from Obrecht, Finck, Isaac, Hofhaimer, and 
Stoltzer to Senfl and Georg Forster. Then again, more instrumental 
material is contained in theoretical treatises such as Ortiz's Tratado 
de glosas (Rome, 1553).? 

It is clear from the foregoing that a considerable variety of forms 
existed from the beginning of the sixteenth century. Two main types 
can be discerned: dances and ‘free’ compositions. Greater indepen- 
dence of instrumental performance from vocal practice was first 
achieved in the dances, but it was in the ‘free’ forms that the typically 
instrumental style developed most strongly. 


DANCE FORMS 


Dances were largely favoured by the rising middle classes. Although 
this new stratum of society was simpler in its cultural tradition than 
the nobility and clergy, it had the great advantage of a new optimism, 
vigour, and vitality. There are few traces of the complex and 
mystical beauty of the old, essentially ecclesiastical art in the dance 
collections of Attaingnant, Susato, Phalése, and others. The intricate 
art of the masters of cathedral music here met a vital counter-force: 


Ex.240? 


1 Palestrina's Ricercari a 4 are not universally accepted as genuine. 
* Modern edition by Max Schneider (Kassel, 1913); see pp. 560 and 705-6. 
з Basse-danse, ‘La Brasse", from Attaingnant’s 9 basses danses . . . (1530). 


554 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


In melody, counterpoint, rhythm, and metrical structure this 
music is of great clarity, and its character is popular and simple. 
The influence of folk song is obvious. There is a principal melody 
which predominates all the time, often (as in Ex. 240) in the top part. 
There are few syncopations; the accents fall on the main beat. Block 
harmonies in the manner of the Italian villotta and of many French 
chansons replace the intricate network of polyphony. Most con- 
spicuous is the metrical regularity derived from the requirements of 
the dance: the symmetrical periods of two, four, or eight bars. 

This quality of popular clarity and symmetry in formal structure 
was inherent in the music of all countries from England to Italy and 
from Spain to Poland; it is equally apparent in the dances of Ortiz, 
Arena, and the brothers Hesse, the French danseries,! and collections 
such as Etlicher gutter Teutscher und Polnischer Tentz (Breslau, 1555) 
and others. It is not clear whether this new simplicity, for which 
popular forces were responsible, started in the Netherlands, in Italy, 
or in Spain. But it must have spread soon to other countries where it 
found imitators and supporters. Nor did it remain confined to the 
dance literature of the amateur public; the un-named dances of 
Henry VIII’s court have similar square rhythms and an unsophisti- 
cated melodic charm.? 

Among a multitude of dance types the pavane and galliard were 
the most widely used. In Germany the same forms were often called 
Dantz and Nachdantz (Tripla, Hupfauff or Proportz), in Italy, passa- 
mezzo and saltarello. The former was a dance in common time; it was 
moderately slow in speed and consisted of a number of strains (at 
first usually two, later three), each of which was repeated. Towards 
the end of the sixteenth century the pavanes became more elaborate 
as people ceased to dance to them, and they acquired much of the 
contrapuntal style of other forms of instrumental and vocal music, 
especially in Elizabethan England. The galliard was in triple time; it 
was generally faster and altogether more light-hearted than the pavane. 


PAIRS OF DANCES 


The pavane and galliard often formed a pair of dances, the galliard 
following the pavane.? If in this procedure of coupling two types of 


1 Expert published a selection from Attaingnant’s Livres de Danseries (Paris, 1547-50) 
in Les Maítres musiciens de la Renaissance frangaise, xxiii (Paris, 1908). Three dances 
from this collection by Claude Gervaise are easily accessible in Davison and Apel, His- 
torical Anthology of Music, i (Cambridge, Mass., 1946), p. 148. 

* See, for instance, the three-part piece by Henry VIII himself, reprinted by John 
Stevens, Music at the Court of Henry VIII (Musica Britannica, xviii, London, 1962), 
p. 41. * Cf. Vol. III, p. 451. 


555 


dance we may see an early stage in the development of the suite, we 


also find that in many cases the principle of variation is employed, 
in that both pavane (Daniz) and galliard (Nachdantz) are derived 


PAIRS OF DANCES 
from the same material:! 


The original pair of pavane-galliard from the beginning of the 
sixteenth century (Petrucci) was occasionally extended by the addition 


of the piva, which also existed as an independent dance.* (It was 


! The principle had already been adumbrated in the fourteenth century; see Vol. III, 


p- 416. 


2 ‘De Post’, from Susato's Het derde musyck boexken (Antwerp, 1551; modern 


reprint by F. J. Giesbert, Mainz, 1936). 


* Cf. Vol. IH, pp. 442-3. 


556 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


already one of the main dances of the fifteenth century, according to 
Andrea Cornazaro, who in 1465 mentioned it together with the salta- 
rello, quaternaria, and bassadanza.) It was generally a dance in fast triple 
time. The almand (allemande) in common time, the courante (coran- 
to) in triple time, the brando (bransle, brawl) in fast common time, 
the volta (fast triple), the gigue in $, the stately intrada in common 
time, and the variable ballo or balletto, mostly in common time, were 
other important dance forms which made their appearance after 
1550 and are henceforward met with increasingly often. Some 
types of the French basse danse (bassadanza in Italian), the Spanish 
danza della muerte, and the English domp (all before and around 
1550) were of particular gravity; they were slow dances and often 
the mood was sombre. 


FREE INSTRUMENTAL FORMS 


The other branch of concerted music, the one which has been 
termed 'free? instrumental music, developed parallel with dance 
music after the end of the fifteenth century. In form as well as in 
style this considerable corpus of music was largely modelled on vocal 
patterns; it grew either out of the music of the Church or out of the 
musical activities of educated circles. The main types, ricercar and 
fantasia, grew out of vocal forms which were musically the most 
highly developed of all. 

The carmina, chiefly cultivated in the Netherlands and in Germany, 
were closely related both to the elaborate Lied arrangements and to 
the polyphonic motets of early sixteenth-century composers. When 
handled by the great composers of the time these instrumental 
movements are often of intense beauty: 


Ex.242! 
[Fairly slow] 


1 Carmen in La (c. 1530) by Ludwig Senf, modern edition in Nagels Musik-Archiv, 
no. 53 (Hanover, 1929). 


FREE INSTRUMENTAL FORMS 557 


The melodic life of these instrumental examples of Renaissance 
music reminds us of the warmth and humanity of the vocal Lied 
arrangements of Forster, Ott, and other sixteenth-century German, 
Dutch, and Swiss masters. These carmina were either composed 
round a well-known song which was used as canto fermo (generally 
in the tenor) or, less often, built up from freely invented melodic 
material. 


RICERCARI AND FANTASIAS 


The carmina were superseded by the ricercari and fantasias. 
These forms seem to have been originally confined to organ and lute 
music,! but throughout the sixteenth century there was a continuous 
interchange between keyboard and lute music on the one hand and 
instrumental ensemble music on the other. When they developed 
beyond the stage of mere improvisatory preludes, these pieces were ` 
structurally modelled on the motet. 

In the motet the various clauses and sentences of the text were 
generally set to themes based on fragments of the plainsong. Thus 
the motet consisted of a series of sections, most of which were fugal 
or semi-homophonic developments of the thematic idea underlying 
the section. Each section ended in a cadence; but these sections 
generally overlapped, so that a new section would begin while the 
cadence of the previous one was still sounding. This is important, 
for it was largely by this method of overlapping the sections of the 
motet that the atmosphere of mystic unity and the unbroken majestic 
flow of the church music of the age were obtained. Moreover, the 
various thematic lines on which the sections of the motet were based 
were very similar to one another in character, so that the general 
effect of this music was contemplative and non-dramatic. 

The ricercari and fantasias up to the end of the sixteenth century 
all preserve the principal features of the motet. There is the same 
sectional work, the same homogeneity of thematic material through- 
out the various sections; there is indeed little difference between the 


1 See Vol. III, pp. 440-1 and 445 ff. 


558 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 

musical material of the vocal motets and the instrumental ricercari 
and fantasias.! Moreover, a close affinity exists between these forms 
and the more polyphonic madrigals and chansons. 


Ех.243° 
[ Moderate speed] 


The ricercar of the sixteenth century has the same continuous flow 
and the same overlapping of sections as church music. There are no 
heavy emotional accents, no ups and downs of tension and relaxa- 
tion; the music is entirely non-dramatic and often of a detached 
dreaminess, as though it were not quite of this world. Full harmonic 
cadences down to the ‘earth’ of the tonic are infrequent within a 
piece and mostly occur only at the very end. Melodic lines in ali parts 
proceed by step far more often than by third-leaps—just as in vocal 
music; fourths and fifths are rarer still; and sixths (generally minor 
sixths up, followed by a semitone drop) as well as octaves (generally 
up, followed by a small falling interval) are even less frequent. The 
melodies are of great length. The instrumental-motet forms of the 
later sixteenth century, however, gradually developed greater liveli- 
ness and more typically instrumental behaviour of the parts. 

The fantasia during the greater part of the sixteenth century 
differed from the ricercar only in the greater freedom of the melodic 
material. This was nearly always freely invented, whereas many 
ricercari still used for their thematic material existing vocal melodies, 
either sacred or secular. During the second half of the sixteenth 


1 On certain differences between motet and ricercar, see p. 603. 

з From Willaert's Fantasie Recercari Contrapunti a tre voci . . . appropriati per Cantare 
e Sonare d'ogni sorte di Stromenti (Venice, 1559); no. 6 of the modern edition of the 
ricercari by Hermann Zenck (Mainz, 1933). No. 7 is recorded in The History of Music 
in Sound (H.M.V.), vol. iv. 


RICERCARI AND FANTASIAS 559 


century, however, these differences disappeared, both forms becom- 
ing almost identical in structure and general behaviour by the end of 
the century. 


OTHER FREE FORMS 


Other instrumental forms of the sixteenth century include the 
capriccio (a freer variety of the fantasia), the canzona francese, derived 
from the vocal chanson yet more homophonic in character than the 
instrumental motet forms—the great historical importance of the 
canzon dates only from the end of the century; it will be discussed in 
detail later in this chapter—and many others with vague titles such as 
trattenimenti, contrapunti, and innumerable pieces which either have 
no name at all, or only fanciful titles not alluding to any particular 
type. There are several pieces named battaglia which are early 
examples of programme music, characterized by repeated notes and 
chords, and trumpet-like calls. Both instrumental and vocal pieces 
are found with this title; early examples are those by Janequin and 
Matthias Werrecoren (both vocal);! later there are the well-known 
ones by Annibale Padovano and Andrea Gabrieli (instrumental, 
Venice, 1587 and 1590)? as well as those by Giuseffo Biffi (per cantar 
et sonar, Nuremberg, 1596), by Adriano Banchieri (instrumental, 
Venice, 1596), and a collection entitled Musica de diversi authori, la 
Bataglia francese et Canzon delli ucelli . . . partite in caselle, &c. 
(Venice, 1577). In the seventeenth century, however, there are ‘battle’ 
pieces of far greater importance than those mentioned here.? 


NUMBER OF PARTS 


In concerted instrumental music up to the last quarter of the six- 
teenth century there were combinations of two to seven parts, Pieces 
for four or five instruments were about equally frequent; six-part 
works were less popular; and there are only a few examples of instru- 
mental music in more than six parts. However, there is an extensive 
literature for two and three instruments; these pieces were generally 
called bicinia and tricinia, and they were mainly cultivated in Germany 
and Italy. There are as many bicinia for two instruments of equal 
pitch as there are for one higher and one lower instrument. The form 


1 See pp. 6-7. 

3 Reprinted by Benvenuti in Istituzioni e Monumenti dell'arte musicale italiana, i 
(Milan, 1931), pp. 93 and 177. 

* On the battaglia in general see Rudolf Gläsel, Zur Geschichte der Battaglia (Leipzig, 
1931). 


560 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


of the ricercar was often employed in these pieces. The two or three 
parts were written in a truly polyphonic, often canonic, style and 
woven into an intricate pattern in which none is ever the chief 
melody: 


By about 1560 'free' instrumental ensemble music had become 
such a recognized factor in musical life that many of the greatest 
composers of all countries contributed to it. Henceforward the names 
of Palestrina, Lassus, and many others appear regularly as composers 
of ricercari, fantasias, or similar forms. 


ORTIZ'S ‘TRATADO’ 


Several features found later in instrumental composition are 
significantly anticipated in the musical illustrations to the Tratado de 
glosas of the Spaniard, Diego Ortiz (1553),? which describes in detail 
a practice which by that time must have been deeply rooted, at least in 
Spain. Ortiz deals with the viol (vihuela), for which he describes three 
types of playing: first, entirely free ornamental improvisation, in 
which the harpsichord strikes chords on which the viol performs a 

1 From Lassus’s two-part fantasias, Sämtliche Werke, i (Leipzig, 1894) and Hortus 


Musicus, xviii and xix (Kassel, 1927), ed. W. Pudelko. 
2 See note 2 on p. 553; also pp. 705-6. 


ORTIZ'S ‘TRATADO’ 561 


freely invented figuration; second, improvisation on the viol upon a 
known canto fermo (generally a popular or a religious melody) with 
the harpsichord accompanying; third, the elaboration of a composi- 
tion in several parts—song, motet, chanson, or madrigal—in which 
the harpsichord plays all the parts while the violist selects any one of 
them which he adorns with passage-work and other figuration. No 
doubt much in Ortiz's diminutions and ornamental flourishes was 
based on early organ and lute figuration; and certainly Ortiz only 
codified a practice of ornamental improvisation which had been in 
existence for a long time. Yet, by so doing, he considerably advanced 
the development of an instrumental style in viol playing. 

How advanced Spanish instrumental music had become by about 
the middle of the sixteenth century is also shown by Tomás de Santa 
Maria's three- and four-part fantasias (Valladolid, 1565) and by 
Antonio de Cabezön’s Obras de Müsica (published posthumously, 
Madrid, 1578; reprinted by Pedrell in Hispaniae Schola Musica 
Sacra, vii and viii, Leipzig, 1898). It is also suggested by the instru- 
mental polyphony of Fuenllana's Orphénica Lyra for vihuela (Seville, 
1554). 

Another feature of later instrumental music that appears in 
Ortiz's treatise is the ciacona. As well as variation forms in general, 
Ortiz, in his ‘second type’ of playing, visualizes a continuous repeti- 
tion of the bass motive underlying the composition; this feature 
anticipates the basso ostinato with its variants in different countries 
(divisions on a ground, passacaglia, &c.). 


THE ENGLISH FANCY AND 'IN NOMINE' 


With the important exception of England, few countries developed 
national peculiarities in instrumental music before 1580. The Nether- 
lands had set the standard for all contrapuntal work in vocal music, 
and the dominating position of Netherland music was maintained 
in the instrumental field, too. England occupied a unique position 
in the development of free instrumental music, in that she evolved 
at an early date—and even more prominently than Spain—a much 
more independent instrumental style than the other schools and 
countries. Emancipation from vocal music had already progressed 
comparatively far by 1570. 

The basic forms of English instrumental group music were the 
fantasia or fancy and the ‘In nomine'. The structure of both was 


1 See infra, p. 690. 


562 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


similar and based, on the whole, on that of the continental ricercari 
and fantasias, the ‘In nomine’ being always built on the plainsong 
melody of the first antiphon at Vespers on Trinity Sunday, “Gloria 
tibi Trinitas’: 


Ex.245 


ee 


and deriving its name from the section ‘In nomine Domini’ from 
the Benedictus of Taverner’s Mass ‘Gloria tibi Trinitas’! where the 
canto fermo appears clearly, complete, and in notes of equal value.? 
The instrumental canto fermo motet was not necessarily of English 
origin, yet in these two forms—the ‘In nomine’ and the fantasia— 
many typically instrumental features developed which advanced 
beyond anything that had been achieved on the Continent up to that 
time. Christopher Tye, for instance, in his ‘In nomines’ as early as 
1570 wrote thematic subjects such as: 


which are obviously unvocal. Simultaneously the compass of the 
parts grew; there are top and bottom notes in fantasias by Eliza- 
bethan composers which lie entirely outside the range of voices. 
Most important, however, in early English instrumental music is 
the great liveliness of all the parts, which abound in quick passages 
and figuration. A delicate and intricate polyphonic network, such 
as this from an ‘In nomine’ a 5 by Byrd,‘ was woven only in early 
English string music: 


1 See Vol. III, p. 340. 

3 On the ‘In nomine' generally, see Robert Donington and К. Thurston Dart, ‘The 
Origin of the “In nomine”’, Music and Letters, xxx (1949), p. 101; and Denis Stevens, 
‘The Background of the “In Nomine" ', Monthly Musical Record, Ixxxiv (1954), p. 199. 
On the keyboard ‘In nomine" see the following chapter, p. 622, and Gustav Reese, ‘The 
origin of the English In Nomine', Journal of the American Musicological Society, ii 
(1949), p. 7. 

* Brit. Mus. Add. 31390. 

* [bid., printed in Byrd's Collected Works, xvii (London, 1948), p. 58. 


563 


THE ENGLISH FANCY AND ‘IN NOMINE' 


Ц = 


i 


EoD 
LLLI 


Y 
| 


ihn 


| 


\ 


\ 
n) 
H 


There are many concerted ‘In nomines’, often full of instrumental 
interest, by Taverner, Tallis, Tye, Parsons, Robert White, Parsley, 


and others, in addition to those for a keyboard instrument. 


564 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


INTERACTION OF DANCE AND FREE FORMS 


While it is possible, even necessary, to consider dance music and 
free instrumental compositions separately up to the middle of the 
sixteenth century, and to treat the various countries on the whole as 
one family, a different method must be applied in studying the instru- 
mental music of the rest of the sixteenth century and the beginning of 
the seventeenth. Instrumental dance and ‘free’ music had so far been 
distinct from one another, even though a certain amount of interac- 
tion between the two did take place. Now both kinds became more 
akin, a change leading to all the different movements and cyclical 
forms of seventeenth-century instrumental music. Dance music 
gradually became artistically contrived and in some cases stylized, 
while free instrumental music became increasingly secularized and 
absorbed elements of dance and other popular music. The rapproche- 
ment of both species in style, and often also in form, is one of the 
most interesting features of early seventeenth-century instrumental 
music. On the other hand, more and more national peculiarities 
appeared towards the end of the sixteenth century. With the progress 
of the Reformation, the influence of the Catholic Church in matters of 
culture was correspondingly reduced—and in the Middle Ages this 
influence had been international in character. 

In consequence the development of post-Reformation instrumental 
music will have to be viewed according to the differences in style and 
practice from country to country, which now begin to be very marked. 
It is with what happened in Northern Italy that a new epoch in the 
history of concerted instrumental music begins. 


THE RISE OF ITALIAN INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


It is curious that Italy's first great age of music opened only after the 
country's glory in the fields of painting, sculpture, and architecture 
had already begun to fade. Yet both flowerings, in art and in music, 
can be traced back ultimately to the same cause—the tremendous 
social and cultural advance made in Italy towards the end of the 
Middle Ages. Land tillage—the countryside—had been the basis of 
medieval Italian life and society. The Church had been the home of 
art and thought, until trade and commerce gradually broke up its 
static life. Wealth was being accumulated in the new town-state 
republics, and the proud merchants and noblemen of Florence, 
Venice, and Genoa became the patrons of ambitious and thriving 
cultural activities of a new kind. Long before 1500 the ground was 


THE RISE OF ITALIAN INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 565 


prepared for all the magnificent achievements in the various fields 
of art. A new standard of musicianship had been growing since the 
fourteenth century, and the visions, prophecies, and speculations of 
Italian thinkers during the age of the Renaissance and Reformation 
heralded bolder and greater achievements in the realm of creative 
music, too. In the Nuove musiche and its instrumental counterparts, 
emotion and individual expression reached heights never before 
dreamed of. 


THE INSTRUMENTAL CANZON 


The form through which instrumental music in Italy was revolu- 
tionized was the canzon (or canzone). The term canzon existed in early 
sixteenth-century Italian publications such as Canzone Sonetti Stram- 
botti e Frottole Libro Primo (Siena, 1515). Nevertheless, the canzon 
as an instrumental form grew essentially out of. the French chansons 
— those spirited settings of light-hearted French poetry which were 
musically of homophonic or semi-polyphonic structure and which 
had been popular from the age of Janequin.! As early as 1531 Pierre 
Attaingnant had published instrumental arrangements of chansons.* 
At first these were for keyboard instruments, but collections of 
chansons which could be used for voices or for groups of instruments, 
named or unnamed, followed soon: Chansons musicales à quattre 
parties desquelles les plus convenables à la fleuste d'allemant . . . 
(Attaingnant, Paris, 1534); Premier livre des Chansons à quattre 
parties... Tant à la voix comme aux instrumentz (Susato, Antwerp, 
1543), and others. 

Italian composers eagerly took over this brilliant new form which 
was so full of entertaining features, and easily adapted it to their own 
traditions of frottole, villanelle, &c. Gardano's publication of Canzoni 
francese a due voci . . . buone da cantare et sonare (Venice, 1539) was 
followed by other collections of a similar nature. In 1572 there 
appeared in the fifth book of Vicentino's Madrigali a 5 voci a piece 
for instrumental ensemble entitled canzon da sonar. Henceforward 
canzon francese or canzon da sonar signified an instrumental piece, 
and again emancipation from the vocal occurred, as it had before 
in the other free forms, only much more quickly and radically than in 
the types derived from the motet (ricercar, fantasia, &c.). 

In becoming an instrumental form, the canzon borrowed charac- 
teristics from both the ricercari and the numerous dance movements 


1 See Chap. I. * See Vol. III, p. 449. 


566 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


in use at the time. From the former the canzon took over the sectional 
arrangement of the motet described earlier in this chapter: witness 
the two Arie di canzon francese per sonare in Ingegneri's second book 
of madrigals (1579), the Canzoni per sonare by Florentio Maschera 
(1584), the Canzoni by Correggio and Guami (1588), Viadana (1590), 
Bariola (1594), Metallo (1594), Banchieri (1596, 1603, 1607, &c.), 
Cavazzio (1597), Stivori (1599), Bonelli (1602), Favereo (1606), and 
many others. From the dances, especially those in triple time, the 
canzon took over many rhythmic and metrical features, as becomes 
clear from a study of the canzoni by the Gabrielis? and a large number 
of other early seventeenth-century composers. 

The initial rhythm characteristic of the vocal chanson dedld was 
maintained in many instrumental canzoni for a long time; yet in all 
these works less and less was heard of the legato style of the earlier 
vocal music. As in other sixteenth-century forms of light instrumental 
music, there are shorter melodic phrases and there is greater clarity 
in the formal structure than in the old motets. Up to the end of the 
sixteenth century, however, in spite of the new vitality of the canzoni, 
non-harmonic (indeed chiefly polyphonic) interest predominated. 


GIOVANNI GABRIELI 

The history of the canzon (and of instrumental music in general) 
took a decisive new turn with the appearance of Giovanni Gabrieli's 
Sacrae Symphoniae of 1597, which included sixteen major instrumental 
movements.? For here an element of the most far-reaching importance 
for the development of instrumental sound was born: the massive, 
sensuous colour effect, the magic and attraction of orchestral music. 
There had been large-scale performances before Gabrieli,* but the 
works represented in such performances were not planned from the 
point of view of orchestral composition; they could just as well have 
been played by small ensembles of any instrumental combination, in 
any other surroundings and without altering a single note. It is the 
premeditation and calculation of instrumental colour effects which is 
new in Gabrieli's work of 1597. 

This innovation of Gabrieli's occurred at a time of rapid seculariza- 
tion of instrumental music in all spheres, yet it was made within the 

1 An example from this set is reprinted in Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 201. 

2 For instance, the very canzon-like Ricercar del duodecimo tuono by Andrea Gabrieli, 
reprinted in Benvenuti, op. cit., p. 86, and in Davison and Apel, op. cit., p. 147. 

* On the subject generally, see Stefan Kunze, Die Instrumentalmusik Giovanni 


Gabrielis. Two vols. (Tutzing, 1963). 
* See p. 796, for instance. 


GIOVANNI GABRIELI 567 


framework of the Church. Gabrieli and his work, however, must be 
viewed within the context of the social and cultural scene as a whole. 
For one thing his church canzoni and sonate were intended for 
ostentatious display; they were meant to impress people, even to 
startle them. It was the aim of the Church of the Counter-Reforma- 
tion to show its might and splendour and the power of the ideology 
it stood for by every means available. With immense passion and 
enthusiasm the two Gabrielis and their colleagues carried out this 
task, whether inspired by direct commission, by personal conviction, 
or by purely musical considerations. On the other hand, Gabrieli 
reaped the fruits of the Renaissance of secular thought and art, and 
himself continued and intensified it in his works, even though these 
creations of his were employed in the service of the Counter-Reforma- 
tion. As an observing and thinking being, he was aware of and filled 
by the tension in contemporary life, thoroughly alive to the issues of 
his age in general and to the possibilities of his own art of music in 
particular. It is these qualities in Gabrieli's music, its topicality, its 
tension, passion, and breadth, which soon made these works accept- 
able to both Church and secular circles. They were performed alike in 
cathedrals, at courts and in the houses of wealthy patricians on all 
sorts of festive occasions. 

The canzoni da sonar of the sixteenth century, like the ricercari, 
capricci, and other instrumental forms, had been essentially chamber 
music—music to be played and enjoyed by the players and a small 
circle around them, rather than music to be listened to by larger 
audiences. Andrea Gabrieli's eight-part ricercar! formed the connect- 
ing link between the older type of canzon and that of his nephew 
Giovanni. Yet Giovanni Gabrieli’s canzoni for eight and more 
instruments were written to be performed to a listening public, and to 
a large public at that. One can well imagine that in this age of the 
advancing popularity of sensuous effect, Giovanni's great instru- 
mental works attracted many more people to the church than did the 
polyphonic canzoni of the old type (including his own for four 
instruments).? 

So the place of performance had been enlarged from the camera 
to the chiesa. And in the chiesa, at first in St. Mark's at Venice, 
architectural possibilities for musical effects were exploited to the full. 
This is as true of the choice of instruments as of the way in which 

1 Benvenuti, op. cit. i, p. 25. 

2 See the four examples edited by Einstein (Mainz, 1933) from Alessandro Raverii's 


collection of Canzoni per sonare (Venice, 1608) which has been reprinted complete with 
commentary, by L. E. Bartholomew. Two vols. (Hays, Kansas, 1965). 


568 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


they were employed. Agazzari in his Discorso speaks of stringed 
instruments as belonging to the dolci conserti (the chamber canzoni 
or ricercari of the old type), but of wind instruments in the conserti 
strepitosi e grandi (the new large-scale canzoni of Giovanni Gabrieli 
and his school). In the latter type impressive and far-sounding wind 
instruments, especially cornetti and trombones, were organized in 
several groups of four or five parts each and played off against each 
other: one chorus of four or five introduced the composition, another 
followed, until they all united in one mighty symphony. There are up 
to twenty-two parts in some of these works. Occasionally bowed 
strings (of the violin family, no longer viols) and even lutes were 
represented in one or several of the groups; instruments of dark tone- 
colour and low pitch were set against others of light tone-colour and 
high pitch in order to intensify the contrast of colours in these 
‘symphonic oil paintings’. 

The contriving of fantastic, sophisticated colour effects is the 
essence of these works. Problems of form and counterpoint appear 
as of secondary importance. Novelties in form arise out of the com- 
poser’s desire for contrast, which certainly is behind the sudden 
interruptions of slow common time by fast triple time in dance-like 
periods—as in this passage from a Canzon per sonar, Primi Toni, by 
Giovanni Gabrieli:! 


! From Sacrae Symphoniae (Venice, 1597); reprinted in Benvenuti, op. cit. ii, p. 1. 


GIOVANNI GABRIELI 569 


There are elements of the form of vocal canzonets and strophic 
airs; for instance, rondo and da capo forms are frequently used, 
A-B-A, or A-A-B-B, or A-B-A-B-A-B-A, &c. 

The polyphonic character of earlier instrumental works is here 
much less evident. There is no longer a continuous fugato in the two, 
three or four-chorus canzon as there had been in the old single- 
cliorus canzon. Among the features that become more important are 
dynamic contrasts; forte and piano are introduced, probably for the 
first time, in playing off instrumental choirs against each other. 

Every feature in this music is devised to the same end: the listener 
is to be overwhelmed with beautiful sound, sound of a magnificence, 
power, and splendour rarely reached after Gabrieli's death by any 
other seventeenth-century composer. Nevertheless, some of Gabrieli's 
contemporaries tried to outdo him in magnitude and amplitude of 
sound; for instance, Tiburtio Massaini wrote one canzon for eight and 
another for sixteen trombones.! 


THE SONATA 


The other main branch of large-scale Venetian instrumental music, 
the sonata, was in name and type younger than the canzon. The earliest 
known sonatas were contained in collections by Giovanni Croce, 
Sonate a 5 (Venice, 1580), which Fétis mentions,? and Andrea Gab- - 
rieli, Sonate a 5 instrumenti (Venice, 1586), neither of which has so 
far been rediscovered. Giovanni Gabrieli's two sonatas in the Sacrae 
Symphoniae (Venice, 1597) are the earliest works bearing this title 


1 Both published in Raverii’s collection of Canzoni per sonare (Venice, 1608). 
? Biographie universelle, ii (Paris, 1861), p. 393. 


570 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


of which we have the complete text.! They were followed by Gussago’s 
Sonate a 4, 6, et 8 (Brescia, 1608); by publications by Funghetta, 
Cima, Porta, Riccio, Bernardi, and others; by Giovanni Gabrieli's 
second great collection of Canzoni e Sonate of 1615; and by an ever 
increasing number of publications during the subsequent decades. 

The term ‘sonata’ signified a ‘sounded’ piece in general; unlike the 
canzon it was composed without reference to any traditional form, 
vocal or instrumental. Whereas in the large-scale canzoni a certain 
contrapuntal liveliness was still at least partly maintained, only 
blocks of chords were left in the sonatas. Praetorius in his Syntagma 
Musicum III (Wolfenbüttel, 1619), described the canzon as ‘vivid’ 
and ‘full of black notes’, and the sonatas as ‘full of gravity', slow 
and compact in style; and the contrast may be illustrated by two 
excerpts from Giovanni Gabrieli, the first from Canzon Septimi 
Toni a 8:3 


1 Reprinted in Benvenuti, op. cit. ii, pp. 64 and 270. The Sonata pian’ e forte is also 
reprinted in Schering, Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen (Leipzig, 1931), p. 148, and in 
Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 198. 

з Reprinted in Benvenuti, op. cit. ii, p. 14. 

$ Ibid., p. 64. 


THE SONATA 571 


These early sonatas were in the character of improvisations, flowing 
on majestically. 

Of special magnificence and also of greater formal interest than the 
early Gabrieli pieces is the Sonata a 8 included in the Vespro della 
Beata Vergine (Venice, 1610)! of Gabrieli’s great contemporary, 
Claudio Monteverdi. The most striking feature of this work is the 
quotation on eleven occasions of a short plainsong phrase: 


sung now with serene calmness, now with breathless excitement. 
This amazingly grandiose composition, scored for cornetts, violins, 
viole da brazzo, trombones, and organ, abounds in effective and thrill- 
ing moments such as occur elsewhere only in Monteverdi's operas. 
It has a dramatic, clear-cut form (the end is a recapitulation of the 
beginning), and it adopts elements from the canzon in that it contrasts 
several movements of different character. 


CONFUSION OF CATEGORIES 
Sinfonia or symphonia as an instrumental species at first (around 
1600) meant a piece little distinguished from the sonata. Often such 
pieces served as sonorous introductions either to further musical 
items, vocal or instrumental, or more usually to celebrations, services, 


1 Reprinted in Malipiero's edition, Tutte le opere di Claudio Monteverdi, xiv (Asolo, 
1932), and in numerous ‘performing editions’. 


572 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


or other important ceremonials. Such sinfonie, varying in style and 
form like the sonatas, were written by Viadana, Allegri, Salomone 
Rossi, and others.! In the multitude of forms appearing and disap- 
pearing at that time names did not mean very much. There were 
scherzi, as often as not modelled on the vocal form of the same name 
(Trabaci, Brunelli, Cangiasi), capricci (Borsaro), canti fermi, con- 
sonanze (Trabaci), and many others; but these terms were frequently 
mixed up by the composers themselves, as in Ottavio Bariola's 
Capricci overo Canzoni (Milan, 1594), Banchieri's Fantasie overo Can- 
zone alla francese (Venice, 1603), Tarquinio Merula's Canzoni overo 
Sonate concertate (Venice, 1637), and other sets. Forms as well as 
styles were being moulded at this period; during the first thirty or 
forty years of the seventeenth century little in the way of tradition was 
established, and there was little security of style; everything was in a 
state of flux. 

However, thanks largely to the work of the younger Gabrieli and 
his colleagues the position of instrumental music as the equal of vocal 
music was established once and for all. During the sixteenth century 
a few canzoni were added to collections of vocal compositions in 
appendices, sometimes almost apologetically, but after Gabrieli in- 
strumental works were as a rule published independently and in ever- 
increasing numbers. Some years indeed saw the publication of as 
many as twenty-five new collections of concerted instrumental music. 


GABRIELI'S FOLLOWERS 


In the field of the large-scale canzon and sonata the Gabrielis 
found enthusiastic supporters among many notable composers in 
their own city of Venice. The main collection of canzoni was issued 
by the publisher Raverii;? it included, among others, pieces by such 
composers as Marenzio, Luzzaschi, and Merulo. Other publications 
including canzoni for several orchestral choirs contain compositions 
by Alessandro Marino in his Primo libro de Madrigali spirituali e 
canzon a 12 (1597), Radino (1607), Bottaccio (1609), Guami (1612), 
Usper (1619), and Picchi (1625); Milan followed with works by 
Beretta (1604), G. D. Rognoni (1605), Cima (1610), Biumo (1627), 
and Brescia with Canali (1600), Gussago (1608), Lappi (1608), and 
Mortaro (1610), and they were soon joined by Bologna, Rome, and 
other cities. In Venice itself few major works for several instrumental 


1 See, for instance, the example from Banchieri's Ecclesiastice Sinfonie dette Canzoni 
in aria francese (Venice, 1607) in Schering, op. cit., p. 155. 
2 See p. 567, n. 2. 


GABRIELI'S FOLLOWERS 573 


choirs appeared after Gabrieli's posthumous publication of 1615 until 
Neri (1651) and Cavalli (1656) once again took up the mighty forms 
and style of the great pioneer. But in their hands, progressive though 
both men were in other fields, and full of inspiring features though 
their great sonate a 8 and 12 are, this reintroduction of the Gabrieli 
style remained an attempted revival which was not followed up else- 
where. Much had happened in the years between Gabrieli and the 
‘revivalists’, Neri and Cavalli. 

With the first remarkable successes of the great sonatas and canzoni, 
the road to an unknown and unlimited future was opened for instru- 
mental music. After Gabrieli's death in 1612 it became manifest that 
his own harmonic conception of instrumental music was only the 
first step along this road. The 'celestial calm of medieval church 
music had gone; the reign of emotion in music, of sensuous sound, of 
intense and exciting melody, had begun. 

The thirty years following the publication of Gabrieli's Sacrae 
Symphoniae were a period dominated by new ideas. Experiment went 
on in all spheres of music, vocal and instrumental, and certain effects 
devised by some composers were taken up again only centuries later. 
It was this ‘futurism’ in Italian music which led the theorist Artusi 
to write that the end of music was in sight, since ‘its main aim, that 
of giving pleasure, seemed to fall into neglect’. 

The period saw a reduction in the customary number of parts, 
from 8, 12, 15, or 22 to 2, 3, 4, 5, or 6 instruments. While eight- and 
twelve-part music was still being composed, playing off one instru- 
mental choir against another, more and more composers took to 
displaying individual instruments of different tone-colours against 
each other in smaller ensembles. Definite tone-colour became in- 
creasingly important; instruments were named more and more 
frequently. Viadana demanded a violin, a cornett, and two trombones 
for a four-part canzon published with his Concerti ecclesiastici (1602). 
Ercole Porta, in 1613, asked for the same combination in his Vaga 
Ghirlanda. Giovanni Francesco Anerio at Rome wrote a canzon for 
violin, trumpet, cornett, and lute.? Riccio produced some sophisti- 
cated instrumental effects in his Divine lodi of 1620.* Marini sets off 
two violins against four trombones in his Op. 8 (Venice, 1626), 
Castello two violins against two trombones (1629). Buonamente's 

1 Republished in an unsatisfactory edition by Riemann in Old Chamber Music, i 
(London, 1896). 

з See F. X. Haberl, ‘Giovanni Francesco Anerio’, Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, i 


(1886), p. 59. 
* See Riemann, Handbuch der Musikgeschichte, ii (2) (Leipzig, 1912), p. 114. 


574 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


sixth book of Sonate et Canzoni for two to six instruments (Venice, 
1636) includes works for violin, lute, cornett, and three trombones. 
An unlimited number of combinations is tried out. There are also 
many works for strings only, with an increasing preponderance of 
the more penetrating and expressive violin family over the old viol 
family. 

In the long run these instrumental forms on a reduced scale turned 
out to be more capable of further progressive development than the 
great Gabrieli works which, like giant marble statues, stood unassail- 
ably impressive but, as instrumental forms, proved incapable of 
modification or expansion. 


INSTRUMENTAL MONODY 


At the same time the accompanied instrumental solo began to 
appear. Already in some sixteenth-century canzoni (including several 
by Gabrieli himself) treble instruments had been thrown into pro- 
minence by the increasingly homophonic character of the music. 
These solo-like passages were indicative of a general development. 
As early as 1553, accompanied solos for the viol had been published 
by Ortiz. Yet the earliest of the instrumental monodies published 
shortly after 1600 were clearly based on principles different from 
those of Ortiz's solos for the vihuela, for Italian instrumental 
monody was modelled on vocal solo melody—which was now sub- 
jective, individualistic, and expressive in character—and built on 
harmonic accompaniment, which gave it colour and emotional 
emphasis. This harmonic conception of music found its most striking 
expression with the arrival of the basso continuo, described by Via- 
dana in the preface to his Cento concerti ecclesiastici* which forth- 
with became the regular attribute of all instrumental music, whether 
for large or small ensembles. 

In the instrumental solos which were always conceived in close 
contact with developments in the vocal field, the cantabile style was 
established during the first half of the seventeenth century—that 
‘singing’ melody on instruments, elegant, exciting and full of the 
*fire and fury’ which Roger North admired so much in Italian music.? 


2 See pp. 560 and 705-6. 

* Reprinted by Max Schneider in Die Anfänge des Basso Continuo (Leipzig, 1918), 
pp. 3-9, and in translation by F. T. Arnold, The Art of Accompaniment from a Thorough- 
Bass (London, 1931), pp. 3-4 and 10-19, and Oliver Strunk in Source Readings in Music 
History (London, 1952), pp. 419-23. 

* See John Wilson, Roger North on Music (London, 1959), p. 297. 


INSTRUMENTAL MONODY 375 


This cantilena became characteristic of instrumental music in the 
same measure that Italy, with the growth of opera, became the 
country of expressive and dramatic solo vocal melody. 


ORIGIN OF THE TRIO SONATA 


In the first decade of the seventeenth century a highly important 
compromise between instrumental solo and instrumental ensemble 
music was found in the *trio' of two trebles and one bass part, ac- 
companied by the thorough bass which followed the line of the lowest 
instrument, as in this excerpt from the second book of Salomone 
Rossi's Sinfonie e gagliarde (Venice, 1608):1 


In Gabrieli’s Sonata con tre violini? instruments of equal pitch 
competed with one another in lively figuration over a harmonic 
bass. Troilo, Gagliano, Banchieri, Turini, Riccio, Bernardi, Montal- 
bane, and Farina were among the other composers who developed 
this type of music. 


Here again a close connexion existed between vocal and instru- 
mental chamber music: witness the numerous songs, canzonets, . 
madrigals, scherzi, and so on by Monteverdi and his contemporaries 
which were frequently transcribed for instruments. However, the 
Sonata a tre soon became entirely independent of vocal forms and, 
towards the middle of the seventeenth century, developed into the 


1 The three-part sinfonie have been reprinted by F. J. Giesbert (Mainz, 1956). Hugo 
Riemann gives a Sonata a 3 sopra l’aria della Romanesca, from the Varie sonate (1613), 
in Musikgeschichte in Beispielen (Leipzig, 1921), p. 151. 

* From the Canzoni e Sonate of 1615. There is a good modern text by Werner Danckert, 
Hortus Musicus, Ixx (Kassel, 1950). 


576 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


most popular form of instrumental music in Italy, a position which it 
held for more than a century. An essential feature of this new form 
was the great liveliness of all the parts; the empty space between the 
top parts and the bass was filled by the harmonic accompaniment 
of the continuo player. 

Among six-part sonatas and canzoni a number of works can be 
found in which four soprano instruments are joined by two basses, 
with the obvious intention of setting two trio groups against each 
other; an early example of such double trio sonatas was written by 
Salomone Rossi (for four violins and two chitarroni).! Another 
curious variety of the sonata a tre is shown in an unpublished sinfonia 
by Frescobaldi? which is scored for violin, spinettino (this part is 
fully worked out for both hands) and organ (continuo). The bass 
in trio sonatas, as in works for a greater number of parts, is often 
strongly reinforced; trombones, violoni (bass viols), bassoons and 
other low-pitched instruments are sometimes added to give weight. 

No clear distinction is made in all this music between performance 
by single or by massed instruments. It is certain that both possibili- 
ties occurred in the pieces for two, three, and four choirs (the 
highest part of the second choir in Gabrieli's Sonata pian' e forte, for 
instance, is marked violini, not violino), but it seems likely that even 
such a decidedly chamber form as the sonata a tre could be per- 
formed orchestrally, as at a later date the composition of Legrenzi's 
orchestra shows (eight violins, two cornetts, and, for the bass, three 
violoni, four theorbos, one bassoon, three trombones, and an organ). 


FORMAL DEVELOPMENTS 


Important changes of form took place alike in music a tre and 
in ensemble work for two to six instruments of different pitch. Among 
all the canzoni, capricci, ricercari, sonate, and so on, the last gradually 
assumed the lead. The term canzon lost its importance and disap- 
peared almost completely after 1650; it was probably used for the 
last time in Italy in Cavalli's Musiche sacre (Venice, 1656). 

Many early sonatas were built on the ‘patchwork’ method; a 
number of small, even minute, episodes, contrasted in type, rhythm, 
and speed were joined as in a potpourri. Up to twenty such ‘patches’ 
can be counted in some of these works, of which Gabrieli's Sonata 
con tre violini and G. B. Fontana's Sonate a uno, due, tre (Venice, 


1 [n his 4 lib. dei varie Sonate (1636; 16227), Bibl. Kassel. 
2 Brit. Mus. Add. 34003. 


FORMAL DEVELOPMENTS 577 


1641)! are outstanding examples. This ‘patchwork’ principle arose 
on the one hand from the sectional arrangement of the ricercari, 
fantasias, and other motet types from Willaert to Frescobaldi, and on 
the other from the lighthearted variability of the canzoni. However, 
soon after the beginning of the seventeenth century there developed 
a tendency to reduce the number of patches and simultaneously to 
convert ‘patches’ into ‘movements’, by increasing the length and 
specific gravity of each. There is indeed a tremendous wealth of forms 
in early seventeenth-century Italian chamber music. Yet certain 
individual types of movement began to develop and to become more 
and more clearly defined. The change from adagio to allegro (both 
indications of tempo were now named by the composers) became a 
leading principle, and generally the adagios were short, solemn and 
homophonic, while the allegros were longer, more polyphonic and 
vivacious. 

The thematic material of these allegro fugatos was already often 
laid out in the form of ‘thematic lead’+sequences+cadence, which 
was to be the pattern of melody-building up to the early eighteenth 
century. This scheme is already to be found in pieces by Giovanni 
Gabrieli, such as this Canzon Primi Toni, reprinted by Benvenuti :* 


The themes are more and more characteristically shaped. Instead 
of the lines of the motet we now find bolder melodies made up of 
shorter elements 3 


In the same work, as in other earlier pieces, there are beginnings 
of thematic development: 


1 A posthumous publication, as Fontana died in 1630. Examples have been reprinted 
in Torchi, L'arte musicale, vii, pp. 92 ff.; and Davison and Apel, op. cit. ii, p. 28. 

з Istituzioni e monumenti, ii, p. 1. 

3 From a Sonata a 5 (1649) by G. Filippi, quoted by A. Schlossberg, Die italienische 
Sonate . . . im 17. Jahrhundert (Diss. Heidelberg, 1932). 


578 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


From Banchieri and Gabrieli onwards song-like episodes and other 
symmetrical periods appear, obviously influenced by dance move- 
ments. There was a close interplay of elements of style between dance 
movements and free movements throughout the seventeenth century, 
despite the fact that both types of instrumental music, separate in the 
sixteenth century, were again distinguished as separate categories in 
the late sixteen-thirties. In 1637 Tarquinio Merula deliberately dis- 
tinguished in his Canzoni overo sonate concertate between sonate da 
chiesa (‘free’ sonatas for use primarily in church) and sonate da 
camera (suites of dance movements), but it should be remembered 
that the ‘church sonatas’ were also used as domestic chamber music. 

The sonata da camera developed gradually out of the pavane-plus- 
galliard of the sixteenth century. Both dances were still in use in the 
following century and were joined by yet more types and also 
frequently by movements in non-dance forms. Antonio Brunelli 
published a Ballo in Gagliarda per sonare a 2 (Venice, 1616) consisting 
of ballo grave per. sonare, seconda parte, gagliarda, and terza parte, 
corrente, and Lorenzo Allegri's Primo Libro delle Musiche (Venice, 
1618) contains suites of dances 


INSTRUMENTAL CHARACTERISTICS 


After 1600, when instrumental music in Italy first came of age, 
instrumental characteristics developed rapidly. Violin technique in 
particular progressed with almost unbelievable speed, both in solo 
and in ensemble music. There are tremolos (Monteverdi, Filippi, 


1 See Hermann Beck's study, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, xxii (1965), p. 99, and his 
edition of the first suite in Das Musikwerk, xxvi (1964). 


INSTRUMENTAL CHARACTERISTICS 579 


Farina), wide jumps across several strings (Marini), notes up to the 
fifth position (Marini), and quick passage-work. Equal liveliness 
sometimes appears in all parts of works written for instruments of 
greatly differing character, with apparent disregard of their natural 
differences, as in this sonata by Giovanni Valentini, scored for violin, 
cornettino, trombone, bassoon, and organ (c. 1610):! 


TROMBONE 
FAGOTTO 
* B.C. 


The concertante style developed on this basis, i.e. either with several 
parts competing in lively figuration, or with one solo part exhibiting 
quick passage-work andexpressive melody. In Gabrieli’sworkthejuxta- 
position and display of several groups of instruments against each 
other contain at least one element of the later concerto grosso. When 
O. M. Grandi (1628)? wrote for one violin against four trombones, 
he clearly did so with something like the later concerto principle in 
mind. Castello, Scarani, and Merula (1621, 1624, and 1631) entitled 
collections Sonate concertate, in which the practices of the vocal 
concerto with ornamental voice parts are transferred to instrumental 
music. More evidence of the growth of this style is found in works by 
Porta (1613), Lappi (1616), Usper (1619), Priuli (1618), Corradini 
(1624), Picchi (1625), Cavaccio (1626), Buonamente (1636), and Uccel- 
lini (1639), to name only some of the more important composers. 


1 Bibl, Kassel, MS. Eitner's suggested attribution to Giuseppe Valentini is unfounded. 
з Sonate per ogni sorte di stromenti . . . con il B. per l'org. (Venice, 1628). 


580 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


ITALIAN EXPERIMENTALISM 


Chromatic experiments were made in concerted instrumental music 
as much as in vocal music. A particularly daring system of key- 
relationships is employed in another sonata by Giovanni Valentini. 
A short subject in G minor is immediately repeated as an echo in 
B minor, and this harmonic alternation continues throughout the 
work, producing many strange juxtapositions of keys: 


In the same piece the echo effect already found in Gabrieli’s Sonata 
pian’ e forte is extended to a double-echo: piano, pianissimo, and 
piano-pianissimo (ppp). 

The Italians were fully conscious of their leading position on the 
international scene. Valerio Bona called his publication of 1614 
Canzoni italiane da sonare, no longer francese, as the French origin 
of the form was by then often forgotten, and such composers as 
Banchieri (1612), Giacinto Merulo (1623), and Castello (1629) add 
the words in stile moderno in the titles of their publications.! Yet by 
the middle of the seventeenth century experiments, with their 
attendant excitement, had calmed down. New standards of form 
and style emerged from the creative drive of the first half of the 
century. 


х Castello, Sonate concertate in stile moderno (Venice, 1629); Banchieri, Armonia 
Moderna di Canzoni alla francese, op. 26 (Venice, 1612); Giacinto Merulo, Madrigali a 4 
in stile moderno (Bologna, 1623). 


CHAMBER MUSIC IN ENGLAND 581 


CHAMBER MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


There is a very striking contrast between Italian and English instru- 
mental ensemble music during the first twenty years of the seven- 
teenth century. Whereas in Italy this new music was performed in 
halls, in churches, and in the open air, appealing to large bodies of 
listeners, instrumental music in England was conceived for the homes 
of well-to-do citizens. The Italian canzoni and sonatas were remark- 
able for glorious colour-effects, the English fancies and pavanes for 
delicate design. Expressive and exciting violins, cornetts, and trom- 
bones dominated the musical scene in Italy; the tender and restrained 
viols still prevailed in England. 

In their own way English composers developed a typically instru- 
mental style even more independent of vocal music than that of their 
brilliant Italian colleagues. (This applies least to form, most to 
contrapuntal construction.) At first Italians and English both used, 
for the most part, the same formal types. The ricercar (Italy) or the 
fantasia (England) reigned supreme until the last years of the six- 
teenth century. Both of these forms were derived from the vocal 
motet, and both also had close associations with the lively and usually 
secular madrigal. 

During the earlier part of the seventeenth century, too, the de- 
velopment of form in the instrumental music of both countries pro- 
ceeded along similar lines. The homogeneous sections of the English 
fantasia tended to become little movements contrasted in character, 
style, and often tempo and even time-signature, just as in the Italian 
canzon and early sonata; in fact the English development was in this 
respect influenced by what happened in Italy. Some of the fantasias 
of Byrd and Gibbons, for instance, consist of as many as ten little 
movements: solid fugatos, mostlyincommon time, gigue-like episodes, 
tuneful folksong-like sections, severe contrapuntal endings, as in this 
Fantasia by Orlando Gibbons:! 


1 Marsh Library, Dublin, MS. Z2. I. 13; printed by E. Н. Meyer in Englische Fantasien 
aus dem 17. Jahrhundert (Kassel, 1949), p. 8. 


582 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


as well as many other types of embryonic ‘movement’. Variety was 
achieved by a number of means: chromatic contrasted with dia- 
tonic sections, homophonic with polyphonic, fast with slow. 

Other forms in early English chamber music developed more 
independently of Italian influences. The ‘In nomine" still played an 
important part during the first half of the seventeenth century. Unlike 
other *tenor' motets which appeared in plenty everywhere during the 
sixteenth century, the ‘In nomine’ was a fixed formal type with its 
own structural principles. But after 1600 the canto fermo, which had 
originally been generally confined to the middle parts, began to 
appear in the top or bass. Up to Purcell’s time the ‘In nomine’ 
appears to have provided a favourite field for experiments of all 
kinds: witness the ‘In nomines’ by John Ward (d. с. 1640),2 Thomas 
Tomkins (d. 1656), Thomas Lupo (fl c. 1610), William Lawes 
(d. 1645), and others. 

English musicians were particularly fond of variation forms; it 
may be said that in this field they more than anybody took over the 
heritage of the great Spanish masters of the sixteenth century. 
* Ground basses’ (i.e. ostinatos) abound in early seventeenth-century 
English manuscripts, and numerous sets of variations on a popular 
song called ‘Browning’ were composed by some of the best masters.? 

Among dance forms, pavanes and galliards were still popular as 
late as 1650, although by that time people no longer danced to them. 
Almans, sarabands, corants, and after 1610 jigs and other dances 
had taken their place for actual dancing. All were based, to a lesser 
or greater degree, on the sixteenth-century English tradition but were 
also influenced by certain foreign models. 

! See pp. 561-3. 

2 Two examples by Ward in Musica Britannica, ix (ed. R. Thurston Dart and William 


Coates) (London, 1955), pp. 44 and 148. 
3 Cf. Meyer, English Chamber Music (London, 1946), p. 112. 


CHAMBER MUSIC IN ENGLAND 583 


Yet, once again, the most distinctive quality of early English 
chamber music was not its wealth of forms but its polyphonic life, 
its reliance on line: the extraordinary melodic independence of all 
the parts in the score. It is here that its originality lies, and when, 
around 1600, English chamber music had reached maturity, it was 
admired and imitated all over Europe because of its contrapuntal 
vitality and ingenuity. 

Two chief methods of performance were the basis of this peculiar 
style: the “broken consort’ and the ensemble of viols. The term 
*broken consort' implies a practice in which a consortium of instru- 
ments of differing tone-colours co-operate; the sound of the ensemble 
is split up, *broken' into such divergent colour units as a viol, a lute, 
a recorder, a violin, and a cittern. Obviously such a combination of 
instruments is ideally suited to a polyphonic style in which it is 
essential that all the instrumental lines of the score should be clearly 
distinguishable from each other and yet, at the same time, should all 
be heard equally well. Praetorius in his Syntagma Musicum! defined 
the consort as he saw and heard it: ‘Several persons with all sorts of 
instruments, such as harpsichord or large spinet, large lyra, double 
harp, lute, theorbo, pandora, penorcon, cittern, bass viol, a small 
‘descant fiddle, a transverse flute or recorder, sometimes also a quiet 
sackbut or Racket, sound together in one company and society ever 
so quietly, tenderly, and beautifully, and agree with each other in a 
graceful symphony.' This is a typically domestic form of music- 
making, and it was chiefly intended for the educated and well-to-do 
amateurs who were the mainstay of instrumental performance during 
the age of Elizabeth I and James I. 

Morley’s First Booke of Consort Lessons (London, 1599)? a collec- 
tion of movements by various composers, some arranged, some 
original compositions, for treble viol, bass viol, recorder, cittern, lute, 
and pandora, is a famous collection of music for broken consort. 
Anthony Holborne, Philip Rosseter, Richard Allison, Tobias Hume, 
and others published works for similar combinations of instruments 
of contrasting tone-colour. William Lawes, at a somewhat later date, 
wrote elaborate pieces for harp, violin, viol, and lute. 

The other favourite medium in early English chamber music was 
the consort of viols, instruments of the same tone-colour. In this 
type of consort the requirement, as in the broken consort, was for 


1 Part III (Wolfenbüttel, 1619); modern reprint by E. Bernoulli (Leipzig, 1916). 
* Reprinted by Sydney Beck (New York, 1959); see also Dart, ‘Morley’s Consort 
Lessons of 1599’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, \xxiv (1947-8), p. 1. 


584 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


audibility of all instruments as well as for clear differentiation of the 
parts. However, the special tone quality of the viols, tender, slightly 
thin and somewhat nasal, yet very definite in timbre, enabled each 
instrumental part to be heard and the polyphonic network to be 
clearly recognizable. 

Works written for ensembles of viols are very numerous. Two-part 
pieces in the style of the old bicinia were composed around 1600 by 
Whythorne, Morley, East, and others;! they show much progress 
towards freer instrumental writing. There are also large numbers of 
works for four or five parts. Yet among the various combinations 
those for a so-called ‘chest of viols' became most popular after 1600. 
A ‘chest’ included either three or six viols: either one treble, one 
tenor and one bass, or two of each of these pitches. Playing on viols 
was extremely fashionable during the early decades of the seven- 
teenth century, and with all this intense cultivation of music for 
ensembles of viols the style of instrumental writing became the most 
advanced in all Europe. The technical standard of playing rose 
quickly, and the liveliness of the parts surpassed anything so far pro- 
duced in the way of string playing. In many cases the polyphonic 
vitality of English chamber music was quite extraordinary: 


Dance music, too, sometimes showed intricate *polyphonic concer- 
tante’ as in this passage from a six-part pavane? by Orlando Gibbons: 


1 See, for instance, Morley's instrumental pieces in his First Booke of Canzonets to 
Two Voyces (London, 1595), reprinted by Fellowes as Nine Fantasies for Two Viols 
(London, 1928) and in D. H. Boalch's complete edition of the Canzonets (Oxford, 1950). 

2 Opening of no. 8 of Orlando Gibbons's Fantasies of Three Parts (London, c. 1610 
or later); reprinted by Rimbault (London, 1843) and Fellowes (London, 1924); no. 3 
from the same set is recorded in The History of Music in Sound (H.M.V.), iv. 

* Ed. Fellowes (London, 1925). 


CHAMBER MUSIC IN ENGLAND 585 


Instrumental solo playing in early Jacobean chamber music was 
only a logical consequence of this development of an instrumental 
style. The treble melody often became the most important part of 
the ensemble, partly under the influence of vocal airs, canzonets, and 
madrigals, partly owing to the influx of Italian elements of style. 
Yet the bass part, too, became increasingly prominent, in particular 
in combination with a lute, theorbo, pandora, or other plucked 
instrument. Such combinations can be found in publications and 
manuscripts by Thomas Ford, Tobias Hume, Francis Pilkington, 
Daniel Norcombe, and others. In England solo playing developed not 
as a new expressive and emotional art as in Italy but asa result of the 
elaborate and delicate instrumental liveliness of polyphonic ensemble- 
playing. After 1600 the bass viol became the solo instrument par 
excellence, a fact which is reflected in passages or whole virtuoso 
pieces. Such solos occur either in pieces for a complete ‘chest’ such 
as this six-part fantasia by Thomas Lupo, where parts 5 and 6 are for 
two bass viols:! 


| 
| 


| | 
N 


| 


ı Oxford, Christ Church, MS. 2. 


586 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


or when several bass viols are grouped together. Bass viol duos were 
composed in plenty by Alfonso Ferrabosco, jr., Michael East, Simon 
Ives, Richard Deering, John Coperario, and many others. Yet 
English composers adjusted themselves only very slowly to the idea 
of the Italian sonata a tre. There are works for two treble viols of 
equal pitch plus one bass viol by Gibbons, Lupo, and others, but at 
the beginning of the seventeenth century such combinations were 
exceptional. So are duets for virginals and bass-viol like those in the 
little volume entitled Parthenia In-Violata (c. 1625). 

The rich and lively figuration in English chamber music did not 
preclude expressive melody or profound emotion. Perhaps the most 
telling examples of deep sentiment in early instrumental music are 
certain pieces by Coperario,? Deering, Holborne, and Dowland, 
especially the famous set of pavanes by the last composer, entitled 
Lachrymae or Seaven Teares, figured in Seaven passionate Pavans 
(London, 1605). It was this kind of music which must have inspired 
Spenser, Ben Jonson, and other poets to sing of music and its magic 
beauty as they did. 

As in most sixteenth-century polyphony, the contrapuntal struc- 
ture of early seventeenth-century English chamber music was largely 
based on the technique of imitation, with section after section built 
up in a way which anticipates the classical fugue. Yet the thematic 
material itself underwent considerable changes: it became more and 
more characteristically shaped, clearly defined, and altogether more 
significant from the point of view of invention. Bolder and more indi- 
vidual thematic subjects became frequent in English music after 1600: 


Ex. 262 
(i) JOHN WARD 3 


1 Facsimile, and practical edition by Dart (New York, 1961). 

3 For instance, the Fantasia for four viols, Oxford, Christ Church, MS. 2, and Bodl. 
F. 568-9, printed in Meyer, English Chamber Music, p. 262, and recorded in The History 
of Music in Sound, iv. 3 Fantasia for four viols, Musica Britannica, ix, p. 37. 


CHAMBER MUSIC IN ENGLAND 587 


DU ALFONSO FERRABOSCO THE YOUNGER 


Much of this new life and vigour was inspired by popular music, 
which had enlivened the style of English composers since the days of 
Elizabeth. Popular songs and dance tunes were incorporated in many 
fantasias, pavanes, grounds, and other instrumental pieces. Apart 
from the ‘Browning’ mentioned above and literal quotations of 
popular tunes in works by Gibbons, Byrd, Morley, and Ford, there 
is a popular strain in the works of many, indeed most, other com- 
posers. This appears in their melodic behaviour no less than in their 
wholesale acceptance of the major and minor keys and in the final 
elimination of the modes. 

The climax of creative activity among English instrumental com- 
posers was reached during the years 1605 to 1620. After 1620 the 
happy unity of musical composition was disrupted— perhaps because 
the nation's life began to be disrupted by political and social changes. 
The gap between the art of the common people and that of the edu- 
cated and privileged classes was widened enormously. Many com- 
posers became separated from the wider public, a fact which is 
manifest in their search for the uncommon, in a certain intricacy and 
in sometimes extraordinary experiments. Chromatic adventures, for 
instance, occur in works by Thomas Tomkins, such as this opening 
of a six-part fantasia :1 


1 Ed. Fellowes (London, 1939). 


588 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


New and strange key-relationships were tried out, and in the hands of 
some composers contrapuntal science almost recalled the intricacies 
of late fifteenth-century Netherland polyphony. 

The greatest composer of instrumental music of the period 1620- 
48 and one of the most advanced composers of chamber music 
anywhere during the seventeenth century was William Lawes,! Court 
composer to Charles I up to his death in 1645. On the one hand 
his works still maintain some of the vigour and popular flavour of 
earlier chamber music; on the other, they are characterized by a new 
and greatly increased contrapuntal liveliness, by a highly original 
concertante style in all instruments, by daring harmonic conceptions, 
and by impressive melodic invention which covers a wide range of 
emotion. Some of Lawes's innovations concern the use of instru- 
ments; he often wrote for violins instead of viols, chromatic harps 
instead of lutes and theorbos. His keyboard parts are not always mere 
bases for improvisation by the continuo player, but elaborate, com- 
pletely worked-out parts, as in this passage from a Fantasia for 
violin, bass viol, and harpsichord :? 


1 Select Consort Music, ed. Murray Lefkowitz, Musica Britannica, xxi (revised edition, 
London, 1971). 
* Oxford, Bodl. MS. B. 2-3. 


CHAMBER MUSIC IN ENGLAND 589 


Basso continuo parts appear, however, in other works by Lawes. 
With increasing Italian influence, a more harmonic conception of 
music developed side by side with the polyphonic style of the 
fantasias with which so many English composers continued to be 
occupied. 

One of Lawes's most important contributions to the new chamber 
music was his planning of formal structure; he conceived a work asa 
whole much more than his predecessors had done. The plan is often 
dramatic. There are extraordinarily impressive climaxes, sometimes 
built on pedals. This is also true of some of the works of John 
Jenkins, who began to compose during Lawes's lifetime, but who 
really belongs to a later period. 

Side by side with the evolved magnificence and brilliance of Lawes, 
stood the work of another school which inclined to simplify the 
style of chamber music, in some cases even to oversimplify it. The 
problematic and profound were avoided by such composers as John 
Okeover, Richard Mico, Martin Peerson, Henry Loosemore, and 
Thomas Brewer. Occasionally, fine directness and cheerful vitality 
were achieved through this homophonic treatment of fantasias and 
dances, as in this Fantasia for four viols by Simon Ives:! 


! [bid. MS. C. 64-69 


590 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


The influence of English chamber music in continental countries 
was marked and it was certainly enhanced by the activities of excel- 
lent English artists working abroad, among whom William Brade, 
Peter Philips, Thomas Simpson, and Valentine Flood were out- 
standing; they made vital contributions to the development of 
instrumental music particularly in Germany and the Scandinavian 
countries. Brade especially was a spirited, inventive, and often pro- 
found composer, notably in the field of dance music: witness the 
opening of this allemande from his Newe auserlesene Paduanen, 
Galliarden . . . (Hamburg, 1609).! 


NU es Е = 


1 Brade’s Newe auserlesene Paduanen have been reprinted in Engelke’s Musik und 
Musiker am Gottorfer Hofe (Breslau, 1930); the allemande is printed complete in 
Schering’s Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen (Leipzig, 1931), p. 161. A number of 
pieces by Brade and two dances from Thomas Simpson’s Opusculum neuer Pauanen 
(Frankfurt, 1610) are reprinted in the appendix to Giinther Oberst, Englische Orchester- 
suiten um 1600 (Wolfenbiittel, 1929). 


CHAMBER MUSIC IN ENGLAND 591 


Many compositions by the above masters as well as by Gibbons, 
Dowland, Holborne, and others were published in continental collec- 
tions, and their forms and styles were eagerly taken over by com- 
posers of the countries where they were issued; for instance, the 
German composer Lechner (d. 1606) wrote a pavane ‘Lachrymae’ 
in homage to Dowland. 


FRANCE 


Some Frenchmen during the first half of the seventeenth century 
worked along the same lines as the Elizabethan composers of fan- 
tasias. The best known of these are Claude Lejeune, Eustache du 
Caurroy, Henry de La Voye, Nicolas Métru, Charles Guillet, Louis de 
Moy, and Antoine de Cousu.! None of these achieved great origin- 
ality; there is a certain scholastic element in their music, perhaps 
least in some of the Fantaisies à III, IV, V et VI parties by du Caurroy 
(Paris, 1610)? which contain some exquisite polyphonic work built 
around French popular song; by Henri Lejeune of whom Mersenne 
(1636) quotes a fantaisie à 5 (it is really more like a pavane); and by 
Nicolas Métru (1642) whose Fantaisies à 2 are more advanced than 
those of other contemporary composers in that they foreshadow the 
one-subject fugue of the Bach type. The most important composer 
working in France was the Belgian Henry Dumont whose Meslanges 
(Paris, 1657), containing a few instrumental as well as vocal items, 
continue and further develop all that is best in the ancient Nether- 
land tradition and the English style. There are some highlights among 
his almans, notably this piece from the Meslanges:: 


THE NETHERLANDS 
In the Low Countries the times were not favourable to the cultiva- 
tion of chamber music. The religious and political conflicts of the 
sixteenth century, with the consequent reshaping of social life, 
1 See Denise Launay, "La fantaisie en France jusqu'au milieu du XVII siècle’, La 


Musique instrumentale de la Renaissance (ed. Jean Jacquot) (Paris, 1955). 
? Five numbers reprinted by Expert (Paris, 1910). 


592 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


effected a complete breach of musical tradition. It took two genera- 
tions before the stage was set, about the middle of the seventeenth 
century, for a new flowering of instrumental ensemble music in the 
Netherlands, under conditions entirely different from those of the 
pre-Reformation Netherland schools. 

Between 1600 and 1650 respectable if eclectic attempts to reconcile 
the old-style ricercar with the more recent Gabrieli type of canzon 
were made by Cornelius Schuyt, Simon Lohet, Christoph Cornet, 
Vredeman, and others. Jean (Giovanni) de Macque, a pupil of de 
Monte’s, was an exception in so far as he became a pioneer of instru- 
mental coloratura, but he really belongs to Italy as most of his work 
as a composer was done there.! As in France, music was written for 
ensembles of lutes by such men as Thysius, Van den Hove, Valletus, 
and Adriaensen. 


GERMANY 

Instrumental ensemble music was much more alive in all parts of 
Germany, although that country by no means represented a single 
cultural unit, and some of the innumerable small courts, maintaining 
cultural relations with other countries, especially with Italy, Poland, 
and England, achieved much higher musical levels than others. The 
most advanced centres were the courts of Saxony and Bavaria, and 
some of the towns of the Hansa League, especially Hamburg, Lübeck, 
and Frankfurt. 

The only division recognizable in early seventeenth-century German 
music is into regional schools— Northern, Central, and Southern— 
each of which developed certain features of its own. Even this division 
was anything but rigid; there were numerous cross-currents and 
cultural exchanges. On the whole northern Germany, socially and 
culturally the most conservative, preserved for the longest time re- 
mains of the old Netherland polyphony, but was at the same time the 
most open to the influx of elements of English polyphonic music. 
Thomas Avenarius, Nikolaus Bleyer, Hans Hake, Antonius Mors, 
Bartholomaeus Praetorius, Samuel Scheidt, and Heinrich Utrecht 
belonged to this group. In southern Germany there was a greater 
fondness for harmonically accompanied melody. Italian influences, 
largely entering through Vienna, determined much of the style of 
such composers as Hans Leo Hassler, Valentin Hausmann, Paul 
Peuerl, Johann Staden, and Melchior Franck. Some of the central 
German composers naturally combined in their work elements of 


1 See p. 641. 


GERMANY 593 


both north and south, a tendency that culminated in the music of 
Johann Hermann Schein. 

There are, however, certain features which distinguish German 
musical life as a whole from that of other countries. During the first 
half of the seventeenth century the Stadtpfeiffer (town waits) and 
private music-making groups such as students were more important 
for the development of instrumental music than were most of the 
courts. The Protestant Church, too, assisted in the development of 
instrumental music: witness the numerous orchestral establishments 
in the larger churches where canzoni, sonatas, intradas, and chorale 
variations were performed. Popular melody also played an important 
part;! the incorporation of German popular song in 'art-music' not 
only greatly vitalized the work of German masters but also gave it 
originality, distinguishing it from the styles of other countries. 

Canzon, sonata, and ricercar were cultivated by several excellent 
musicians of the period about 1600: Michael Praetorius, Hassler, 
Hausmann, Aichinger, Valentin Dretzel, Schein, Scheidt, Erasmus 
Widmann, and others. These were still living forms with clearly 
defined functions in musical life: quite a large number of the non- 
dance pieces (and several collections of dances, too, for that matter) 
were scored for wind instruments chiefly for performance by town 
bands--Turmmusik (‘tower-music’) as it was called later on in the 
seventeenth century. The Italian Girolamo Fantini in Dresden, 
himself a trumpeter, issued such a collection at Frankfurt in 1638; 
the third volume of Johann Erasmus Kindermann's Deliciae Studio- 
sorum (Nuremberg, 1643) is for cornetts, trombones, flutes (recorders), 
and bassoons; some of the items in Schein's Banchetto musicale 
(Leipzig, 1617)? are for four Krumbhorns (cromornes). Matthias 
Spiegler’s Olor Solymaeus (Ravensburg, 1631) includes canzoni for 
cornetts and bassoons; Valentin Colerus's Neue lustige liebliche und 
artige Intraden Taentze und Gagliarden (Jena, 1605) include a number 
of items for Zincken (cornetts). 

Some aspects of early German ‘free’ instrumental music may strike 
one as somewhat mechanical compared with the achievements of 
other countries. There are, for instance, long chains of sequences 
even in instrumental introductions to some of the vocal compositions 
of Schütz himself, rows of literal repetitions of quite unimportant 
little figures, and a certain tendency towards a too obvious metrical 


1 See, for instance, Meyer, ‘L’élément populaire dans les danses instrumentales alle- 
mandes jusqu'à la Guerre de Trente Ans', La Musique instrumentale de la Renaissance, 
p. 139. 

* Reprinted by Arthur Prüfer, Johann Hermann Schein's Werke, i (Leipzig, 1901). 


594 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


symmetry. Yet, side by side with such products of handicraft rather 
than art, stand works of great depth and pathos, ranking with the 
most imposing achievements of early seventeenth-century music. 

The most important field of early seventeenth-century German 
instrumental work, however, was dance music. The forms were those 
in general use in Europe. Pavane and galliard dominated German 
dance composition up to 1610, but became gradually less important 
during the following years. There were, further, allemande, sarabande, 
corante, tripla, passamezzo, volta, mascarade, saltarello, ballett, 
bransle (Brande), to which must be added a number of marches (some 
are called Englisch Marsch) as well as introductory pieces such as 
Auffzug and Intrade (a particularly popular form) and movements 
called simply German, French, Italian, Spanish, or Polish dance. 
Many of these dances were published with words and could be either 
sung or played. 

The output of dance music in all parts of Germany at the beginning 
of the seventeenth century was tremendous. Much more frequently 
than in other countries, composers grouped several dances together, 
thus producing suites. This technique, continuing the tradition of the 
old dance-pairs,! was at first at least partly inspired by the work of 
English composers resident in Germany, such as Brade and Simpson. 
Yet it became more and more a habit among German composers. 
The suites of some masters were based on the variation principle, 
which again had been found in the dance-pairs but was now ex- 
tended to three, four, five, or even more different movements. Paul 
Peuerl, for instance, published his Newe Padouan Intrada Däntz 
unnd Galliarda (Nuremberg, 1611)? in suites of four dances, all four 
being based on transformations of the same material? Paul Rivander 
made up variation suites of paduan (pavan), intrada, dantz, and 
currante, and Schein’s suites contain paduan, gagliarda, courente, 
allemande, and tripla, all being different versions (in varying rhythms) 
of the same basic theme, as is shown by the incipits of the tenth suite 
of the Banchetto musicale: 


Ex. 268 
PADUAN 


1 See Vol. III, pp. 416 and 451. 

* Reprinted by Karl Geiringer in Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, Jg. 36% 
(vol. Ixx). 

3 The padouan and intrada from Peuerl's third suite are recorded in The History of 
Music in Sound, iv. 


GERMANY 595 


GAGLIARDA (theme in the base) 


Block harmonies are characteristic of many of these early German 
dances, to most of which people still really danced. Stylization of 
dances was still the exception rather than the rule in Germany, 
whereas in England and Italy after 1600 dances were often stylized 
as more or less ‘free’ forms. Yet polyphonic life there was in plenty, 
too, in the more ambitious types of dance in Germany, notably the 
pavanes, galliards, and intradas. There is wonderful vitality and 
variety in this music, alike in its rich harmonic life, its colourful and 
often popular melodies, and especially its rhythms, as in this ballet 
for four instruments by Paul Scháffer:! 


1 From Pratum Musicale (Leipzig, 1622). 


596 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


The development of instrumental ensemble music, as of all other 
music in Germany, was seriously retarded after 1620 by the Thirty 
Years War. Ravaged by hordes of foreign mercenaries, its popula- 
tion decimated by murder, starvation, and disease, and the survivors 
living in constant horror and fear, Germany offered little opportunity 
for such enjoyments as the playing of musical instruments. Composi- 
tion stagnated. In the few places where any musicians were still 
writing, composers right up to the middle of the seventeenth century 
mostly wrote in the style of the old Gabrieli canzon (Paul Siefert 
(d. 1666) and Thomas Strutius (d. 1678) at Danzig, Hentzschel at 
Thorn, Johann Klemm (d. 1657) at Zwickau, and others). 

Few retained enough of their creative stimulus to keep up the high 
level of instrumental composition, other than dance music, which had 
been reached at the beginning of the century. The most important of 
these were Scheidt (Symphonien auff Concert-Manier, Leipzig, 1644),1 
Kindermann (Deliciae Studiosorum, Nuremberg, 1640-3), Johann 
Schop (Erster (und ander) Theil neuer Paduanen . . . , Hamburg, 1633) 
and Johannes Andreas Herbst (Musica Poetica, Nuremberg, 1643). 
The highest degree of originality and artistic perfection was achieved 
by Johann Vierdanck of Stralsund whose two instrumental collections 
(both Rostock, 1641) contain dances as well as sonatas, canzoni, 
and capricci and include true masterpieces, some of them specially 
written for wind instruments. All of these are equally remarkable 
for their flexible contrapuntal writing, their melodic eloquence, and 
their advanced instrumental style, witness this excerpt from his Sonata 
for cornett and as trombones, with basso continuo: 


Ex. 270 


CORNETTO ` 
TROMBONE 1 


TROMBONE 2 
TRENE $*BC 


1 Fifteen of which have.been reprinted by Hermann Keller (Mainz, 1939), with the 
editor's hypothetical reconstruction of the lost second treble part. 


GERMANY 597 


ar 


Another of Vierdanck’s compositions, a Sonata a 5 on an old German 
students’ song (‘Als ich einmal Lust bekam’), is unique for its use of 
instrumental unisono; there are several episodes, interrupting fugal 
developments of the tune, where the tune itself is played in octaves 
and unison by all the instruments. 

If ‘free’ chamber music fared badly in consequence of the war, the 
output of dance music, formerly the bulk of German instrumental 
composition, ceased almost completely in the late 1620’s, when 
Wallenstein’s and Tilly’s armies swept across Germany and the war 
began to make itself felt everywhere. Here is indeed a case of a highly 
developed branch of art being completely destroyed by war—not 
exhausted or overtaken by more powerful factors within musical 
history itself but broken off at the height of its flowering. The follow- 
ing lists! speak for themselves; the first shows the dates of the often 
very large collections of dances which appeared in Germany from 
1601 to 1628. (It is by no means complete, as it does not include 
manuscript material): 


1601 Demantius, Hassler. 

1602 Hausmann, Steuccius (two publications). 

1603 Franck, Groh, Hausmann. 

1604 Franck, Groh, Hausmann (two publications), Mercker, Steuccius. 

1605 Colerus, Franck. 

1606 Fritsch, Staden. 

1607 Fiillsack-Hildebrand. 

1608 Demantius, Franck. 

1609 Brade, Fiillsack-Hildebrand, Lyttich, Mercker, Schein, Staden, 
Thesselius. 

1610 Franck, Hase, Lyttich (two publications), Möller, Staden, Simpson. 

1611 Franck, Groh, Otto, Peuerl. 

1612 Krumbhorn, Möller, Michael Praetorius. 

1613 Demantius, Peuerl, Rivander, Völckel, Widmann. 

1614 Brade, Büchner, Franck, Mercker, Selich. 

1615 Gesius, Hassler, Lütkemann, Mors, Selich. 

1616 Eichhorn, Engelmann, Hagius, Bartholomaeus Praetorius. 

1617 Brade, Engelmann, Schein, Schultz, Simpson. 


1 Full titles of all these works may be found in the author's Die mehrstimmige Spiel- 
musik des 17. Jahrhunderts (Kassel, 1934). 


598 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


1618 Posch, Schäffer, Staden, Widmann. 

1619 Brade, Christenius (two publications). 

1620 Altenburg, Oberndörffer, Peuerl, Bartholomaeus Praetorius. 

1621 Brade, Posch, Scheidt, Simpson. 

1622 Amoenitatum Hortulus (anonymous), Engelmann, Schäffer, Scheidt, 
Schultz. 

1623 Franck (two publications). 

1624 Büchner, Roth, Utrecht. 

1625 Franck, Peuerl, Schein, Staden. 

1626 Farina, Hetz, Posch, Schäffer. 

1627 Farina (two publications), Franck, Michael. 

1628 Bleyer, Farina (two publications). 


Thus 106 publications of dance music were issued during the first 
twenty-eight years of the century. The second list contains the names 
of composers who published dance music from 1629 to 1648, the 
years when the war was at its worst: 


1629 Vintzius. 

1630 Avenarius, Michael. 
1631 Cramer. 

1632 —— 

1633 —— 

1634 Schop. 

1635 —— 

1636 Hammerschmidt. 
1637 —— 

1638 Fantini. 

1639 Hammerschmidt. 
1640 Kindermann. 

1641 Vierdanck. 

1642 Bleyer, Kindermann (two publications). 
1643 Reuffius. 

1649 Neubauer. 


Thus only fourteen collections appeared during the last twenty 
years of the war. 


POLAND AND BOHEMIA 

There must have been a great deal of instrumental composition 
in Poland, judging from the large number of Polish dances that 
appeared in German publications, such as the collections by 
Christenius, Demantius, Hänisch, Hausmann, Schäffer, and Vintzius. 


1 See Alicja Simon, Polnische Elemente in der deutschen Musik bis zur Zeit der Wiener 
Klassiker (Zürich, 1916). 


599 


POLAND AND BOHEMIA 


Some of these dances are called Choreae Polonicae or simply taniec 
polski. The popularity of early Polish dances in Germany was only 


Poland, and Bohemia. The main reason for the widespread cultiva- 


partly due to the close political and cultural relations between Saxony, 
tion of Polish dances was their popular charm. 


The melodic element is very prominent in these pieces. Popular 
musicians formed themselves into bands of three, four, or five players 
of fiddles, double basses, Polish zithers, and other plucked instru- 


there is little 


imitation or syncopated counterpoint which might hide the rhythmic 


vitality and directness. This 


H 


ments, as well as flutes, bagpipes, and even trumpets or shawms, and 
there must have been plenty of raucous fun in the music-making of 


these groups. Rhythm in Polish dances is marked too; 


“Polish Dance’ from Demantius’s 77 


Newe außerlesene liebliche zierliche Polnischer und Teutscher Art 


Tänze (Nuremberg, 1601) is typical: 


Ip 
dë 
= 
= 


li 
M 

li 
ШЕ 


| 
| 
[ 
Ih 


600 CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


An enormous Duma of 1589! abounds in extraordinary accents and 
hiatus: 


Ex. 272 


The lively rhythms and melodies of Polish folk music reappear in 
the works of some of the Court composers. The instrumental music 
of one of the most important of these, Adam Jarzebski, contained in a 
manuscript collection of Canzoni e Concerti a due tre e quattro voci 
cum basso continuo, contains popular elements, sometimes borrowed 
from other countries. Jachimecki? sees in this Tamburetta a 3* a 
*fiery Spanish dance’: 

Ex. 273 


This Canzon a 4,5 on the other hand, has a marked Polish flavour: 
Ex.274 


Vivace 


1 Reprinted by Marja Czepanska and Tadeusz Ochlewski, Wydawnictwo dawnej muzyki 
polskiej, viii (Warsaw, n.d.); but it is possible that this is a vocal composition which has 
lost its text, see Hieronim Feicht, ‘Muzyka w okresie polskiego baroku', Z dziejów 
polskiej kultury muzycznej (ed. Z. M. Szweykowski), i (Cracow, 1957), p. 155, n. 82. 

? Wroclaw (Breslau) Municipal Library, MS. Mus. 111, dating from 1627; see J. J. 
Dunicz, Adam Jarzebski i jego Canzoni e Concerti (Lwów, 1938). 

s Historja muzyki polskiej (Warsaw, 1920), p. 88. 

* Wydawnictwo, xi. 5 Wydawnictwo, ibid. 


POLAND AND BOHEMIA 601 


The same is true of some of the fantasias and canzoni of Marcin 
Mielczewski.! 

In Bohemia and Moravia original Slav elements did not appear 
conspicuously until after 1648; before that date activity had been 
centred on the Prague Court which had close associations with Italy 
and Vienna. Yet there was considerable interchange of elements of 
style between Czech popular music and German music. It is signifi- 
cant that some of the leading composers of early instrumental music 
were born and brought up in Bohemia or neighbouring countries 
(Valerius Otto, Christoph Demantius, Eusebius Bohemus, Isaak 
Posch, Andreas Hammerschmidt) and their work bears traces of the 
melodic freshness and rhythmic interest characteristic of Slavonic 
music; pieces like this Intrada by the Prague composer Valerius 
Otto:? 


are so strikingly similar to modern national dances such as the first 
of Dvofäk’s Slavonic Dances (Op. 46, No. 1), that one is tempted to 
surmise the existence of a common source: Czech folk music. 


1 Wydawnictwo, vi and xxix. 
2 From Newe Paduanen, Galliarden, Intraten und Currenten (Leipzig, 1611). 


XII 
SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


By WiLLI APEL 


THE YOUNGER CAVAZZONI 
THE history of Italian keyboard music down to 1530, told in Chapter 
XII of the previous volume, culminates in the work of Marco 
Antonio Cavazzoni; the present chapter opens with that of his son. 
In 1542 and 1543 there appeared at Venice two books of far-reaching 
importance, entitled respectively Intavolatura cioé recercari canzoni 
Himni Magnificati composti per Hieronimo de Marcantonio da 
Bologna, libro primo, and Intabolatura d'organo cioé Misse Himni 
Magnificati . . . libro secondo! In the dedication of these the author 
signs as Girolamo Cavazzoni and speaks of himself as *essendo in 
giovanissima eta’ and ‘ancor fanciullo’. From these remarks it would 
appear that Cavazzoni, the son of ‘Marcantonio da Bologna,” was 
born about 1525: he died in or after 1577. Unfortunately no later 
compositions by him are known. 

Cavazzoni's books make him appear as one of the most astonish- 
ing examples of youthful achievement in the history of music, perhaps 
without parallel except for Mozart and Mendelssohn. His composi- 
tions show an artistic maturity which one would expect to find at the 
end rather than the beginning of a creative career. Moreover they 
indicate an extraordinary advance in style and form over the works of 
earlier keyboard composers. The Gothic tradition which still lingers 
on in Schlick and Marco Antonio is completely abandoned by 
Cavazzoni, being replaced by the harmonious counterpoint, equal 
participation of all parts, and fully developed imitative technique of 
Josquin and Gombert. Particularly illuminating in this respect is a 
comparison of his ricercari with those of his father. While Marco 
Antonio's are vague effusions of a nondescript form, midway between 
pseudo-imitation and toccata style, those by Cavazzoni are the 
earliest known examples of the fully developed imitative ricercar. This 


` New editions by Giacomo Benvenuti, in J classici della musica italiana, vi (Milan, 
1919) and Mischiati (Mainz, 1958); the Libro primo only, also by Torchi in L'arte 
musicale in Italia, iii (Milan, 1898). 

2 See Vol. III, pp. 445 ff. 


THE YOUNGER CAVAZZONI 603 


is all the more remarkable as they are no mere copies of the con- 
temporary motet, but represent a type of imitative counterpoint with 
distinctive characteristics, as will be shown subsequently. It is almost 
impossible that a composer of only eighteen or twenty years could 
have achieved this without precedents, and it may be that perhaps 
Willaert composed organ ricercari, now lost, which served as models. 
It must be pointed out, however, that such models are not to be 
found among Willaert’s Fantasie et rechercari a tre voci accomo- 
date da cantare et sonare (Venice, 1549);! these are not for organ but 
for an ensemble of melody instruments or (vocalizing) singers, as is 
shown by the fact that they were published in part-books. Their 
principles of style and form differ markedly from those of Cavazzoni's 
ricercari, being much closer to those of the motet. The same remark 
applies to other sixteenth-century instrumental ricercari which have, 
rather misleadingly, been presented as organ music, e.g. the publica- 
tions of Tiburtino, Buus, and Annibale Padovano. (This does not 
exclude the possibility that they were occasionally played on the 
organ.) 

The four ricercari by Cavazzoni may be described as compositions 
in which several themes are treated in successive sections of imitation. 
In contrast, the motet may be defined as a composition in which 
several motives are treated in successive points of imitation. In fact, 
the ricercar, though doubtless derived from the motet, differs from 
it mainly in the fuller imitative treatment of the subjects and, con- 
sequently, in the lesser number of subjects, if pieces of comparable 
length are considered. In a motet a thematic idea is imitated nor- 
mally four or five times, while the number goes up to eight, nine, 
thirteen, seventeen, and nineteen in Cavazzoni's ricercari. As a 
result, the motive of the motet becomes a theme, and the passing 
point of imitation, a fugal section. As a concomitant of this difference 
(which becomes even more apparent in the later ricercari, by Andrea 
Gabrieli and others), there is a tendency toward full cadential endings 
in the ricercar, as compared with the continuous style of the motet, 
in which the successive points of imitation usually overlap. More- 
over, Cavazzoni repeatedly adds a passage in free toccata style at 
the end of a section, an element entirely foreign to the motet. On 
the other hand, sections in chordal style, which are often found in 
the motets, are absent from the ricercari except, occasionally, in the 
closing bars. Finally, it may be noticed that free part-writing (introduc- 
tion of an additional part in certain passages, or an extra note in a 

1 Reprinted 1559: see p. 558, n. 2. 


604 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


chord) is very frequent in the ricercari of Cavazzoni, although less so 
in those of his successors.! 

The following are diagrams of two ricercari by Cavazzoni. A, B, 
C represent thematic sections, and the figures indicate the number of 
statements of the theme in each section. A straight dash designates 
continuation in free counterpoint, without imitation, while a wavy 
line indicates a passage in toccata style: 


Ricercar I Ricercar П 
АЈ B| C —/ D —/ E — ^^ — АЈ B/ CI Dj E/ EI G~; Н /I 
5 17 5 4 4 7763 49 8 13 7 


Cavazzoni's first book also contains two canzoni, *sopra Il & bel e 
bon’ and ‘sopra Falt d’argens’. The latter is of particular interest, 
since it uses the thematic material of Josquin's chanson 'Fault 
d'argens', but in a different contrapuntal elaboration.? It therefore 
represents an important step between mere arrangements of chansons 
and entirely independent keyboard canzoni. 

Apart from his four ricercari and two canzoni, all the compositions 
by Cavazzoni are liturgical pieces: three organ Masses (‘Missa 
Apostolorum', * Missa Dominicalis', and * Missa de Beata Virgine"), 
twelve hymns (inni), and four Magnificats (primi, quarti, sexti, and 
octavi toni). The organ Masses consist of a number of short organ 
pieces to be used in alternation with plainsong.? The first two Masses 
provide organ music for all five movements of the Ordinary of the 
Mass, while in the third the Credo is omitted. On the other hand, 
this Mass is amplified by a number of pieces based on Gloria tropes, 
namely, ‘Spiritus et alme’, ‘Primogenitus’, ‘Mariam sanctificans’, 
‘Mariam gubernans’, and ‘Mariam coronans’. The ‘Missa Aposto- 
lorum” is based on the plainsong of Mass IV (‘ Missa Cunctipotens’). 
The following diagram illustrates the alternating performance of the 
organ Mass (organ pieces are represented by italics): 


Kyrie Kyrie Kyrie. Christe Christe Christe. Kyrie (‘Chirie quartus’) 
Kyrie Kyrie. 

Gloria in excelsis Deo. Et in terra pax hominibus bonae voluntatis. Lau- 
damus te. Benedicimus te. Adoramus te. Glorificamus te. . . . 


1 For more details see Willi Apel, ‘The Early Development of the Organ Ricercar’, 
Musica Disciplina, iii (1949), p. 139, which should be consulted also for Andrea Gabrieli 
and Merulo. 

3 Both compositions are reproduced in Davison and Apel, Historical Anthology of 
Music, i (Cambridge, Mass., 1946), pp. 93 and 126. 

з See Vol. III, p. 424. 

* Also reprinted in Davison and Apel, op. cit., p. 123. 


THE YOUNGER CAVAZZONI 605 


Cavazzoni’s four compositions of the Magnificat generally follow 
the traditional method of providing organ pieces (versets) for the 
odd-numbered verses of the chant. For some reason verse 5 (‘Et 
misericordia") is omitted in all the four Magnificats, and verse 11 
(‘Gloria patri") is missing in the third. 

A point of special interest and significance is Cavazzoni's much 
freer attitude toward the plainsong melodies than that of other com- 
posers of the period. While Schlick, Attaingnant, and Cabezón use 
the Gregorian chants in their entirety and without modification 
other than the occasional insertion of ornamental figuration, Cavaz- 
zoni boldly converts them into new formations by selecting motives 
from them, adding or discarding notes, modifying the intervals, and 
making full use of the invigorating resources of rhythm. Another 
aspect of no small importance is that of the formal structure of the 
versets for the Mass and the Magnificat. The method most fre- 
quently used is to divide the canto fermo into two phrases, and to 
present the first of these in a short point of imitation, the second in a 
single statement in the soprano or another part. 


ANDREA GABRIELI 

Andrea Gabrieli! was the first of a series of composers who made 
Venice the most important centre of organ music in the second half 
of the sixteenth century. His organ compositions were all published 
posthumously between 1593 and 1605, by his nephew Giovanni, so 
that we have no external evidence as to when they were written, a 
fact all the more deplorable since his life spanned more than seventy 
years. Considerations of form and style support the view that, al- 
though he was probably somewhat older than Cavazzoni, his ricercari 
are of a later date than the latter's. The tendency, noticed in Cavaz- 
zoni, to distinguish the ricercar from the motet by the smaller num- 
ber and fuller treatment of the themes, is carried much further in the 
works of Gabrieli. Of the seventeen examples contained in his two 
books of Ricercari (Venice, 1595 and 1596)? only one has a number of 
themes comparable with those encountered in Cavazzoni, namely, 
five. Five have three themes, six have two, and the remaining five 
are monothematic. Another trait suggestive of a relatively late date 


1 See pp. 294 ff. and 566-7. 

3 Reprinted by Pidoux in his edition of Andrea Gabrieli's surviving keyboard works, 
ii and iii (Kassel, 1941-53); Pidoux's five volumes correspond to Books 1-Ш and V-VI 
of Gardano's edition. Book IV is completely lost, but three organ Masses, found in a 
manuscript collection at Turin, have been published by Sandro Dalla Libera (Milan, 
1958). . 


606 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


is the extensive use of stereotyped coloratura found in a number of 
Gabrieli's ricercari. Influenced by the late-sixteenth-century method 
of diminutio, Gabrieli frequently applies the standard patterns of 
this superficial practice, the trilli, gruppi, minute, and tirate, to the 
contrapuntal texture of his ricercari. The result of this method (which 
has its counterpart in the excessive decoration in book design, metal- 
work, and other handicraft of the late Renaissance) can be seen in 
the following example (Libro secondo, Ricercare del ПЁ tono): 


Finally it is important to notice that Gabrieli makes extensive use 
of those special devices of ‘learned counterpoint’ which subsequently 
became one of the most characteristic marks of the ricercar: stretto, 
inversion, diminution, augmentation, simultaneous combination of 
different themes, double counterpoint. Through the consistent use of 
such devices Gabrieli strengthened the position of the ricercar as a 
musical type in its own right, removing it even further from the motet. 
Below is a schematic analysis of some of his ricercari. The signs 
A* and A! indicate stretto and inversion. The combined use of two 
themes is indicated thus: A/B. 


Libro secondo, No. 5 (Pidoux II, no. 8): АЈ Bet Col Dei Es 
» terzo, No. 4 ( » II, no. 4): AN B 
» » No. 53( an П, по. 5): AN A/B 
» »  No.6( , П, no. 6): А/В Cs 


The no. 5 of this group is perhaps the most ‘ progressive’. Since the 


1 Pidoux, op. cit. iii, p. 28, and Tagliapietra, Antologia di musica antica e moderna 
per pianoforte, i (Milan, 1931), p. 76. 

2 In Apel, ‘The Early Development of the Organ Ricercar', Musica Disclipina, iii 
(1949), p. 147, this ricercar is wrongly labelled no. 6. 


ANDREA GABRIELI 607 


second theme (B) is hardly more than a characteristic counter- 
motive, it is essentially monothematic. 

Perhaps the most interesting example of contrapuntal elaboration 
is the Ricercar del duodecimo tono of the Libro secondo. It opens with 
a section of fifty-three bars in which a theme consisting of two phrases, 
A, and A,, is used, A, being the counterpoint to the thematic answer 
of A, (Ex. 277, i). Both parts of the theme are exploited in various 
combinations, the most interesting being that of A, with its own 
inversion, A,‘ (Ех. 277, ii). In bar 54 a new theme, B, is introduced 
and immediately presented in inversion and stretto (Ex. 277, iii), 
while later on A,, А», and B are combined in various ingenious ways 
(Ex. 277, iv-vi). It may benoticed that the last two of these examples 
involve double counterpoint at the lower fifth, in view of the different 
positions of B!. 


The method represented by the first of these illustrations (i) will 
henceforth be referred to as ‘duplex theme’ (A, з). It plays an im- 
portant role in the works of later composers, for instance, Frescobaldi.! 


1 A ricercar arioso by Gabrieli is recorded in The History of Music in Sound, iv. 


608 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


Passing over Andrea Gabrieli’s organ canzoni, printed in the 
Libro quinto (1605) and Libro sesto (1605),! we may turn to a brief con- 
sideration of his compositions in free style, the intonazioni and the 
toccatas.? The former are liturgical preludes, from twelve to sixteen 
bars in length, starting with solemn chords, and gradually introducing 
passage work in faster motion. Despite their shortness, they fully 
convey the impression of festive pomp which characterizes the 
Venetian school. In fact, they are a more convincing embodiment of 
this spirit than are the toccatas which, consisting of the same struc- 
tural elements but on a considerably larger scale, do not escape the 
danger of monotony inherent in so limited an idiom. 


CLAUDIO MERULO 

When Andrea Gabrieli was appointed second organist of St. 
Mark's, he succeeded a younger man, Claudio Merulo (1533-1604), 
who had held that position since 1557 and in his early thirties was 
promoted to the highest place an organist of that time could aspire 
to, that of the first organist of the same church. If the preference given 
to the younger man can be taken as a testimony of his outstanding 
organ playing, his excellence as a composer also appears in his organ 
works, particularly in his toccatas.? These represent a noteworthy 
advance over those of Andrea Gabrieli. Merulo amplified the formal 
structure of the toccata by the incorporation of sections in the style 
of the ricercar, usually in the arrangement T R T (T = free toccata; 
R — strict ricercar) or T R T R T. Moreover, he replaced the rigid 
and patterned toccata style of Gabrieli, Padovano, Diruta, and others 
by one of much greater subtlety and flexibility, using passage work 
of greatly varied and often truly expressive design, and dissolving 
the chordal blocks into contrapuntal progressions. At the same time, 
he imparted to these toccata sections a new element of strength and 
cohesion by a fuller realization of the functional significance of 
the harmonic idiom, often resulting in well-prepared and effective 
cadences. 

In addition to his two books of toccatas (Venice, 1598 and 1604) 


1 Pidoux, op. cit. iv and v. The libro sesto & ultimo was really a second edition of 
a volume published originally in 1571.—-Ed. 

* Published together by Gardano in the Libro primo (Venice, 1593), and reprinted in 
Pidoux, op. cit. i. 

* Complete edition, including also some toccatas from the Turin tablatures, by 
Dalla Libera, 3 vols. (Milan, 1958-9). Separate toccatas have been reprinted in Torchi, 
op. cit, iii; Tagliapietra, op. cit. ii; Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 168; Schering, Ge- 
schichte der Musik in Beispielen (Leipzig, 1931), p. 151, and elsewhere. 


CLAUDIO MERULO 609 


Merulo published three books of ricercari! (1567, 1607, 1608), of 
which only the first needs to be considered here. (The two others 
contain ricercari for four instruments.) In the eight ricercari of this 
book Merulo does not follow Gabrieli's tendency toward a small 
number of themes. Only one (no. 2) is monothematic, while others 
employ as many as seven or eight themes (nos. 8 and 1). Here fol- 
lows a diagram of three ricercari: 

No. 3: AN BIC 

No. 6: АЈ А/В С] С/у De 

No. 8: AJ Bj] С// Dei E*/ E/F /С 


In general, Merulo's contrapuntal style tends toward full har- 
monies, which render it more euphonious than those of Cavazzoni 
and Andrea Gabrieli but also less interesting from the point of view 
of true polyphony. His ricercari, like Gabrieli's, often suffer from 
a superabundance of stereotyped coloratura, as in the following 
example from his Ricercare del XII tono? 


Ex. 278 


ш. 
rv =e. 


L 25-4 
saga" 


ref 


Merulo’s Messe d’intavolatura (Libro IV, Venice, 1568) contains a 
‘Missa Apostolorum’, a “Missa in dominicis diebus’, and a ‘Missa 
Virginis Mariae’, each with selections for the Kyrie, Gloria, Sanctus, 
and Agnus Dei. In addition, there are three *Patrem' (Credos), one 
‘In dominicis diebus’, one * Angelorum,’ and one ‘Cardinalium’. In 
these compositions Merulo closely follows the tradition established 
by Cavazzoni’s organ masses. However, a stylistic comparison 
confirms the impression that he was not a contrapuntist of the first 

1 One ricercar is printed by Einstein, A Short History of Music (5th ed., with music, 


London, 1948), p. 247. 
$ Libro primo, no. 6; reprinted in Tagliapietra, op. cit. ii, p. 17. 


610 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


order. His three volumes of Canzoni d’intavolatura d’organo (Venice, 
1592, 1606, and 1611)! were long regarded as original keyboard 
compositions, in which the ornamentation was an essential part of 
the conception,? but some at least are transcriptions of unornamented 
canzoni for instrumental quartet.? 


GIOVANNI GABRIELI 

The last of the chief masters of sixteenth-century Italian keyboard 
music was Andrea Gabrieli’s nephew, Giovanni (1557-1612), who 
succeeded Merulo in 1586 as first organist of St. Mark’s. His 
intonazioni,* which he published together with those of his uncle, 
are very similar to these, though even shorter. His imitative com- 
positions, ricercari and canzoni, are remarkable mainly for their 
diversity of formal structure and stylistic means. One gets the im- 
pression that Giovanni, dissatisfied with the traditional approach, 
tried to find new possibilities, without, however, coming to a definite 
solution. One of his ricercari® is polythematic, but not polysectional. 
Its three themes are introduced from the outset and are treated 
simultaneously, in the manner of a triple fugue. Another ricercar? 
uses two themes in repeated alternation, so that the second theme 
may be said to provide the material for episodic interludes, especially 
since it is more lively than the first and is treated sequentially: 


Among the organ canzoni there is one of particular interest." 
It consists of nine sections, alternately in duple and triple metre. 


1 Libro primo reprinted by Pidoux (Kassel, 1941). 

3 See, for example, Kinkeldey, Orgel und Klavier in der Musik des 16. Jahrhunderts 
(Leipzig, 1910), p. 122. 

3 See Benvenuto Disertori’s edition of Sei Canzoni da sonar a 4 by Merulo (Milan, 
1950). 

* Reprinted in Torchi, op. cit. iii; other compositions in Tagliapietra, op. cit. ii. 
Complete edition of Giovanni's keyboard music by Dalla Libera, G. Gabrieli: Com- 
posizioni per organo (2 vols., Milan, 1957). See also G. S. Bedbrook's edition (Kassel 
and Basle, 1957). Four of these reprinted works (Libera, i, nos. 11, 12, 14, 15; Bedbrook, 
pp. 14, 22, 26, 30; Tagliapietra, nos. 21-24) are spurious. 

5 Tagliapietra, op. cit. ii, p. 70; Bedbrook, op. cit., p. 4; Libera, i, p. 38. 

* Tagliapietra, ii, p. 76; Bedbrook, p. 7; Libera, i, p. 19. * Libera, ii, p. 40. 


GIOVANNI GABRIELI 611 


The sections in duple metre are all identical so that the result is a 
rondo structure: 4 BA C A D A E A. The sections in triple metre are 
very similar to each other but at the same time sufficiently different 
to provide variety and change. No less remarkable than the form 
are details of style, especially the polychoral effects in the refrain. 
The following is an excerpt from this most attractive composition: 


Ex. 280 


Giovanni Gabrieli’s toccatas are similar to the intonazioni of 
Andrea Gabrieli, both in length and in style. The innovations of 
Merulo, especially the use of imitative sections, are conspicuously 
absent, except for one toccata! which, however, is anonymous and 
doubtfully Giovanni’s. 


MINOR ITALIANS OF THE CINQUECENTO 


Side by side with the four chief masters, Cavazzoni, Andrea 
Gabrieli, Merulo, and Giovanni Gabrieli, there worked numerous 
others of lesser importance, for instance, Vincenzo Pellegrini, 
Gioseffo Guami (c. 1540-1611, organist at Munich, Venice, and 
Lucca), Annibale Padovano (1527-75, organist at Venice and Graz), 
Giovan Paolo Cima (organist at Milan in 1609), Bertoldo Sperindio 
(c. 1530-c. 1590, organist at Padua), Luzzasco Luzzaschi (d. 1576, 
organist at Ferrara), and Costanzo Antegnati (b. 1557, organist at 
Brescia from 1584 to 1619).? Severalorgan composers who were active 
in Naples will be discussed later.? Brief mention may be made here 
of Girolamo Diruta's well-known treatise on organ-playing, 7/ Tran- 
silvano (Venice, I, 1593; II, 1609) which contains pieces (toccatas 
and ricercari) by Diruta himself, Banchieri, Quagliati, Bell'haver, 
Fattorini, Mortaro, and Romanini, to mention only names which 
have not previously been given.* 


1 Libera, i, p. 44; Bedbrook, p. 30; Tagliapietra, ii, p. 83. 

2 Examples of their work are reprinted in Torchi, op. cit. iii. Riemann reprinted a 
ricercar by Annibale Padovano, op. cit., p. 94; and Kinkeldey a toccata, op. cit., p. 301. 

3 See p. 641. 

* A canzone by Mortaro and four of Diruta's own compositions are reprinted by 
Carl Krebs as an appendix to his lengthy study of H Transilvano in Vierteljahrsschrift für 
Musikwissenschaft, viii (1892), pp. 379-88. 


612 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


CABEZON 

Although Spain’s contribution to our knowledge of sixteenth- 
century keyboard music is slight in quantity, it is of the highest 
significance, owing to the artistic greatness of its main—and almost 
sole—representative, Antonio de Cabezón (1500-66), the famous 
blind court organist of Charles V and Philip II. The majority of his 
extant compositions are contained in his Obras de müsica para tecla, 
harpa y vihuela . . ., published posthumously (Madrid, 1578) by his 
son, Hernando. Important additions, however, are preserved in an 
earlier collection published by Luys Venegas de Henestrosa under the 
title of Libro de cifra nueva para tecla, harpa y vihuela (Alcala, 1557).! 
It contains thirty-seven compositions ascribed to ‘Antonio’, who, no 
doubt, is Antonio de Cabezón. It is interesting to note that only one 
of these compositions, an ‘Ave maris stella' (no. 85), is duplicated in 
the Obras. Apparently Hernando, who knew Henestrosa's book 
(in a preserved letter he specified that it should be used as a model for 
his own publication), deliberately excluded compositions by his father 
which had already been published. It would be tempting to conclude 
that at least the majority of the pieces contained in the Obras were 
composed after the date of Henestrosa's book, and there are indeed 
certain considerations in favour of such a surmise. 

Cabezón's keyboard compositions include 29 tientos, 32 organ 
hymns, 9 organ settings for the Kyrie, 3 sets of versets, two for the 
psalmody and one for the Magnificat, 9 sets of variations, and several 
other pieces of various kinds. Tiento is the Spanish equivalent of the 
ricercar, as appears clearly from a study of Cabezón's examples. 
However, such a study shows also that he treated this type in a some- 
what different manner from that of the Italian school. Hardly any 
of his tientos show the consistent application of imitative treatment 
and learned devices found in the Italian ricercari, nor do they often 
contain ornamentations, as in Andrea Gabrieli and Merulo, or 
toccata passages, as in Cavazzoni; on the other hand, non-imitative 
contrapuntal sections, which Cavazzoni used modestly and Gabrieli 
abandoned, are frequent as well as extended in Cabezón. Instead 
of ‘non-imitative’ we should perhaps say ‘not strictly imitative', 
because these sections do involve imitation, but imitation of a very 


1 New edition of the Obras in Felipe Pedrell, Hispaniae schola musica sacra, iii, iv, vii, 
viii (Leipzig, 1895-8); of Henestrosa in Higini Anglès, La Musica en la corte de Carlos V 
(Barcelona, 1944). Easily available selections from the Obras have been published by 
M. S. Kastner (Mainz, 1951) and Apel in Musik aus früher Zeit, ii (Mainz, 1934). On the 
notation employed by Henestrosa and Cabezón, see p. 783. 

5 Obras, iii, p. 50: presumably a later, revised text. 


CABEZÖN 613 


subtle type which defies description or analysis in hard and fast 
terms. Motives appear and disappear, are transformed or briefly 
touched upon, leading to new developments. In their very subtlety of 
treatment these passages represent the most fascinating display of 
contrapuntal ingenuity in the entire organ music of the sixteenth 
century.! In most of Cabezón's tientos three or four themes are treated 
in strict imitation, the first in wide spacing, the others usually in 
stretto, and some or all of the imitating sections are followed by 
sections in free counterpoint. 

Some of the fientos in the Obras show novel traits which set them 
apart from the others and which no doubt indicate a later date 
of composition than that of Henestrosa's publication. While all the 
tientos contained in this book, as well as some of those in the Obras, 
proceed mostly in an unchanging motion of minims and crotchets, 
others contained in the Obras are remarkable for their variety of 
style and texture, involving quaver figurations, triplet formations, . 
chordal passages, and occasional short ornamentations in semi- 
quavers. The most impressive example of this group is the Tiento del 
primer tono,? with its quadruple diminution of the theme (Ex. 281, iii), 
its section in ‘French’ dotted rhythms (iii), and its grandiose perora- 
tion (iv) which anticipates the German chorale of the seventeenth 
century. In compositions like these can be seen the germs of the 
colourful and discursive style of Spanish organ music in the Baroque 
period. 


! See Almonte C. Howell, ‘Cabezón: an Essay in Structural Analysis’, Musical 
Quarterly, 1 (1964), p. 18. 2 Pedrell, op. cit. ii, p. 51. 


614 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


Cabezón's liturgical compositions, particularly the short versets, 
contain some of his most exquisite thoughts. An example such as the 
Versos del sexto tono, no. 4, clearly illustrates the spiritual kinship 
with J. S. Bach which has often been noted. 

Cabezón's variations are masterpieces which presuppose a long 
evolution in the hands of unknown predecessors.? It may be noticed 
that the system of barring used in the original sources and usually 
taken over by modern editors often obscures the rhythm and the 
character of the themes and, consequently, of the variations. For 
instance, in the first set of variations, entitled Diferencias? we find 
the theme given in Ex. 282 as (i). The true nature of this melody 
appears only if it is realized that it is actually in triple time (tempus 
perfectum), three bars of the original score forming one bar in the 
modern sense. By using a suitable reduction of the note-values we 
arrive at the version given as (ii). The notes written underneath the 
first bar represent the theme in its full and symmetrical form, in which 
it occurs in all the subsequent variations. Thus reconstructed, it turns 
out to be a slightly ornamented version of the melody (iii) which, 
under the name of * Romanesca' or ‘Guardame las vacas', was used 
by Spanish and Italian composers: 


1 Pedrell, op. cit. iii, р. 27, and Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 144. 

2 Kastner has presented a plausible case for the derivation of Cabezón's fabordones 
llanos and fabordones glosados from Arnolt Schlick's organ versets: see ‘Rapports entre 
Schlick et Cabezón', La Musique instrumentale de la Renaissance (ed. Jean Jacquot) 
(Paris, 1955), p. 217.—Ed. 

2 Pedrell, op. cit. vii, p. 70. 


CABEZÖN 615 


Here is a similar reconstruction of the theme used in the Diferencias 
sobre el canto de Cavallero:! 


Ex.283 
Original: J J | d 


Cabezón's method of variation is based on the principles of canto 
fermo treatment and ornamentation, the latter being used when the 
melody occurs in the top part, the former when it is placed in one of 
the lower parts. The ornamented soprano melody is usually supported 
by chordal blocks, while the presence of the theme in one of the 
lower parts naturally results in a more independent treatment of the 
surrounding voices. The variations on ‘La Pavana Italiana’ and ‘La 
dama le demanda”? (both on the same theme) may be singled out as 

! [bid. viii, p. 3; Kastner, op. cit., p. 1; Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 145. 

з Pedrell, op. cit. viii, pp. 6 and 10. The Differencias sobre la Pavana Italiana are 


also reprinted in Hermann Halbig, Klaviertänze des 16. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart, 1928), 
р. 16, and Apel, Masters of the Keyboard (Cambridge, Mass., 1947), p. 46. 


616 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


particularly impressive works. In spite of the secular nature of the 
theme, these compositions are imbued with an almost religious feeling 
of austerity and dark glowing intensity. 


MINOR SPANISH COMPOSERS 


Side by side with Cabezön there worked other organ composers 
known to us through a handful of pieces in Henestrosa’s publication. 
Pedro Alberch Vila (1517-82), famous organist of Barcelona, is repre- 
sented by two tientos (nos. 38, 39) of impressive dignity, in which free 
counterpoint largely supersedes imitative treatment. A fiento by 
Francisco de Soto (no. 50) and an anonymous tiento which has been 
attributed to him (no. 49) are of particular interest since they show 
Josquin’s paired-imitation? technique transferred to the organ, result- 
ing in echo effects which not only anticipate those of Sweelinck by 
half a century but also surpass them in artistic effect. 

Two well-known Spanish theorists, Juan Bermudo (Declaración de 
instrumentos musicales, Ossuna, 1549; enlarged edition, 1555) and 
Tomás de Santa María (Arte de tafier fantasia, Valladolid, 1565), also 
deserve mention in this account, because of the numerous composi- 
tions contained in their treatises.? Although these are all instructional 
pieces, designed to illustrate points in the text, many of them have 
independent value as examples of sixteenth-century Spanish organ 
style. Tomás's examples for the different church modes are short 
fugal compositions in which two subjects are treated in succession. 
They may be considered as miniature ricercari although they are 
probably more closely related to the sixteenth-century tradition of 
organ versets, pieces which were traditionally written on a binary 
plan, in imitation of the structure of the psalm verses of Gregorian 
chant. 

More interesting are the five hymns and four free compositions in 
Bermudo's Declaración. Remarkable for their low range, the frequent 
use of open fifths, Lydian cadences, and numerous other strange 
formations, they indicate a composer of great individuality and 
ingenuity. 


1 See p. 408. 

3 See Vol, III, p. 265. 

з Complete edition by P. Froidebise, Orgue et liturgie, xlvii and xlix (Paris, 1960-1). Ex- 
amples have also been reprinted in Kinkeldey, op. cit., pp. 228-44, Tagliapietra, op. cit. 
i, and Pirro, ‘L’art des organistes’ in Lavignac, Encyclopédie de la musique, 2° partie, 
ii, pp. 1199-1201. 


GERMAN KEYBOARD MUSIC 617 


GERMAN KEYBOARD MUSIC 


The promising start which German organ music had made in the 
early part of the sixteenth century under Hofhaimer, Schlick, Kotter, 
Sicher, Kleber, and Buchner! did not lead to continuous growth. 
Although Buchner’s Fundamentum, owing to its comprehensive 
scope and didactic character, might well have become the point of 
departure for further development in the same direction, there is 
nothing to indicate that such a development did ensue. Of course, it 
is difficult to make definite statements, since all sources of German 
keyboard music between the Fundamentum (c. 1520) and Ammer- 
bach's Orgel oder Instrument Tabulatur (Leipzig, 1571) are lost.? 
Nevertheless, the entirely different scope and nature of Ammer- 
bach's book seem to support the surmise that the early development 
of German keyboard music had only a short life. 

Elias Nicolaus Ammerbach (born 1530?; organist of St. Thomas's 
Church, Leipzig, c. 1570), together with Bernhard Schmid, the elder 
(1522-92; organist at Strasbourg), Jakob Paix (1556- d. after 1617; 
born at Augsburg), Augustus Nórmiger (court organist at Dresden), 
and Bernhard Schmid the younger (born 1548; son and successor of 
the elder Schmid) represent a late-sixteenth-century school of German 
keyboard music generally known under the disparaging name of 'the 
colourists'. This name was coined by A. G. Ritter who, in his valuable 
work Zur Geschichte des Orgelspiels (Leipzig, 1884), was the first to 
study the books of this period. Comparing their contents with those 
of the older German sources, notably Schlick, he was struck by their 
artistic inferiority, particularly by the profusion of meaningless and 
stereotyped coloratura in the numerous arrangements of motets and 
chansons. There can be no doubt regarding the validity of Ritter's 
judgement, based on this line of reasoning. However, he overlooked 
the fact that the ‘colouristic’ method, although fortunately not em- 
ployed in the works of the older German masters, is by no means 
a distinctive trait of the younger German school. Rather was it an 
inevitable concomitant of the general practice of sixteenth-century 
arrangements, indeed of still older keyboard practices, and as such it 
is evident to the same extent in the organ books of Attaingnant, the 
canzoni of Andrea Gabrieli and the Italian, German, and French 
lute books. 


1 See Vol. III, pp. 430 ff. 

2 Tbid., p. 439. 

3 Such as the Breslau tablature of 1565 described by Fritz Dietrich, Geschichte des 
deutschen Orgelchorals im 17. Jahrhundert (Kassel, 1932), p. 14. 


618 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


Fortunately, the German sources of the late sixteenth century 
contain not only such colouristic arrangements (although certainly 
many more than enough) but also, of greater importance, a large 
and varied repertory of more than 250 dances.! Many of these dances 
(about 110) are Italian types, mostly passamezzos or galliards, and 
these differ little from the numerous examples found in Italian and 
other sources. The remaining part of the repertory, however, con- 
sists of native dances which offer a very charming picture of German 
bourgeois culture near the end of the sixteenth century. Of particular 
interest is Nörmiger’s manuscript tablature of 1598 which contains 
a wealth of attractive examples, ‘pageants, passamezzos, galliards, 
Polish, German, and other dances as well as the customary entrances 
and exits of Princely Personages when they betake themselves to 
dance', as we read on the title-page. Here we find dances based upon 
popular songs, e.g. ‘Ach Elselein, du holder Buhle mein’, court 
dances such as ‘Churf. Sächs. Witwen Erster Mummerey Tantz' 
(‘First Masque of the Widow of the Elector of Saxony’) and charac- 
ter dances like ‘Der Heyligen drey Könige Auftzugkh’ (‘Procession 
of the Three Holy Kings’), ‘Der Mohren Auftzugkh’ (‘The Moors’ 
Pageant’), and *Mattasin oder Toden Tantz’ (‘Dance of Death’). 
The beginnings of the last two dances are reproduced here.? 


Ex. 284 
@) DER MOHREN AUFTZUGEH 


1 Wilhelm Merian’s Der Tanz in den deutschen Tabulaturbüchern des 16. Jahrhunderts 
(Leipzig, 1927) contains many of these dances, though only five by Ammerbach are 
given. Dances by Ammerbach are also reprinted in Apel, Musik aus früher Zeit, i, 
pp. 11-12, Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 171, Schering, op. cit., p. 136, and Halbig, 
op. cit., pp. 11-12. 

з Pieces from Nórmiger's tablature are printed in Merian, op. cit., pp. 229-58, Apel, 
op. cit. i, pp. 13-14, Schering, op. cit., p. 137, and Halbig, pp. 27-28. Other settings of 
‘Der Heiligen drey Könige Aufzugk' and ‘Der Mohrenn Auffzug’ occur in a manuscript 


GERMAN KEYBOARD MUSIC 619 


Stylistically these indigenous dances form a unit which is distin- 
guished from the Italian standard dances by simplicity of structure, 
lack of coloratura, a greater use of ‘modern’ harmonic progressions, 
and, above all, more interesting and individually designed melodies. 


THE MULLINER BOOK 

As has been shown in the previous volume (Vol. III, pp. 458 ff.), 
English organ music flowered in the first half of the sixteenth century 
under such masters as John Redford, Thomas Preston, and Philip 
ap Ryce. One of the main sources for Redford, the Mulliner Book! 
of c. 1560, contains also the works of a second generation of Tudor 
organ composers: William Blitheman (d. 1591), master of the choris- 
ters at Christ Church, Oxford; Thomas Tallis (c. 1505-85), organist 
of the Abbey of the Holy Cross at Waltham, and later gentleman of 
the Chapel Royal; Richard Farrant (d. 1580), gentleman of the 
Chapel Royal under Edward VI; John Sheppard (d. 1563?), chorister 
of St. Paul's; Richard Allwood, and others. 

On the whole, these composers followed closely the tradition 
established by their predecessors. Like Redford, they wrote practically 
none but liturgical organ pieces, employing for this purpose two 
strikingly contrasting styles, one derived from vocal polyphony, the 
other characterized by the use of fairly rapid and, occasionally, 
‘virtuoso’ keyboard figurations. The latter method may be illustrated 
by excerpts from two compositions on ‘Gloria tibi Trinitas? by 
Blitheman (Mulliner, nos. 91, 92), showing most of the devices 
commonly associated with the virginal style of the late sixteenth 
century, such as the well-known English sign of ornamentation 
(Ex. 285, i), figurations in parallel thirds and sixths for the right hand 
(ii), as well as for the left (iii), and cross-rhythms resulting from the 
different grouping of the same note-values, for instance three in one 
part against four in the other (iv): 


in the Dresden Staatsbibliothek (Msc. Dresd. J. 307m) dating from c. 1580 (see Halbig, 
p. 11). They are followed immediately in Nórmiger, and after one other piece in the 
Dresden MS., by a dance which Nórmiger calls * Annhaldischer Auftzugkh’ and the 
Dresden compiler * Einn Ander Auffzug’. 

1 Edited by Denis Stevens, Musica Britannica, i (London, 1951). 


620 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


In compositions of this type the figurative patterns form an effec- 
tive contrast to the canto fermo, which nearly always appears in cantus 
planus style, i.e. in long and equal note-values, one to the bar. In the 
polyphonic group, on the other hand, the canto fermo (most fre- 
quently a hymn) is subjected to a process of melodic amplification 
and rhythmic vitalization, a method ultimately going back to Dun- 
stable and Dufay. In these ‘prepared’ canti fermi the principle of 
equal note-values is still in operation, since, almost without exception, 
each half-bar (representing a semibreve of the original notation) 
contains one note of the chant. This interesting principle is illustrated 
in Ex. 286, which shows the canto fermo of Blitheman's * Christe qui 
lux' (Mulliner, no. 22) together with the original melody: 


Ex. 286 


(i) | 


Chri - ste qui lux es et di - es noc-tis te- 


THE MULLINER BOOK 621 


Fa 


-ne - bras  de-ter - gens lu - ci- fer lu-cem 


As regards the contrapuntal parts added to such a melody, the 
great majority of the compositions show the use of what may well 
be called an English national technique of imitation, in which a single 
motive keeps recurring like an ostinato, either in one part or distri- 
buted among all of them. Several of Redford’s organ pieces are based 
on the principle of the ‘soprano ostinato’! A particularly interesting 
example is an ‘In nomine’ by Allwood (Mulliner, no. 23), the 
upper part of which consists entirely of repeated statements of a 
motive, F-G-A-B}-A, the rhythmic organization of these statements 
being ingeniously modified (see Ex. 287). This method, interesting in 
itself, is particularly noteworthy as it is strikingly similar to that 
employed by Frescobaldi in some of his ricercari and capriccios.? 


Ex. 287 


While this composition by Allwood is exceptional, his ‘Claro 
pascali gaudio’ (Mulliner, no. 18), in which an ostinato motive appears 
in all the parts, is a very typical example of the ostinato technique 


1 For instance, ‘Chorus nove Hierusalem' (printed in music supplement to C. F. 
Pfatteicher, John Redford (Freiburg Diss., 1934), p. 14), ‘Eterne rerum conditor’ (Pfat- 
teicher, p. 41; Mulliner, no. 14), ‘Eterne rex altissime’ (Pfatteicher, p. 42; Mulliner, 
no. 26). Traces of this style occur also in English vocal music of the period, e.g. in the 
Benedictus of Taverner’s Mass ‘The Western Wynde’. 

* See p. 649. 


622 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


employed in this repertory.! The obstinate rigidity of reiteration 
produces an effect far different from the suppleness of imitative 
counterpoint as it was practised on the Continent, but certainly not 
lacking in artistic interest and validity. Another ‘Claro pascali 
gaudio’ by the same composer (Mulliner, no. 21) has the canto fermo 
in equal, long notes in the upper part, while the lower parts gradually 
proceed to faster motion, closing with figurations such as are fre- 
quently encountered in the repertory of the virginals. 

The most representative personality in this group is William Blithe- 
man, known to us by fourteen pieces in the Mulliner Book, and one 
‘In nomine’ in the Fitzwilliam Virginal Book. The ‘In nomine’, like 
the ‘Felix namque', is an almost exclusively English species of 
instrumental music. The 'Felix namque' is always based on the 
Offertory ‘Felix namque' for the Vigil of the Assumption of the 
Virgin Mary,? while the origin of the former has been described in 
the previous chapter.? Not a few of the ‘In nomine' pieces exist under 
the more correct name of ‘Gloria tibi Trinitas', among them six 
compositions by Blitheman (Mulliner, nos. 91 to 96). The first four 
of these are among the most advanced examples of the keyboard- 
figuration type (see the excerpts in Ex. 285) while the last belongs to 
the ostinato-imitation type. 

Blitheman's ‘A excellent Meane’ (Mulliner, no. 32), published as 
early as 1776 in Hawkins’s General History,* is actually a ‘Felix 
namque'. Here, as in several other examples of this species, the 
composition starts with the solo section of the Gregorian melody, 
beginning with *namque', the choral incipit, ‘Felix’, being omitted 
because it was sung by the choir. One of Blitheman's most impressive 
compositions is his * Eterne rerum conditor' (Mulliner, no. 51)—теіоѕ 
suave, as it is called in the manuscript—remarkable for its austere 
harmonies, pungent dissonances, and typically English false relation 
(C sharp against C in bar 15), while his “Te Deum" (“Te Domine’ in 
the manuscript; Mulliner, no. 77) shows him at his dullest, at least in 
the various sections employing the keyboard-figuration style. 

Thomas Tallis® is represented in the Mulliner Book by twelve 
liturgical compositions, most of which (no. 86 and the entire group 


1 It occurs occasionally in Josquin, e.g. in the Sanctus of the ‘Missa Hercules Dux 
Ferrariae’. 

2 See Vol. IU, p. 464. 

3 See p. 562. The crucial piece by Taverner is transcribed as no. 35 of the Mulliner 
Book. The previously mentioned ‘In nomine’ by Allwood (Mulliner, no. 23) has no 
apparent connexion with the species. 

4 Third edition (London, 1875), ii, p. 931. 

5 Complete keyboard works ed. Denis Stevens (London, 1953). 


THE MULLINER BOOK 623 


nos. 97-106) belong to the polyphonic type and afford a good 
insight into the two basic techniques of this type, the ornamentation 
(one might almost prefer the term ' preparation") of the canto fermo 
and the use of an ostinato motive. It may be noticed that nos. 97, 98, 
and 100 make use of the same (or nearly the same) motives, as do 
also nos. 101 and 102. Particularly remarkable is no. 106, ‘Iste 
confessor', because its motive, unusual in itself with its downward 
leaps, occurs in the second half as a real basso ostinato, most skilfully 
combined with the liturgical melody: 


The Fitzwilliam Virginal Book contains two 'Felix namque' by 
Tallis, dated 1562 and 1564.1 The former opens, according to Van 
den Borren,? with two ‘preludes’. Actually, the first ‘prelude’ is the 
polyphonic treatment of the choral incipit, ‘Felix’, while the second 
is an anticipatory imitation leading to the polyphonic treatment of 
‘namque es . . .'. This starts in bar 16, each note of the canto fermo 
appearing as a breve (two semibreves) in the soprano: G-F (orna- 
mented)-B5-C'-D'-C'-&c. The contrapuntal parts proceed in a great 
variety of figurative patterns, among them such typical virginalistic 
devices as broken-chord figures (i, p. 430, system 5), patterns with 
quick alternating notes which have been rather misleadingly termed 
*hocket' (p. 432, system 3), and broken octaves (p. 433, system 4). 
Other patterns, equally virginalistic in character, occur in the second 
‘Felix namque’ (ii, p. 1). 

Although the Mulliner Book is chiefly a collection of liturgical 
. 1 Ed. J. A. Fuller Maitland and W. Barclay Squire (Leipzig, 1899), i, p. 427, and 
"1 The Sources of Keyboard Music in England (London, 1913), p. 163. 


624 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


pieces, it contains a number of other compositions, mainly arrange- 
ments of songs, dances, and abstract pieces entitled ‘Voluntary’, 
* Poynte', or " Fansye'. Most of the latter consist of hardly more than 
single points of imitation, as for instance the ‘Voluntary’ by Farrant 
(Mulliner, no. 20). The songs include the famous ‘In going to my 
naked bed’ by Edwards and ‘Fonde youth is a bubble’ by Tallis. 
There are also some pieces that give the impression of being dance 
songs of French derivation, to judge from such titles as ‘La bonnette’, 
‘La doune cella’ (La d'oü vient cela?), and ‘La shy myze’ (La 
chemise ?). They are interesting because they appear in a most unusual 
form: soprano and bass only. Very likely this is a reduction of an 
original setting in four parts contained in separate part-books. The 
fact that the two middle parts were considered as dispensable may 
be regarded as a foreshadowing of a conception which became of 
universal importance in the seventeenth century. 

Dance music proper is represented by only one piece, ‘A Pavyon’ 
by Master Newman (Mulliner, no. 116), but this is of great interest 
as a link in a continuous tradition starting with a few rudimen- 
tary pavanes of a slightly earlier date and culminating in the 
splendid examples of the Elizabethan composers. The earliest extant 
examples of the English pavane are contained in the manuscript 
Brit. Mus. Royal App. 58. In addition to the famous ' Hornepype' 
by Hugh Aston and the hardly less interesting ‘My Lady Careys 
Dompe’! this source contains two pavanes, “The Emperors Pavyn’ 
and ‘The Kyngs Pavyn’.? The former is in slow triple metre, a rhythm 
not encountered in the later English pavanes, but which occurs in 
some of the pavanes of the Spanish vihuela composer Milän. More- 
over there is a striking similarity between the opening bars of “The 
Emperors Pavyn’ and those of one of Milän’s pavanes, a similarity 
which one is tempted to interpret as pointing to a common origin, 
all the more since the title of the English piece suggests a relationship 
with the court of the Austrian-Spanish emperor-kings: 


Ex. 289 
() THE EMPERORS PAVYN 


1 See Vol. III, p. 458; recorded in The History of Music in Sound, iv. 
з Both printed in Schott’s Anthology of Early Keyboard Music, i (London, 1951). 


THE MULLINER BOOK 625 


E LA рй 
ees es АНЕ 


‘The Kyngs Pavyn’ shows the duple metre normally found in 
pavanes. It consists of three sections, each of a different design and, 
very likely, to be repeated. This structure, taken over from French 
models,! was to become the standard form of the pavanes (as well 
as the galliards) of the Elizabethan composers. In Master Newman’s 
‘Pavyon’ this scheme is enlarged to one consisting of four sections; 
while the first two sections proceed mostly in the steady pulse of full 
harmonies (Ex. 290, i), the other two show a more intricate texture 
of imitating figurations. Particularly the fourth section, with its skilful 
use of a bent-scale motive, approximates to the ingenious treatment 
found in the pavanes of William Byrd. Newman’s ‘Pavyon’ is also 
remarkable for its unusual key, C minor, and, in the final cadence, 
for an early (if not the earliest) example of an augmented sixth chord:? ` 


1 See, for instance, a pavane from Attaingnant’s publication of 1530, reproduced in 
Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 106. 
3 The sharo for F is omitted in Stevens's edition. 


626 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


THE VIRGINAL BOOKS 


The keyboard music of the Elizabethan period is customarily 
described as ‘virginal music’ and usually regarded as the beginning 
of an idiomatic repertory for the harpsichord, as opposed to that for 
the organ. From the point of view of musical forms and types, this 
view is certainly correct. The almost exclusively liturgical repertory 
of the earlier period is now replaced by one that is almost as 
exclusively secular, consisting largely of dances and variations. The 
matter appears different, however, jf considered from the point of 
view of style. The preceding section has shown that most of the 
typical ingredients of the virginal style are fully present in the organ 
music of the Tudor composers. Transferred from liturgical canti fermi 
to dances and secular tunes, from the sustained sound of the organ to 
the crisp tone of the harpsichord, they grew in number and variety, 
becoming a store-house of effective devices too well known to be 
discussed here in detail. 

The virginal school includes three generations, represented by the. 
*three famous Masters William Byrd, Dr. John Bull, and Orlando 
Gibbons ? who were born at intervals of almost exactly twenty years: 
Byrd in 1542 (43?), Bull c. 1563, and Gibbons in 1583. All three died 
within the same decade, Byrd in 1621, Bull in 1628, and Gibbons in 
1625. While Byrd is the only representative of his generation, the 
second is also represented by Thomas Morley (1557-1603), Ferdinand 


1 See the detailed description in Van den Borren, op. cit., pp. 62-152. 

? As they are called on the title-page of Parthenia (London, 1612). Bull is represented 
in The History of Music in Sound, iv, by his jig ‘My selfe', Gibbons by an ‘almaine’, 
‘The Kings Juel’. 


THE VIRGINAL BOOKS 627 


Richardson (c. 1558-1618), Giles Farnaby (c. 1565-1640), Peter 
Philips (1561-1628), and probably John Mundy (d. 1630); and 
the third by Thomas Weelkes (c. 1575-1623), Thomas Tomkins! 
(1573-1656), and Benjamin Cosyn (c. 1570-c. 1644). 

Among the few liturgical compositions produced in this period, 
John Bull’s ‘In nomine’? may be cited as a further, and final, step 
in a direction indicated by the ‘Felix namque’ of his teacher Tallis: - 
the use of the Gregorian canto fermo as the basis for an enormous 
display of technical and intellectual inventiveness. Bull puts the 
canto fermo in the bass, extending each of its notes into a pedal-point 
of the value of eleven crotchets (two 4 bars plus one 3), which, in the 
final section in prolatio perfecta, are strictly augmented in the pro- 
portion 3:2, resulting in groups of the value of eleven dotted crotchets. 
The irregularity of this metrical scheme (which is anticipated in an 
anonymous ' Felix namque' in Brit. Mus. Royal App. 56, where each 
note covers five beats) greatly contributes to the rhythmic interest 
and animation of this composition which, although forbidding in 
appearance, is remarkable for the contrapuntal life that unfolds 
above its colossal foundation. Of special interest are two passages 
(illustrated by the two fragments quoted below), the first of which 
shows the use of a playful motive in a manner extensively cultivated by 
Sweelinck, while the second illustrates the English propensity for the 
*proportional' devices of mensural notation at a time when these 
complexities had long been abandoned everywhere else: 


4 
2 иша 


| cl 


The general reluctance of the English keyboard composers to 
accept the methods of imitative counterpoint that were developed on 
the Continent is illustrated by the almost complete absence of com- 
positions modelled after the ricercar. Instead they cultivated under 


1 Although Tomkins is represented in the Fitzwilliam Book by five pieces, a large 
proportion of his keyboard music dates from the last decade of his life—see Stephen 
D. Tuttle's complete edition, Musica Britannica, v (London, 1955)—and therefore lies 
beyond the chronological limit of this volume. 

2 Fitzwilliam Virginal Book, ii, p. 34; John Bull: Keyboard Music I (ed. John Steele 
and Francis Cameron), Musica Britannica, xiv (London, 1960), p. 86. 


628 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


the name of fantasia or fancy a type which represents an amalgama- 
tion of the imitative style with various other elements, ranging from 
strict counterpoint to the dance. Thomas Morley, in his well-known 
description of the various musical forms, puts it right at the head of 
the instrumental forms: 


‘The most principall and chiefest kind of musicke which is made without 
a dittie is the fantasie, that is, when a musician taketh a point at his pleasure, 
and wresteth and turneth it as he list, making either much or little of it 
according as shall seeme best in his own conceit. In this may more art be 
showne then in any other musicke, because the composer is tide to nothing 
but that he may adde, deminish, and alter at his pleasure. And this kind 
will beare any allowances whatsoever tolerable in other musick, except 
changing the ayre and leaving the key, which in fantasie may never be 
suffered. Other thinges you may use at your pleasure, as bindings with 
discordes, quicke motions, slow motions, proportions, and what you list.”! 


Usually these fantasias open with a more or less extended section in 
imitative counterpoint, continuing thereafter with rapid passages, 
patterned figurations, free imitation of short motives, canons, homo- 
phonic sections, song-like tunes, dance-like figurations, &c. One of 
the most beautiful examples is a Fantasia by Byrd (Fitzwilliam Vir- 
ginal Book, i, p. 188) which begins with a Prelude (ibid. i, p. 394) and 
continues with a truly fascinating variety of formations. 


ENGLISH KEYBOARD VARIATIONS 

The glorious achievements of the virginalists in the field of key- 
board variation are so well known that only a few basic remarks? 
need be made here. Claims for the honour of precedence in this field 
have been made on behalf of England as well as of Spain. Documen- 
tary evidence points to Spain as the home of the variation proper 
(lute variations by Narvaez, 1538; keyboard variations by Cabezón, 
c. 1550), to England as that of variations on a ground. Two already 
mentioned compositions in Brit. Mus. Royal App. 58, the * Horne- 
pype' by Aston and ' My Lady Careys Dompe', indicate the begin- 
ning of an extended development to which many English composers, 
from Byrd? to Purcell, contributed. Like the two early examples, the 
grounds used by Byrd are mostly harmonically conceived, in contrast 


1 A Plaine and Easie Introduction, p. 180. 

2 Offered in addition to, and occasionally correction of, the detailed analyses in Van 
den Borren, op. cit. 

* For the grounds (and other keyboard works) of Byrd, the following publications 
should also be consulted: Hilda Andrews, My Ladye Nevells Booke (London, 1926) 
and Tuttle, William Byrd: Forty-five Pieces for Keyboard Instruments (Paris, 1939). 


ENGLISH KEYBOARD VARIATIONS 629 


to the Italian ostinatos which are of melodic derivation. The following 
illustration shows to what extent the English grounds of the sixteenth 
century conform to the idea of a harmonic bass: 


Ex. 292 
(i) ASTON: HORNEPYPE Gi) MY LADY CAREYS DOMPE d d d d 


Gi) BYRD: iv 
` YRD: y : 
THE BELLS (I) (iv) B HORNEPIPE Q) (v) BYRD: A GROUNDE (3) 


CR NS SS E © — GE © n 

ын ey HE en ee ee И ИИ E i 

Smmm —LHEX-—2 L2 XX-—1 Быт man 1 
ы лт Em {a Fe 


Even more remarkable than the English variations on a ground are 
those based on such tunes as ‘The Woods so wilde’, ‘Walsingham’, 
‘The Maidens Song’, ‘АП in a Garden Greene’, ‘Goe from my Win- 
dow’, ‘Up Tails all’, ‘Bony sweet Robin’, ‘Rosasolis’, and many 
others. No other country can boast such a wealth of charming 
popular sixteenth-century melodies, no other country a group of 
composers who, recognizing the value of this treasure, cultivated and 
enhanced it. In the great majority of variations the tune is preserved 
in one of three ways: in its original form in the upper part, in an 
inner part, or in the upper part with ornamental figurations. Occa- 
sionally, however, the tune is not used at all in a variation, so that 
the variation is melodically free, being related to the theme either 
through the bass or only through the scheme of harmonies. William 
Byrd wrote 15 variation-cycles containing about 130 individual varia- 
tions. Some 50 of these belong to the first of the types just described, 
25 to the second, 10 to’ the third, and 15 to the fourth. The others 
represent mixed types in such a way that, for instance, the variation 
begins with the tune in the upper part and continues with it in the 
tenor. Byrd's “Woods so wilde’ (Fitzwilliam Virginal Book, i, p. 263) 

1 Fitzwilliam Virginal Book, i, p. 274. * Tuttle, op. cit., p. 31. 

3 Ibid., p. 13. 4 Tbid., p. 22. 5 Ibid., p. 26. 


* Fitzwilliam Virginal Book, i, p. 226; entitled ‘Hugh Aston's Grownde' in My Lady 
Nevells Booke, p. 194. 


630 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


is remarkable for the great number of melodically free variations. 
The following illustration shows the beginnings of the theme (var. 1) 
and of two variations: 


са EE tM 
[s e cud WG 5 


In var. 9 not only the melody but also the bass of the theme is replaced 
by other formations, leaving only the harmonic structure as the 
fixed element. As for the variable element, both variations employ 
specific motives, a method used by Byrd very often with admirable 
ingenuity. 

Among the variation cycles of the other virginalists, John Mundy's 
eight variations on ‘Goe from my window’ (Fitzwilliam, i, p. 153) 
are particularly noteworthy.! Immediately after the statement of the 


1 The composition appears also (Fitzwilliam Virginal Book, i, p. 42) under the name of 
Morley, but without the last variation. 


ENGLISH KEYBOARD VARIATIONS 631 


theme (var. 1) he introduces (var. 2) a new melody whose soft down- 
ward motion and dreamlike quality offer a beautiful contrast to the 
charming gaiety of the tune: 


In the last variation the regular phrase-structure of 4+4 bars is 
ingeniously modified into one of 34-5; we have here one of the few 
examples in which the structural plan of the theme is freely treated. 


DANCES IN THE VIRGINAL BOOKS 


Not only numerically but also, and mainly, through their refine- 
ment and elaboration the pavanes and galliards occupy a place of 
much greater importance and artistic significance than the more 
recent dance types such as almans, corantos, and jigs. While these 


632 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


are interesting chiefly as initial steps in the direction of the baroque 
suite, the pavanes and galliards represent the culmination of the 
dance music of the Renaissance. 

Nearly all the English pavanes and galliards show a tripartite form, 
А BC, in which each section is immediately repeated, usually in 
figurative variation: A A’ B B' CC’. A consideration of the struc- 
tural plans, as indicated by the length of the various sections, is of 
special interest. The normal structure is one of eight or sixteen bars 
for each section, and this is found in nearly all the pavanes and 
galliards of Byrd. Occasionally he increases the length of a section 
from eight to twelve bars, e.g. in a pavane reproduced in Tuttle's 
edition on p. 60. The picture changes significantly when we turn to 
the pavanes and galliards of John Bull and Orlando. Gibbons! in 
which irregular phrases prevail. Thus, Bull’s ‘Pavana of my Lord 
Lumley’ (Fitzwilliam, i, p. 149; Musica Britannica, xix, p. 181) has 
eleven bars in its first and second section and one of his galliards 
(ibid. ii, p. 251; xix, p. 184) shows the extremely irregular scheme 
of eight, nine, and fourteen bars. In the pavanes and galliards of 
Gibbons, sections of 7, 9, 10, or 13 bars occur very frequently. 

In the numerous cases where a pavane is followed by a galliard, the 
question of the thematic relationship arises. Among the twenty-one 
pavane-galliards of Byrd there is only one pair in which the melody 
of the galliard is derived from that of the pavane (ed. Tuttle, p. 55), 
and it is of interest to notice that he deliberately avoids the simple 
transformation of the proportio tripla. The following example shows 
how the eight-bar melodies of the pavane (here shown stripped of 
their ornamentation) are transformed into melodies of highly irregu- 
lar lengths: 


Ex. 295 
(i) PAVANE 


1 Bull's keyboard dances have been edited by Thurston Dart, Musica Britannica, xix 
(1963), the complete keyboard works of Gibbons by Gerald Hendrie, ibid. xx (1962). 


DANCES IN THE VIRGINAL BOOKS 633 


Bull frequently derives the melody of the galliard from that of the 
pavane, but with very free modifications. Particularly interesting in 
this respect is his pavane-galliard in A minor (Fitzwilliam, i, pp. 124 
and 129; Musica Britannica, xix, pp. 60 and 64): 


Ex. 296 
PAVANE 


Some of Byrd's pavanes and galliards are written in that simple 
and charming style so characteristic of many of his works, while 
others are filled with an extraordinary emotional tension. The pavanes 
and galliards of Bull are equally remarkable for their artistic elabora- 
tion and for their affective quality which sometimes takes on the 
expression of violent passion. At the end of the development stands 
Gibbons's ‘The Lord of Salisbury His Pavin’ (Fitzwilliam, ii, p. 479; 
Musica Britannica, xx, p. 37; also in Parthenia); in its expression of 
deep melancholy and profound grief it stands as a symbol of the 
impending end of a great period of culture and music: 

Ex. 297 


634 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


аш. 


FARNABY AND THE GENRE-PIECE! 


Giles Farnaby (c. 1560—c. 1620) is of interest particularly for his 
fantasias, which, together with others written in this period (by Byrd, 
Bull, Philips, Mundy), provide an insight into the manifold aspects 
of this elusive type, aspects that range from the strictly contrapuntal 
to the programmatic (as in Mundy's fantasia, ‘Faire Weather’).” 
Farnaby's eleven fantasias seem to aim primarily at variety of con- 
tents. Thus, one? starts out with a tuneful theme treated in imitation 
in a section which gradually modulates from G major to A major. 
In a striking contrast of tonality and texture, the second section 


 Farnaby's complete keyboard works have been edited by Richard Marlow, Musica 
Britannica, xxiv (London, 1965). 

2 Farnaby's fantasias are not all so entitled in the manuscript. The piece, ii, p. 330 
(MB, xxiv, p. 34), is an arrangement of one of Farnaby's canzonets, and the next piece, 
p. 333 (MB, xxiv, p. 20), also gives the impression of being based on a vocal model. 

3 Fitzwilliam, ii, p. 82; Musica Britannica, xxiv, p. 14. 


FARNABY AND THE GENRE-PIECE 635 


begins in F major and employs short fragments tossed playfully from 
one key into another. There follows a dance-like section in a lively 
2-metre, the spiritedness of which is increased by figurations, and the 
piece closes with a section in toccata style; altogether a rather charm- 
ing composition which Van den Borren extols for its ‘delicious per- 
fume of Anglo-Italian sweetness’.! 

Passing over Farnaby’s dances and variations, we must mention 
briefly some short compositions of his which may well earn him the 
title of the ‘creator of the genre piece’. In such pieces as ‘Giles 
Farnaby's Dreame', "His Rest’, ‘His Humour", and ‘Farnabye’s 
Conceit’ he seems to indicate a trend that was resumed by Francois 
Couperin and brought to its fruition in Beethoven's " Bagatellen' and 
Schumann's "Kinderszenen", By far the most interesting of these is 
‘His Humour’,? a whimsical miniature picture of his musical men- 
tality. A little tune, a passage in experimental chromaticism, a few 
measures filled with a playful motive, and an almost satirical allusion 
to the pompous ostentation of the hexachord composers: these frag- 
ments are combined into a piece unique of its kind. 


SWEELINCK 

The virginal tradition was transferred to the Continent by 
composers such as Peter Philips, who went to Belgium in 1590, and 
John Bull, who followed him in 1612. It was through Jan Pieterszoon 
Sweelinck (1562-1621), the world-famous organist of Amsterdam, and 
his numerous German pupils that the achievements of the English 
masters became a foundation stone of early baroque keyboard music. 
Hardly second to the English is the Italian influence on the works of 
Sweelinck. Although the story (based chiefly on a report by Matthe- 
son) of Sweelinck's having studied with Zarlino and Giovanni Gab- 
rieli is now generally discarded, his close acquaintance with the 
Venetian school appears not only from a consideration of his com- 
positions but also from the fact that his treatise, Kompositions-Regeln, 
is based on Zarlino's Istituzioni. It is this combination of two distant 
and previously unrelated currents which accounts for Sweelinck's key 
position among the founders of baroque organ music. Of the key- 
board composers of his generation (John Bull, Hassler, the younger 
Gabrieli, Titelouze) he is the only one who signifies the begin- 
ning of the seventeenth century rather than the termination of the 
sixteenth. In this respect he is similar to his most illustrious 
contemporary, Monteverdi. Sweelinck's influence was felt mainly in 

1 Op. cit., p. 191. 2 Fitzwilliam, ii, p. 262; MB, xxiv, p. 128; recorded in The 
History of Music in Sound, iv. 


636 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


Germany through such outstanding pupils or followers as Samuel 
Scheidt, Jacob Praetorius, Heinrich Scheidemann, and Melchior 
Schildt. It may be said that Sweelinck unlocked the door through 
which German organ music entered upon its road to glory. 

Sweelinck’s keyboard compositions comprise fantasias, some of 
which belong to the special type of fantasias op de manier van een 
echo; toccatas; variations on secular tunes; variations on church 
melodies, mostly German chorales; and some dances.! 

The echo-fantasias are nearly all composed according to a three- 
sectional scheme, I-E-T, in which I indicates treatment in contra- 
puntal-imitative style, E echo style, and T toccata style. In no. 15 (10) 
the last section is missing, while in no. 14 (9) there is another short 
imitative section between E and T. Ex. 298 shows the beginnings of 
the three sections of no. 16 (11):? 


1 New edition by Max Seiffert, Sweelinck: Werken voor Orgel en Clavicimbel (Amster- 
dam, 1943), superseding the incomplete edition in Werken van Jan Pieterszn. Sweelinck, 
i (Werken voor Orgel of Klavier, ed. Seiffert, The Hague, 1894). A Supplement was 
published by A. Annegarn (1958). Seiffert's edition of 1943 contains seventeen composi- 
tions which in the sources are anonymous. Some of these, especially the fantasias (nos. 7, 
11, 13, 19) may be considered as authentic, while among the anonymous chorale varia- 
tions (nos 34, 36, 39, 40, 42, 43, 44, 47, 49, 50, 55, 57, and 61) there are several that were 
probably written by German pupils or followers. In this chapter the compositions are 
identified by their numbers in the edition of 1943, with the numbers of the earlier edition 
added in parentheses. * Also reprinted in Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 209. 


SWEELINCK 637 


The motives used in the echo sections show a remarkable variety 
of form, in their melodic contours and rhythmic patterns as well as in 
their extension. It is particularly this last element of variety which 
prevents the hazardous device of echo imitation from becoming 
dull and monotonous. In spite of this, however, one cannot help 
feeling that Sweelinck carries the device much too far. In the fantasia 
no. 14 (9) there are 51 echoes, in no. 17 (12) there are at least 33, and 
in no. 15 (10) about 28. Only in the two shortest echo fantasias, nos. 
16 (11) and 18 (13) is the amount reduced to a bearable minimum. 

Among the other fantasias there are four—nos. 9 (7), 11, 12, and 
13 (8).—which are probably early works, since they depend heavily 
upon the English figuration style. They could be termed ostinato- 
fantasias, since the theme is treated not so much in imitation as by 
frequent repetition. Thus, in no. 12 the theme appears twenty-nine 
times in succession, always in the upper part. The remaining nine 
fantasias belong to the field of imitative counterpoint, their most 
distinctive trait being the use of a single theme—in other words, 
the consistent rejection of the polythematic method which pre- 
vails in the ricercari of the sixteenth century. Abandonment of this 
principle was not, however, accompanied by abandonment of the 
multisectional treatment. On the contrary, Sweelinck emphasized this 
treatment by developing it into a fixed scheme of three main sections, 
each of which often falls into smaller divisions. Each section is 
characterized by some particular treatment of the main theme. The 
general principle is to start with a section which presents the theme 
in its normal form, often also in inversion; to continue with a section 
using the theme in augmentation (T?, T5); and to close with one 
based on the diminution of the theme (T$, T3). This structure is 
used in all the fantasias except nos. 4 and 6 (5), in which the aug- 
menting middle section is omitted. Within the main sections outlined 
above there are usually subdivisions based on the use of new counter- 
themes (су, сә), of stretto (T,), and other devices. The schematic 
outline of the Fantasia no. 2 (2) is: 


T; Ts; T+e1;/ T?+c,, fig; T?+c,; Tt; Tt; Th; Tt; Tt; T, 
bar: 1 43 60 123 145 168 241 270 276 290 303 


The Fantasia no. 13 (8), in which the theme finally appears in 
sixteen-fold diminution, shows how far playful transformation of the 
theme may be carried. 


638 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


Sweelinck’s toccatas resemble Merulo’s in their general structure, 
consisting, as they usually do, of alternating sections in toccata style 
and in imitative counterpoint. Stylistically, however, they are close 
to the English tradition, particularly in the toccata sections, in which 
typically virginalistic figurations abound, for instance in Toccata no. 
21 (15): 

Ex. 300 


Turning finally to the variations, we come to the most outstanding 
keyboard compositions of Sweelinck. Contrary to current opinion, 
Sweelinck was a master not of form but of detail. His contributions 
to the development of musical forms have historical importance, but 
lack artistic validity, chiefly because they are conceived in much larger 
dimensions than he was able to fill with significant content. Varia- 
tions on secular tunes, with their limited and fixed structure, provided 
him with a much more suitable frame for his imagination, which was 


639 


inventive rather than formative. The first variation of ‘Ich fuhr mich 


SWEELINCK 
über Rhein' is an admirable example of motive technique: 


s variations on ‘Mein junges Leben hat ein End’ are 


among the dozen truly great masterpieces in this genre. An unusually 
attractive theme is presented with an astonishing exuberance of ideas 


which often change within one and the same v 


Sweelinck’ 
in variation 4: 


ariation, as, for instance, 


640 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


The old edition of Sweelinck’s keyboard works contained only two 
liturgical compositions, one on ‘Da pacem, Domine’ and one on 
Psalm 140. Recent discoveries have brought to light a great number 
of chorale variations based on melodies of the German Protestant 
church, a repertory which shows Sweelinck in a new and surprising 
role. It is not easy to see what caused him, a Dutch Calvinist, to take 
an interest in the melodies of the German Lutheran church, melodies 
which certainly cannot have found a place in the service of a church 
at Amsterdam. Probably it was Sweelinck the deutscher Organisten- 
macher, the ‘maker of German organists', who wrote these composi- 
tions for the benefit of his German pupils. The single variations can 
be roughly grouped into several stylistic categories, such as presenta- 
tions in four-part counterpoint, in two parts (bicinia) with lively 
figuration against the sustained notes of the chorales (often in semi- 
breves)! or in three parts (tricinia) with figuration in two parts. In 
not a few instances the chorale melody itself is presented as coral 
colloratus (ornamented chorale), and examples such as the following 
show that Sweelinck, ignoring the liturgical dignity of these melodies, 
subjected them to a treatment no less worldly and playful than he was 
wont to use when he wrote variations on secular tunes:? 


Ex. 303 
(1) ERBARM DICH MEIN (var. 6) 


L Gë 1 
LL RAN | 
Ren ШЕШ DR 1 AAT ee E 


1 Cf. the variations on ‘Ach Gott, vom Himmel sieh’ darein’, recorded in The History 
of Music in Sound, iv. 

2 For further studies of the works of Sweelinck cf. Van den Borren, Les Origines 
de la musique de clavier dans les Pays-Bas jusque vers 1639 (Brussels, 1914); B. Van den 
Sigtenhorst Meyer, Jan P. Sweelinck en zijn instrumentale muziek (The Hague, 1946); 
Robert S. Tusler, The Organ Music of Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck (Bilthoven, 1958). 


SWEELINCK 641 


THE NEAPOLITAN SCHOOL 

The central figure in Italian keyboard music of the early seventeenth 
century is Girolamo Frescobaldi. His musical style is so individual 
and differs so radically from that of Merulo and the other Venetian 
composers of the late sixteenth century that he appears as one of the 
boldest innovators in the history of keyboard music. Indeed, a com- 
parison between a toccata by Merulo of 1598 and one by Frescobaldi 
of 1615 reveals a most striking contrast. Static breadth is superseded 
by restless excitement, continuity of thought by multiplicity of figures, 
even flow by nervous and pressing rhythms, and restrained modal 
harmonies by abrupt changes into unexpected tonal realms. 

Actually, however, Frescobaldi was not entirely without precursors. 
Many of the surprisingly novel traits of his style are foreshadowed in 
the works of a school of keyboard composers domiciled at Naples and 
known to us through four representatives: Antonio Valente, Giovanni 
Macque, Giovanni Maria Trabaci, and Ascanio Mayone.! Valente's 
Intavolatura de cimbalo (Naples, 1576) is written in a curious notation 
(with figures from 1 to 27 representing the white keys) which is prac- 
tically identical with a system discussed and recommended by the 
Spanish theorist Juan Bermudo in his Dec/aración de instrumentos of 
1555.2? (This, by the way, is only one of various traits indicative of a 
close connexion between the Neapolitan group and the Spanish organ 
composers of the sixteenth century.) Apart from its notation and 
some other special points, Valente's book—containing mainly ricer- 
cari, canzoni, and variations—has little to command interest; the 
contrapuntal style is very stiff, the variation technique patterned and 
devoid of interest. Giovanni Macque, a Fleming (born c. 1550) who 
came to Naples in 1586 and died there in 1614, appears in quite a 
different light.? Tt is in his organ works that for the first time we find 
those traits of boldness and extravagance which are so typical of 
Frescobaldi. A short piece entitled ‘Consonanze stravaganti’ is 


1 Cf. Willi Apel, ‘Neapolitan Links between Cabezón and Frescobaldi’, The Musical 
Quarterly, xxiv (1938), p. 49. Another important precursor was Ercole Pasquini (c. 
1560-c. 1620), organist of St. Peter's from 1597 to 1608, who left about thirty organ 
compositions in manuscript (one in Torchi, op. cit., p. 257). 

2 Cf, Apel, The Notation of Polyphonic Music, 900-1600 (Cambridge, Mass., 1942), 
pp. 48 ff. 

* Macque's organ compositions have been published by Joseph Watelet in Monumenta 
Musicae Belgicae, iv (Antwerp, 1938). 

* Ibid. iv, p. 37; also printed in Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 200. 


642 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


probably the earliest example in keyboard music of those experiments 
in daring modulation and unconventional progressions which found 
a more convincing realization in the madrigals of Gesualdo (whose 
father Macque had served) and of Monteverdi. The ‘Consonanze 
stravaganti’ starts and closes in G but touches, within forty bars, on 
B flat, A, B minor, C minor, and F sharp minor. An excerpt from 
the ‘Capriccio sopra re fa mi sol’ illustrates another aspect of 
Macque's bold writing: 


Ex. 304 


Trabaci and Mayone were both pupils of Macque (as was also 
Luigi Rossi, famous as a composer of early cantatas). Trabaci pub- 
lished at Naples in 1603 a book of Ricercate, canzone francese, 
capricci, canti fermi, gagliarde, partite diversi, toccate, durezze, liga- 
ture, consonanze stravaganti et un madrigale passeggiato nel fine, 
which was followed in 1615 by Л secondo libro de ricercate ed altri 
varii capricci, con cento versi sopra li otto finali ecclesiastici. Both 
books include examples of practically all the forms of contemporary 
keyboard music, thus representing an opera omnia type of publication 
similar to Cabezón's Obras de musica as well as to. Frescobaldi's 
Toccate I and II. Mayone's books, entitled Primo and Secondo libro 
di diversi capricci per sonare (Naples, 1603 and 1609) contain a similar 
variety of forms and types: ricercari, canzoni, toccatas, variations, and 
arrangements of madrigals. 

The ricercari of these composers are based on two or more themes. 
Trabaci designates them (1603) as con due, tre, quattro fughe, indica- 
tions similar to the con uno, due, tre, quattro soggetti of Frescobaldi’s 


1 Reprints of separate pieces in Torchi, op. cit iii; Tagliapietra, op. cit. v; Apel, Musik 
aus früher Zeit, i. 


THE NEAPOLITAN SCHOOL І 643 


Fantasias of 1608. The contrapuntal treatment is very strict, and 
shows the intention of crowding the thematic material to the greatest 
possible extent, a technique which also appears in Frescobaldi’s 
earliest publication, the above-mentioned Fantasias. Of particular 
interest are the canzoni by Trabaci, since they include the earliest 
examples of the variation canzone, so extensively cultivated by Fresco- 
baldi. Several of them show the ‘cyclical treatment’ (i.e. identity or 
similarity of the first and last sections) found in many seventeenth- 
century canzoni, for organ as well as for ensemble.! 

Trabaci's toccatas anticipate those by Frescobaldi in their formal 
structure, which consists of a succession of small sections in contrast- 
ing styles, in conformity with the general trend toward disintegration 
typical of early baroque music.? This excerpt from the Toccata seconda 
in his first book: 


1 See the canzona francese by Trabaci in Davison and Apel, op. cit. ii, p. 16. 

® Manfred Bukofzer, in his Music in the Baroque Era (New York, 1947), p. 354, aptly 
remarks that “sections, parts, and movements are the three units of organization that 
correspond respectively to the early, middle, and late periods of baroque music’. 


644 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


illustrates his procedure, so strikingly similar to that of Frescobaldi. 
Mayone’s toccatas are more in the Venetian tradition as regards 
formal structure, but show interesting innovations of style, particu- 
larly in the extensive use of those jerky, restless patterns of figuration 
which form such a striking contrast to the evenly flowing passage 
work in the toccatas of the sixteenth century. Not only the ricercari 
and canzoni but also the toccatas of Trabaci and Mayone are written 
in four parts, each printed on a separate stave (partitura). Theresulting 
texture is often such as to make one wonder how these pieces were 
performed, for instance the following bars from Mayone’s Toccata 
prima: 


which are manifestly impossible to play on an organ. They are more 
readily playable on a harpsichord, which requires less attention to 
holding down the keys, and thus provide internal corroboration ofan 
interesting inscription in Trabaci’s book of 1615 which includes the 
remark that the harpsichord (cembalo) ‘is the sovereign of all the 
instruments, and upon it all music can easily be played’. 


ITALIAN DANCE MUSIC 

Italian keyboard dance literature of the sixteenth century exists 
chiefly in three collections, an /ntabulatura nova di varie sorte di balli 
published by Gardano (Venice) in 1551, H secondo libro d'Intavola- 
tura di Balli d’Arpicordo by Marco Facoli (1588), and JI primo libro 
d'Intavolatura di Balli d’ Arpicordo by Giovanni Maria Radino (1591).! 


1 For the first, see the edition by William Oxenbury and R. Thurston Dart (London. 
1965); the second is available in a new edition by Apel, Marco Facoli: Collected 
Keyboard Works (American Institute of Musicology, 1963); and the third has been 


ITALIAN DANCE MUSIC 645 


The title of the first refers to arpichordi, clavicembali, spinette e mana- 
chordi; in the others only the harpsichord is mentioned. The Gardano 
collection, raccolti da diversi eccellentissimi Autori, as it proudly 
states, includes some twenty-four dances, among them, at the very 
beginning, three pass’e mezi nuovi, a type which differs from the 
passamezzo antico, being based on a *modern' tenor, in the major 
mode and emphasizing I-IV-V-I progressions: 
Ex. 307 
Passamezzo nuovo 


As the collection also includes three pass'e mezi antichi, it affords 
a neat illustration of this interesting aspect of sixteenth-century dance 
music. In addition to these, there are numerous galliards with descrip- 
tive (or dedicatory ?) titles, such as ‘El Poverin gagliarda’, " Fantina 
gagliarda', and ‘Comadrina gagliarda’. 

Facoli's Libro d'intavolatura includes (in addition to a pass'e mezzo 
moderno (with saltarello) and four padoane) a number of arie, short 
pieces which probably represent instrumental accompaniments that 
could be used for various poems of identical versification or for the 
different stanzas of one and the same poem. Several of the arie close 
with a lively ripresa which probably served as an accompaniment for 
a few dance steps. Radino's collection opens with a pass'e mezo of 
such extent that it occupies exactly one-half of the entire publication. 
It is a passamezzo nuovo in five parti (variations),! followed by a 
* Gagliarda del ditto Pass'e mezo’ in six variations. As is usual in the 
passamezzi of the late sixteenth century, the canto fermo (if it can thus 
be called) is used in doubled values, each of its notes being expanded 
to cover four bars ($) instead of two, as is the case in the Gardano 
collection. Ex. 308 shows the treatment of the first two notes of the 
canto fermo. 


published, in facsimile and transcription, by Rosamund E. M. Harding (Cambridge, 
1949). 

1 Rosamund Harding's remark, op. cit., p. 37, that ‘Quarta Parte should be Quinta 
Parte' is not correct. Actually, the original indication Quarta Parte on p. 35 is wrong and 
should be omitted. 


646 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


Finally, a Venetian composer of the early seventeenth century may 
be briefly mentioned: Giovanni Picchi. In his /ntavolatura di balli 
d'arpicordo (second edition, 1621)! he describes himself as ‘organista 
della Casa Grande in Venetia'. Among the twelve dances contained 
in this publication, the ‘Pass’e mezzo antico di sei parti’ (with six 
variations)? is the most interesting, in its brilliant display of in- 
genious variation patterns. A fascinating sonority (particularly if 
played on the harpsichord) results from the frequent use of 1-5-8 
chords in the left hand, as in the following passage: 


The style of the variations alternates between virtuoso ornamentation 
and motive technique. 


FRESCOBALDI 


Gerolamo Frescobaldi? was born in 1583 at Ferrara. In 1608 he 
became organist of St. Peter's at Rome, a position which he held 


1 Reprinted by Oscar Chilesotti in Biblioteca di raritä musicali, ii (Milan, n.d.), and 
in Tagliapietra, op. cit. v. 

? Reprinted in incomplete form in Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 171. 

* The standard book is Luigi Ronga's Gerolamo Frescobaldi (Turin, 1930). Fritz 
Morel's Gerolamo Frescobaldi (Winterthur, 1945), is also important. Most of the key- 
board works of Frescobaldi are now available in an edition by Pierre Pidoux (Kassel, 
1949-56) in five volumes: i contains the Fantasie (Milan, 1608) and the Canzoni alla 
Francese (Venice, 1645); ii the Capricci, Canzon francese e Recercari (Venice, 1626), 
originally published separately as Recercari e Canzoni Franzese (Rome, 1615), and 
Capricci (Rome, 1624); iii the Toccate d'intavolatura, libro primo (Rome, 1615; reprinted 
1628 and 1637); iv Il secondo libro di Toccate (Rome, 1627; reprinted 1628 and 1637), 
and v the Fiori musicali (Venice, 1635). The last are also available in editions by Haberl 
(Leipzig, n.d.), Bonnet (Paris, 1922), and Keller (Leipzig, 1943). In addition to the 
printed compositions about fifty others exist in various manuscripts; cf. Apel, ‘Die 
handschriftliche Überlieferung der Klavierwerke Frescobaldis’, Festschrift Karl Gustav 
Fellerer (Regensburg, 1962). 


FRESCOBALDI 647 


until his death in 1643. His outstanding role in the development 
of organ music has always been recognized, sometimes, however, on 
the basis of hearsay or of incorrect evidence. In nearly all collections 
published under such titles as Old Masters of the Keyboard one finds 
four ‘Fugues by Frescobaldi’. Actually these fugues are ѕригіоиѕ 1 
they are written in the conventionalized style of the post-Bach 
period, possibly by Clementi or some other composer of the late 
eighteenth century. 

Frescobaldi's first publication for keyboard was // primo libro delle 
Fantasie (Milan, 1608), containing twelve fantasias, three each with 
one, two, three, and four soggetti. They are characterized by the 
tendency to derive the entire contrapuntal texture from the thematic 
material, with extensive use of the possibilities of variation. In the 
fantasias with more than one theme the subjects are not treated in 
separate sections, as in the polythematic ricercar, but are introduced 
more or less simultaneously and employed in this way throughout the 
composition, somewhat in the manner of so-called double, triple, and 
quadruple fugues. Even in this very early work, Frescobaldi shows his 
brilliant imagination in the use of thematic variation. Although he 
was not the first to apply it, as we have seen, yet he employed it more 
fully and more ingeniously than anybody before or after him. The 
Fantasia no. 2, based on uno soggetto, is a truly fascinating example 
of a contrapuntal ‘flight of fancy’. It consists of seven sections, each 
of which develops the theme in a different manner: 


1 See Benvenuti, * Noterella circa tre fughe attribuite al Frescobaldi’, Rivista musicale 
i taliana, xxvii (1920), p. 133. 


648 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


The idea used in section iii (and reintroduced in vii) is not, as has 
been suggested,! a new motive; Frescobaldi can be trusted not to 
introduce any new material in a composition which he calls sopra uno 
soggetto; actually this motive is the inversion of the second half of the 
theme, starting with the fifth note. Of course, the above illustration 
by no means reveals all the intricate methods which Frescobaldi uses 
to develop a composition of over a hundred bars from a single theme. 
A closer study will reveal that practically everything that occurs in 
the four parts is directly derived from the initial idea, so that the usual 
distinction between ‘theme’ and ‘counter-theme’, to say nothing of 
‘episodes’, loses its significance. Naturally, this method of composi- 
tion, so closely related in essence to Schónberg's twelve-note tech- 
nique, is more rewarding to the intellectual faculty than to the ear and 
the senses. It throws an interesting light upon Frescobaldi's per- 
sonality that he used this extreme technique most rigidly in his first 
work, as if to show his mettle to an astonished world. In his later 
compositions he strikes a much better balance between the two poles 
which determine his musical individuality: intellectual reflection and 
exuberant imagination. 

Frescobaldi's next essays in imitative counterpoint were the Recer- 
cari et canzoni franzese fatte sopra diversi oblighi, Libro primo of 
1615, which include ten ricercari and five canzoni. One of the ricercari, 
no. 9, con quattro soggetti, is very similar to the fantasias, four themes 
being developed simultaneously. The ricercari nos. 1 and 2 offer good 
examples of the duplex theme (see p. 607), a method which plays a 
very important role in Frescobaldi. The following analyses of the 
ricercari nos. 2, 3, and 5 illustrate the diversity of treatment in this 
publication: 


No. 2. A1,2// B/C// D/E (each subject is also inverted). 
bar: 1 44 79 

No.3. А/В/А// C/B/A 

bar: 1 30 44 

Noa A, B, С/ AN BU CH A/B/C 

bar: 1 16 38 66 92 


The last of these is particularly interesting; in the opening section 
the three themes are introduced successively in a two-part fabric 
(soprano and tenor only), while in the closing section they appear in 
simultaneous counterpoint, thus: 


1 See Tagliapietra, op. cit. iv, p. 1, footnote, 


FRESCOBALDI 649 


The ricercari nos. 4, 6, 7, and 10 are all based on oblighi indicated 
by solmization syllables, e.g. sopra Mi Re Fa Mi (no. 4). In these there 
is a main subject, indicated by the ob/igo which is the basis of the 
entire composition, being presented in double, triple or quadruple 
augmentation or other rhythmic modifications, while secondary 
themes as well as rhythmic variants of the main theme appear in the 
counterpoint. For instance, in no. 7, sopra Sol Mi Fa La Sol, the main 
subject occurs exclusively in the tenor, seven times in semibreves, then 
three times in breves, and finally once in double-breves, while the 
contrapuntal parts employ two other themes in interesting rhythmic 
variants. Probably the most impressive example in this group and, for 
that matter, perhaps in all Frescobaldi's contrapuntal compositions, 
is no. 10. Here the theme La fa sol la re is repeated throughout in the 
soprano in a truly amazing variety of rhythmic modifications, with 
ever-changing values and accents. There is an obvious similarity (and 
possibly, a less obvious historical connexion) between this ostinato 
ricercar and the ostinato organ hymns of the early English masters 
such as Redford and Blitheman (see p. 621). Brief mention may be 
made of no. 8, an ingenious four de force in which all stepwise motion 
is avoided (obligo di non uscir di grado). 

The five canzoni of 1615 are Frescobaldi's first examples of a type 
which he cultivated more extensively than any other. The general 
characteristics of his canzoni, as opposed to the ricercari, are a con- 
siderably greater rhythmic vitality, a form consisting of clearly dis- 
tinguishable sections containing some element of contrast but at the 
same time bound together by the use of a common theme in rhythmic 
variants (variation canzone), and in some instances the introduction 
of non-imitative idioms adopted from the toccata, from dance types, 
or from other contemporary styles. 

Most of the canzoni of 1615 are in five sections alternately in duple 
and triple metre, the former strictly imitative and of moderate length, 
the latter in the character of short transitions written in a pseudo- 
imitative style and occasionally suggestive of dance rhythms. The 
principle of theme-variation is either absent (no. 1) or occurs in a 


650 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


tentative form through the use of an identical ‘head-motive’ (first 
three or four notes) in some or all of the sections. 

In the six canzoni published twelve years later in the second book 
of Toccate (here briefly referred to as Toccate II), the prevailing 
method of composition is conspicuously different. Theme-variation, 
which in the earlier group was used sparingly and in a tentative 
manner, is employed here as a fundamental principle and developed 
to the highest degree. The following list of themes from the second 
canzone of Toccate II illustrates the ingenuity with which seemingly 
new themes are derived from the same basic material: 


Another characteristic trait of these canzoni is the use of a passage 
in toccata style at the close of almost every single section. The last 
three canzoni of this group all include sections in non-fugal style, a 
trait which may be said to indicate the transition from the canzone 
to the sonata. This transition is particularly evident in the last two 
canzoni, since here the toccata elements are no longer present. 

Passing over the numerous canzoni contained in two publications 
of 1628, entitled 7/ primo libro delle Canzoni ad una, due, tre e quattro 
voci, because these are destined for ensemble performance, we come 
to the six liturgical canzoni of the Fiori musicali. In conformity with 
their liturgical character, indicated in titles such as Canzone dopo 
l'epistola or Canzone post il Comunio, they are somewhat more re- 
strained and quieter than the others, also shorter and free from 
toccata elements. Apart from the first Canzon dopo l'epistola, which 
is unusually short and anticipates by several decades the fughettas of 
Pachelbel, Murschhauser, and J. K. F. Fischer, they are variation 
canzoni of the type found in Toccate II. A noteworthy trait is the 
Adasio passages in a mainly chordal style which often appear at the 


FRESCOBALDI 651 


end of a fugal section, thus damming up the motion in a charac- 
teristically Frescobaldian manner. 

A last collection of keyboard canzoni appeared posthumously in 
1645 under the title of Canzoni alla francese in partitura . . . Libro 
quarto. They are, on the whole, similar to those of Toccate П, making 
ample use of the variation principle and frequently embodying toccata 
elements. 

Frescobaldi's Capricci of 1624 are contrapuntal studies involving 
certain peculiarities, problems or tricks. Some of them are based on 
popular melodies such as ‘Ruggiero’, ‘La Spagnoletta’, or ‘La Bassa 
Fiamenga’. Others employ traditional subjects such as the hexachord 
(‘Ut re mi fa sol la’), the inverted hexachord (‘La sol fa mi re ut’) 
or ‘La sol fa re mi’ (= ‘Lascia fare mi"), a theme that had been used 
by Josquin for a Mass.! Some of the ricercari of 1615 had also been 
based on solmization themes, but there is a noticeable difference of 
treatment between the earlier and the later compositions. In the 
ricercari the subject is treated more or less on traditional lines, being 
presented in various degrees of augmentation, whereas in the capric- 
cios it appears in a fascinating variety of rhythmic modifications, 
particularly in the ‘Capriccio sopra La sol fa re mi’. The ‘Capriccio 
di durezze' is a study in dissonances and appoggiaturas which has 
served as a model for numerous similar compositions by later masters. 
An interesting companion piece is the ‘Capriccio cromatico di 
ligature al contrario', in which all the dissonances are resolved up- 
wards, in deliberate violation of one of the principal rules of counter- 
point. In the ‘Capriccio sopra il Cucho’ the cuckoo’s call is heard 
about eighty times in the upper part, and often also in the lower parts. 

Although the principle of theme-transformation pervades Fresco- 
baldi's work from beginning to end, the series of variations as a 
musical form attracted his interest mainly in his early days. The 
Toccate I contain four partite? on * Romanesca', ‘Ruggiero’, *Moni- 
cha’, and ‘Folia’, as well as another ‘Capriccio sopra l'aria di 
Ruggiero'. Only two other sets are found in the later publications, 
the ‘Capriccio sopra l'aria Or ché noi rimena in partite’ (Capricci, 
1624) and the ‘Aria detta la Frescobalda' (Toccate II, 1627). The 
historical relationship of Frescobaldi's variations to those of the 
early Neapolitan composers is apparent not only in the selection 

-of identical themes (‘ Ruggiero’ by Macque, Trabaci, and Mayone; 


1 See Vol. III, p. 243. The ‘Capriccio sopra un soggetto' is recorded in The History 


of Music in Sound, iv. 
2 Partita is the seventeenth-century Italian term for variations, not for a suite. 


652 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


*Romanesca' by Mayone), but even more in details of style and : 
treatment. It will suffice to give here the beginnings of Mayone's and 
Frescobaldi’s ‘Ruggiero’: 

Ex. 313 

(1) 


MAYONE 


These few bars also indicate to a certain extent Frescobaldi's 
superiority over his predecessors, particularly in the greater activity 
of the lower parts and in the progress from strict four-part writing 
to an idiomatic keyboard style in which parts and chords freely enter 


FRESCOBALDI 653 


and drop out. Among the variations in Toccate I, those on ‘ Romanes- 
ca’ stand out, because of the superior quality of the theme, which has 
an extended sweep lacking in the others. The original is notated in 
common time with four minims to the bar. Actually, however, the 
tune is in triple metre (3), starting with an upbeat:! 

Ex. 314 

(i) FRESCOBALDI 


Thus read, it appears to be what the title suggests: the old sixteenth- 
century ‘Romanesca’ melody known to us from Cabezön,? to which 
a ripresa is added at the end. Its structural plan is retained in most 
of the variations, a minor modification being that in the quinta parte 
each note of the * Romanesca' melody covers two dotted minims, not 
three plain minims. In ‘parts’ 8 to 11, Frescobaldi uses a different 
scheme, in which the ripresa is omitted, and the large metrical units 
consist of six minims for each note of the * Romanesca' melody, the 
upbeat being here included in the first group. Moreover, in nos. 10 
and 11 the fifth note of the ‘Romanesca’ tune (the second D) is 
extended into a unit of eight minims. It will be remembered that such 
treatment is typical of the passamezzo antico variations.? It enables 
the composer to fill the large units with a variety of melodic and 
harmonious progressions, and Frescobaldi more than anybody else 
surrounds the skeleton with a fascinating array of ever-changing 
formations, products of a fertile and restless imagination, of a sensi- 
tive and excitable temperament. Nowhere, however, is there a danger 
of disintegration. Emotional turbulence and intellectual control are 
in perfect balance, as always in Frescobaldi. 

This is also true of Frescobaldi's toccatas, which employ similar 
elements of style in a different framework. The twelve examples in 


1 See the partial transcription in Davison and Apel, op. cit. ii, p. 17. 
? See pp. 614-15. * See p. 645. 


654 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


Toccate I (1615) veflect the tradition of the sixteenth century in their 
continuity of metre and tempo, as well as in their basic texture of 
chords intertwined with figurations, of ‘festooned columns’, as it 
were. However, the columns are less regular, the festoons more 
variegated than in Merulo’s toccatas. The sweeping scale passages of 
the Renaissance are replaced by figurations of a more jagged contour, 
in motion as well as in rhythm. Frequently short motives appear, are 
imitated three or four times, and give way to a new motive or to 
figuration of the type just described. The following example shows a 
number of such motives used in the Toccata terza: 


Particularly striking is the almost complete absence of ricercar sec- 
tions which, it will be remembered, are essential in the toccatas of 
Merulo, but occur in only one of Frescobaldi’s toccatas (no. 9). The 
toccatas of 1615 are designated di cimbalo, but the last two suggest the 
organ, no. 11 with its pedal points in the opening section, no. 12 with 
its durezze e ligature (dissonances and suspensions). 


FRESCOBALDI 655 


The eleven toccatas of the second collection (1627) show consider- 
ably greater variety of methods and styles. Two ofthem, nos. 2 and 7, 
are rather similar to the early works but distinguished by the tendency 
of the chordal structure to decompose into a thinner texture of inter- 
playing motives. The first and, particularly, the last three toccatas 
represent the Frescobaldian toccata at its most characteristic. Here 
the process of disintegration into small sections of contrasting design 
and different metre and tempo (foreshadowed in some of Trabaci’s 
toccatas) is brought to its final point, especially in the famous Toccata 
попа! with its challenging postscript: ‘Non senza fatiga si giunge al 
fine’ (Not without effort is the goal attained). Nowhere in music is the 
frenzied restlessness of the early baroque period more eloquently 
expressed than in this toccata, with its multiplicity of formations, 
constant change of design, jerky motives, bold syncopations, compli- 
cated cross-rhythms, unexpected turns of harmony, stubborn and 
contradictory ostinatos and trills. 

Yet the collection containing these hyperbolical compositions also 
includes some toccatas of an almost diametrically opposed character, 
the first signposts on the road from uninhibited emotionalism to quiet 
introspection that finally led to the Fiori musicali. They are the four 
toccatas per l'organo, nos. 3 to 6, two of which are marked ‘Per 
sonarsi alla levatione’, while the others bear the inscription ‘ Sopra li 
pedali’. In these the traits of wilful contrast, of variety for variety's 
sake, are absent or considerably mitigated. This is particularly true of 
the two toccatas in which the organ pedal is used to produce sustained 
pedal points, a device which automatically rules out the erratic and 
capricious elements characteristic of Frescobaldi's earlier toccatas. In 
no way, however, does it constrain his artistic inspiration, as is the 
case in the ‘pedal toccatas’ of later composers such as Pasquini, 
Pachelbel, and Alessandro Scarlatti. On the contrary, his ability to 
fill twenty bars over a sustained C with interesting motives and har- 
monic fluctuations (often including the interchange of major and 
minor) is one of the most admirable tokens of his genius. 

The trend toward liturgical organ composition, noticeable in the 
above-mentioned toccatas as well as in the organ hymns and Magnifi- 
cats contained in Toccate IT, comes to its fulfilment in the celebrated 
Fiori musicali (Venice, 1635). Apart from two capriccios (' Berga- 
masca’ and ‘Girolmeta’) added at the end, this work consists 
exclusively of short pieces for the service of the Mass, beginning 
with a group of the * Messa della Domenica' (Mass XI of the Liber 


1 Also reprinted in Davison and Apel, op. cit. ii, no. 193. 


656 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


Usualis, For Sundays throughout the Year), continuing with a 
similar one for the * Messa degli Apostoli’ (Mass IV, now for Double 
Feasts), and closing with one for the ‘Messa della Madonna’ (Mass 
IX, For Feasts of the Blessed Virgin). Each group includes a ‘Toccata 
avanti la Messa', a number of versets for the Kyrie and Christe, and 
five or six free compositions to be played during the service, for 
instance a ‘Canzon dopo l'Epistola', a ‘Recercar dopo il Credo’, 
a ‘Toccata per l'Elevazione', or a ‘Canzona post il Communio’. 
The versets are short elaborations of the Gregorian melody, mostly in 
cantus planus style, others in motet style. An unusual treatment is 
found in the third Kyrie of the first Mass, in which the canto fermo 
is stated three times in the alto, against a sustained pedal in the 
soprano. 

The free compositions represent the types which Frescobaldi had 
cultivated throughout his life, cleansed from arbitrariness and excess. 
In the canzoni the passages in toccata style are replaced by short 
transitions marked Adasio. The ricercari are relatively short and 
remarkable for the clarity of the texture, which frequently includes 
passages in two or three parts only. One of them (Pidoux's edition, 
p. 44) is based on a basso ostinato which occurs in upward and 
downward transpositions of the fifth, resulting in modulations (from 
C) up to E and down to E flat, while another (ibid., p. 57) has an 
*obligo di cantare la quinta parte senza toccarla’, similar to one of the 
capriccios of 1624. Two ricercari (ibid., pp. 34 and 57) are preceded 
by a ‘Toccata avanti il Ricercar', an early adumbration of the pre- 
lude-and-fugue.! Finally, the toccatas furnish the most striking proof 
of Frescobaldi's change of attitude. Completely renouncing the ele- 
ment of capriciousness and surprise, he reduces the form to a short 
prelude filled with a spirit of devotion, a spirit most impressively 
embodied in the three ‘Toccate per l'Elevazione'. 

The Fiori musicali indicate the turn from the exuberance of the 
early baroque to the more restrained expression of the mid-seven- 
teenth century. Here Frescobaldi, at the age of fifty-two, entered a 
new phase of his life, finding relief from emotional and intellectual 
turbulence in an all-pervading spirit of devotion and mysticism. Thus 
matured, he created one of the greatest masterpieces of liturgical 
organ music, a perfect embodiment of Baroque Catholicism. 

1 Other examples of this combination, e.g. ‘Toccata per organo’ and ‘Canzona che 
segue la Toccata’ are found in a manuscript of the Vatican Library (Codex Chigi О. IV) 
containing fourteen organ works by Frescobaldi not included in the printed editions. 


They have been published as XIV Composizioni inedite in the series Musica Veterum, ed. 
Raffaele Casimiri, iii (Rome, n.d.). 


THE SOUTH GERMAN ORGANISTS 657 


THE SOUTH GERMAN ORGANISTS 


At the beginning of the seventeenth century German keyboard 
music rose to a place of equal importance with that of other countries, 
and soon surpassed these in regard to the number of important 
masters and the variety of localities in which they worked. Cultural 
life in Germany has always been decentralized, and this was par- 
ticularly true in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. However 
this situation may be assessed from the political point of view, it 
produced most beneficial results in all fields of intellectual and artistic 
life, leading to a proliferation and dissemination for which there are 
no parallels in any other country. These results are clearly reflected 
in the German keyboard music of the baroque period, to such an 
extent indeed that it is impossible to consider this development under 
the single classification of * German keyboard music'. At least three 
separate lines of evolution must be traced, a south German (including 
Austria), a north German, and a middle German. 

Probably two Netherlanders, Charles Luython (b. Antwerp, c. 
1557-1620) and Simon Lohet (b. Liége, c. 1550-1611) were the first 
exponents of keyboard music in south Germany. Luython worked at 
Augsburg and Prague, Lohet at Nuremberg and Stuttgart, Only eight 
of Luython's organ compositions have survived,! among them three 
extended polythematic ricercari (one called ‘Fuga suavissima") of 
which the Ricercar no. 7 is perhaps the most interesting with its skilful, 
though over-extended, presentation of the three themes in diminution, 
resulting in a lively interplay of attractive ideas. Lohet's compositions, 
preserved in Johann Woltz's Nova musices organicae tabulatura (Basle, 
1617), include twenty fugae which foreshadow the fugue not only by 
their name, hardly ever used before for imitative compositions, but 
also in their concise form and restriction to one theme. Lohet was the 
teacher of Adam Steigleder (1561-1633) whose son, Johann Ulrich, 
played an important role in the later development of keyboard music 
in south-west Germany. 

Hans Leo Hassler (1564-1612), who worked in Augsburg, Prague, 
Nuremberg, and Dresden, and Christian Erbach (1573-1635) of 
Augsburg were the first native representatives of the south German 


1 Reproduced in Monumenta Musicae Belgicae, iv. The ‘Fuga suavissima’ also in 
A. G. Ritter, Zur Geschichte des Orgelspiels, ii (Leipzig, 1884), no. 29. Four pieces by 
Lohet are printed in Ritter, nos. 68-71, one by Pirro in‘ L'Art des organistes’, in Lavignac, 
Encyclopédie, 2* partie, ii, p. 1223. The twenty-four fantasias by Charles Guillet included 
in the Monumenta volume are, at least primarily, ensemble music. 


658 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


school) Erbach’s ricercari are mostly bithematic, being usually based 
onaduplex theme whose second half, however, is rarely used separately. 
In spite of a certain monotony resulting from the unaltered succession 
of the two parts of the theme, these compositions have sufficient 
contrapuntal life to hold the listener's attention for the relatively short 
time they demand. The ricercari nos. 3, 4, 7, and 8 are short enough 
to be considered as early fugues, like those by Lohet. The theme of 
no. 12 is interesting for its triadic design: 


Equally interesting is the character of the themes in Erbach's * Can- 
zona cromatica', a very remarkable composition of considerable 
length: 


A toccata by Erbach (no. 16) follows essentially the Venetian 
tradition, except for the occasional use of short motives in quick 
imitation, in the manner usually associated with Sweelinck. Two 
introitus may be considered as early examples of the prelude and 
fugue, since the introitus, itself something like a short toccata, is 
followed by a versus, that is, a short monothematic fugue. Possibly 
these versus and, as a consequence, the entire compositions, were for 
liturgical use, like Erbach's Versets for the Mass, the Magnificat, and 
for sequences and hymns. 

Hassler cultivated the same forms as Erbach, but on a much larger 
scale and with more ingenuity, resourcefulness, and grandeur. His 
ricercari, although of excessive length (one of them takes up six pages 
of the Denkmäler edition), are extremely interesting in their details. 
Most of them employ several themes in separate sections, as, for 
instance, no. 1 with its several chromatic themes and the following 
structure: А; 2; B; B varied; C(diminution of A,) with a lively counter- 
theme; close in toccata style. No. 2 starts with an unusually extended 
theme, A. Later a more concise subject, B, is introduced, and in a 
final section both themes are employed, B serving mostly for episodic 
passages as in some of the ricercari by Giovanni Gabrieli. 

1 A number of Hassler's and Erbach's keyboard compositions are published in 


Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Bayern, iv*; these represent only a small proportion of what 
is preserved in manuscript (c. 110 pieces by Hassler, c. 150 by Erbach). 


THE SOUTH GERMAN ORGANISTS 659 


In no. 3 three themes are introduced from the outset and treated with 
great ingenuity throughout a very extended composition: 


The introitus are even longer than the ricercari and are marked by 
the occasional use of homophonic elements and of echo effects. 

Hassler’s organ compositions are typical products of the late 
Renaissance, with its tendency toward the utmost pomp and splen- 
dour. His ricercari may well be said to represent the culmination of 
those of the Renaissance period. His introitus give the impression of 
having been composed for particularly festive occasions, such as 
church celebrations in the presence of Emperor Rudolf II. 

Johann Ulrich Steigleder (1593-1635), son of the above-mentioned 
Adam Steigleder, and organist at Stuttgart, published in 1624 a 
Ricercar Tabulatura containing twelve ricercari, engraved on copper- 
plate by himself, and in 1627 a Tabulatur Buch containing forty 
organ settings of the Protestant hymn ‘Vater unser im Himmelreich'. 
His ricercari show a striking variety of formalstructure, stylistic means, 
and expressive values. Of the four examples reprinted by Ernst 
Emsheimer,! the first (no. 1 of the original collection) fascinates by its 
baroque flight of fancy and ever-changing variety of formations, while 
the second (no. 3) is remarkable for its pastoral feeling and pictorial 
touches (call of the cuckoo). The third (no. 8), although outwardly 
quiet and restrained, is full of inner tension, and the fourth (no. 12) 
brings about a fitting close on a note of triumph. There are no ricer- 
cari before these, and few after them, that reflect so clearly the 
baroque idea of 'affections', so frequently expressed in the vocal 
music of that time. The first ricercar, although essentially mono- 
thematic and of considerable length (240 bars), keeps the interest 


1 Vier Ricercare für Orgel (Kassel, 1928). Two pieces by Adam Steigleder, taken from 
Woltz's Tabulatura of 1617, are reproduced in Pirro, op. cit., pp. 1223 ff. 


660 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


constantly alive through an amazing variety of ideas and formations. 
In its free flight of contrapuntal fancy it is remarkably similar to the 
contemporary Spanish tientos of Aguilera and Correa,! a statement 
which, of course, should not be construed as implying direct influence. 
Ex. 320 shows some excerpts from this first ricercar, which opens 
with a fugal exposition of a duplex theme (A, 2), continues with an 
extended section in which A, is presented with a variety of playful 
figurations and motives, as well as in inversion, diminution, and 
variation, and then turns to A, for a subject, in two degrees of 
diminution, until finally A, appears again in triumphant augmenta- 
tion. 


1 See pp. 679 and 681. 


THE SOUTH GERMAN ORGANISTS 661 


Steigleder's compositions on ‘Vater unser’ confirm the impression 
made by his ricercari. The very fact that he wrote forty different 
settings of the same melody shows the singular fertility and exuber- 
ance of his mind. The collection starts with an extended Fantasia in 
Fugen Manier and closes with an equally extended composition Auff 
Toccata Manier. The other pieces are shorter and usually have the 
‘Coral’ in one part, either plain or ‘colleriert’. In connexion with three 
settings (nos. 4, 5, 6) Steigleder mentions the possibility of having the 
chorale melody duplicated by a voice or a suitable instrument, and 
adds a remark to the effect that this method of performance can also 
be employed with many other pieces of his collection. Of particular 
interest is a composition (no. 24) in which the chorale appears ‘in 
zwo Stimmen zumal’ (in two voices simultaneously) in the following 
manner: 


Steigleder pursues this unusual and interesting fauxbourdon method 
so consistently that a real fourteenth-century double-leading-note 
cadence results—a very unexpected sound in the baroque age: 


The closing toccata is a most interesting composition in the charac- 
ter of a chorale fantasia, and surprisingly similar in many details and 
in its bold sweep to the North German toccatas, as may be seen from 
the opening bars: 


662 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


Steigleder gives the impression of having been a musician of 
unusual talent, a highly individual composer gifted with a vivid 
imagination. He died prematurely, a victim of the plague. 


NORTH GERMAN ORGANISTS 


From as early as the mid-fifteenth century we have one interesting 
North German manuscript of organ music, the tablature of Adam 
Ileborgh.! Nothing seems to be known about North German organ 
music during the next century and a half, but about 1600 began an 
evolution which quickly led North Germany to a most prominent 
position in the field. The so-called Celler Tabulatur of 1601? con- 
tains about seventy-five organ chorales on such melodies as ‘Allein 
Gott in der Höh sei Ehr’, ‘Ach Gott vom Himmel sieh darein’, ‘Ich 
ruf zu dir, Herr Jesu Christ’, and ‘Vater unser im Himmelreich’. 
They are all anonymous with the exception of four signed O. D. 
(= O. Dithmers?) and two by Johann Stephan, who was organist at 
Lüneburg and died in 1616. Some of the settings are more or less 
simple harmonizations, similar to those in the collections of Ammer- 
bach and Nórmiger; others are considerably more extended and 
elaborate, prophetic of the later development of the North German 
organ chorale. Thus one of the settings of * Ach Gott vom Himmel" is 
a fully developed chorale motet in five parts, in which each line of the 
chorale is treated in imitation. The four works by O. D. are also 
chorale motets. His ‘Allein Gott in der Hóh' (Ritter, op. cit., no. 72) 
presents the chorale in a serious setting of sombre colours. 


Ex. 324 


1 See Vol. III, p. 427. 
* Ed. Apel, Corpus of Early Keyboard Music, xvii (American Institute of Musicology, 
1966). 


663 


NORTH GERMAN ORGANISTS 


i 


Even more elaborate are the two compositions by Stephan 


Gott, vom Himmel’ (beginning ibid., no. 73) and 


"Ach 


Jesus Christus 


ә 


D 


unser Heiland’. The latter is particularly remarkable for traits fore- 
shadowing the free treatment typical of the chorale fantasy: orna- 


mentation, echo-effects, fragmentation, &c. It also shows the change 


from a ‘vocal’ to a clearly instrumental style with livelier motion and 


short motives: 


чь AU 


664 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


The main centre of North German organ music at the turn of the 
century was Hamburg, the working place of Jacob Praetorius the 
elder (d. 1582), of his son Hieronymus (1560-1629), and grandson 
Jacob the younger (1586-1651), as well as of Scheidemann (c. 1595- 
1663), Weckmann (1621-74) and Reinken (1623-1722). Hieronymus 
Praetorius wrote, in addition to motets and Masses, a complete cycle 
of Magnificats for the organ,! preserved in a tablature dated 1611.? 
For each of the eight toni he provides three or four verses, fairly 
extended compositions mostly in five parts, full of grandeur and 
solemnity. Ex. 326 shows the beginning of the Primus versus primi 
toni: 


Among the few extant organ compositions of Hieronymus's son 
Jacob, ‘Durch Adams Fall’ is remarkable as the earliest fully devel- 
oped example of the chorale fantasy.? Lively figurations, interesting 


1 Published by C. С. Rayner (American Institute of Musicology, 1963). 

3 Written by Berendt Petri and later owned by Johann Bahr (not Johann Bahr), who 
added a few pieces. (The designation ‘Petri tablature’ is preferable to ‘Bahr (or Bahr) 
tablature.) It is now in the archives of Visby Cathedral. A brief description and а 
facsimile page are given in J. Hedar, Dietrich Buxtehudes Orgelwerke (Stockholm, 
1951), p. 18. 

3 Preserved incomplete in the Lynar tablature B 5; published in G. Gerdes, 46 Chorále 


NORTH GERMAN ORGANISTS 665 


motives, numerous echoes, fragmentation of themes, effects of con- 
trast, virtuoso passages in boldly ascending motion, rapid shifts from 
one manual to another—all these elements combine into a grandiose 
work of truly dramatic impact. Also of interest are three praeambula 
of Jacob Praetorius because they stand at the beginning of the 
development leading to the ‘prelude and fugue' of Bach; each 
praeambulum consists of a prelude in full chordal style and a fugue 
based on a single theme. 

A contemporary (though not a relative) of Jacob was Michael 
Praetorius (1571-1621),! whose organ works,? though few in number, 
are of the highest significance. They consist (apart from a sinfonia 
which seems to be intended for instrumental ensemble) of six com- 
positions based on Latin hymns and four based on Protestant 
chorales. The Latin hymns are set in the traditional cantus planus 
style of Schlick and Cabezón, that is, with the melody in long notes 
of equal value (always in the bass). Three of the Lutheran composi- 
tions, ‘Ein feste Burg’, ‘Christ, unser Herr’, and ‘Wir glauben all’, 
are chorale motets of gigantic dimensions (the second is 410 bars 
long), while the last, ‘Nun lob, mein Seel’, consists of two variations, 
treating the melody ornamentally. It is impossible to do justice to 
these monumental compositions within the limitations of this survey. 
They are the works of a master who, more than anybody else in this 
field, succeeded in combining the great achievements of the sixteenth 
with the novel ideas of the early seventeenth century. They are 
admirable for their consummate mastery of the contrapuntal methods 
of the Renaissance, as well as for their skilful use of baroque figura- 
tion in a great variety and constant change of designs. Here follows 
an excerpt from ‘Christ, unser Herr, zum Jordan kam "3 


für Orgel von J. P. Sweelinck und seinen deutschen Schülern (Mainz, 1957). Three 
praeambula from the Lüneburg tablatures are published in Seiffert, Organum IV, Heft 2. 

1 See pp. 453 and 546. 

з Reprinted by Wilibald Gurlitt in Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, iii (1921), pp. 135-98, 
and in a practical edition by Karl Matthäi (Wolfenbüttel, 1930). 

з Gurlitt’s edition, p. 177; Matthai’s, p. 75. Entries of the chorale phrase are indicated 
by asterisks. 


SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


666 


M ages, ee 


SAMUEL SCHEIDT 


the greatest was 


, organist of the Moritzkirche of his 


native town, Halle. His Tabulatura nova (Hamburg, 1624)! is a land- 


? 


Of the German followers and pupils of Sweelinck 


Samuel Scheidt (1587- 


1654) 


1 Reprinted in Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, i (Leipzig, 1892), and in the Werke 


(ed. Mahrenholz), vi and vii (Hamburg and Leipzig, 1953). 


SAMUEL SCHEIDT 667 


mark in the history of German keyboard music, because it was here 
for the first time that the various forms and styles which had been 
developed in England, Italy, and the Netherlands made their appear- 
ance in a German publication. Variations on secular songs and dances 
are printed here side by side with organ chorales on Latin and 
Lutheran hymns, settings for the Magnificat and the Mass side by 
side with courantes and abstract contrapuntal compositions, such as 
fugae and canons. It is worth remark that, like Frescobaldi's Fiori 
musicali and the publications of Trabaci and Mayone, the Tabulatura 
nova was printed in score: each part on a five-line stave. 

The methods used in these pieces are mainly of three types: imita- 
tive counterpoint of the sixteenth century, figurative counterpoint, 
and motive imitation. The following three excerpts (from Psalmus in 
Die Nativitatis Christi) illustrate all three: 


668 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


With two exceptions, Scheidt’s settings of plainsong and Protestant 
chorale melodies are all sets of variations consisting of a number of 
versus. On the whole, the compositions of Latin hymns are more 
conservative than those based on Protestant melodies, in which entire 
versus are written in figurative counterpoint or with reiteration and 
imitation of short motives. Although these latter methods represent 
the progressive element in Scheidt’s style, one cannot help feeling 
that he does not succeed in transforming them into artistic realities. 
Their intellectual coldness and rationalistic calculation bespeak the 
pupil of Sweelinck and contrast sharply with the ingenious inventive- 
ness of Praetorius or the intellectual heat of Frescobaldi. It is perhaps 
no exaggeration to say that of all the numerous versus of Scheidt's 
chorale compositions only those in truly contrapuntal style (which 
usually form the beginning of each composition) are real master- 
pieces. 

The two chorale compositions not cast in the form of successive 
versus are a ‘Toccata super In te, Domine, speravi' and a ‘Fantasia 
super Ich ruf zu Dir, Herr Jesu Christ'. The former is a rambling and 
seemingly interminable piece filled with pedantic formations which 
recall the worst features of the English organ and virginal schools. 
Its main point of interest is that it is based on the same melody which 
Scheidt used for what he probably considered the best of his canons 
(no. 10), since he had it engraved beneath his portrait on the title-page 
of the Tabulatura nova. 

The fantasia on ‘Ich ruf zu Dir’ is the one liturgical composition 
of Scheidt's which towers high above all others and gives him a place, 
not only of great historical importance, but also of outstanding 
artistic achievement in the field of the German organ chorale. Al- 
though called a ‘fantasia’, it is actually a chorale motet, each line of 
the melody being treated separately in imitative style according to a 
plan which is as grandly conceived as it is magnificently executed. 
Each section starts with a fugal treatment of the corresponding 
chorale line in diminution, an example of the so-called *anticipatory 
imitation’ which plays so important a role in Bache chorale motets 
and which can be traced back in German music to the compositions 
of Heinrich Finck.! After this the chorale line appears once in each 
part in longer note-values, while the other parts provide a contra- 
puntal background. Finally, at the end of the section the chorale line is 
stated in full chords, bringing the presentation to an impressiveclimax. 
The following excerpts from the second section illustrate this plan: 

! See Vol. III, pp. 286-7. 


669 


SAMUEL SCHEIDT 


Ф 


Among the numerous admirable details of this composition, the 
extended presentation or, more properly, development, of the fourth 


line of the chorale—F E D C—may be mentioned: 


Ex,330 


|| 


II 


670 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


Scheidt’s fantasia is a composition which stands comparison with 
any of the greatest chorale motets by Bach. How it happened that he 
wrote only one work of this kind is an enigma. 

Shortly before his death Scheidt published a work entitled Tabula- 
turbuch 100 geistlicher Lieder . . ., generally known as the Görlitzer 
Tabulaturbuch,! because it is dedicated to the magistrates and town 
council of Görlitz (Silesia), and may have been written at their 
request. It contains contrapuntal harmonizations of Lutheran hymn 
tunes, similar in character to those written by Bach for the close of 
his cantatas. They are not organ preludes in the proper sense, but 
simple settings that no doubt served to accompany congregational 
singing of the hymns. Noteworthy for their skilful combination of the 
harmonic and the contrapuntal element they are in no way inferior 
to Bach’s harmonizations and may even be preferred by those who 
feel that Bach’s chromatic harmonies and expressive devices overstep 
propriety. The beginning of Scheidt’s second setting of “Christ lag in 
Todesbanden’ (no. 175): 


may be compared with the final chorale of Bach’s cantata, no. 4. 


1 Modern editions by Gottlieb Harms, Scheidts Werke, i (Hamburg, 1923), and 
Mahrenholz (Leipzig, 1941). 


SAMUEL SCHEIDT 671 


In his variations on secular songs and dance tunes Scheidt used 
stylistic means similar to those employed in his chorale variations, 
but with much happier results. Such popular themes, with their 
pleasant melodies, simple harmonies, and clearly designed phrases of 
even length, lend themselves more naturally to the figurative treatment 
which, it should be remembered, had been evolved by the virginalists 
mainly in connexion with popular songs. Particularly attractive are 
Scheidt's variations on the Cantio Belgica ‘Wehe, Windgen, wehe’, 
while those on the Passamezzo suffer from the incessant repetition of 
one and the same figurative pattern. 


HEINRICH SCHEIDEMANN 


Scheidt is often grouped with Schütz and Schein as one of 'the 
three great S’s’ of the early seventeenth century. Actually this trio 
might be expanded into a quartet by the addition of Heinrich 
Scheidemann, who is no less worthy of inclusion than Scheidt. Born 
at Hamburg in 1596, he studied during 1611-14 with Sweelinck and, 
upon his father's death in 1625, became his successor as organist at 
St. Catherine's Church in Hamburg, a position he held until his death 
in 1663. Most of his organ works are preserved in the Lüneburg 
tablatures, which (together with the Lynar tablatures) are the most 
important source of North German organ music. His keyboard com- 
positions include 13 preludes, 4 pieces in fugal style, 2 toccatas, 27 
organ chorales, an Alleluia, a number of dances, and 8 intabulations 
of vocal compositions.! 

Scheidemann's praeambula are mostly written in a chordal style 
interspersed with motivic repeats, echoes, rudimentary imitations, 
and toccata elements. Two of them consist of prelude, fugue, and 
postlude, while one (Organum, no. 11) takes the ‘prelude and fugue’ 
form of the praeambula of Jacob Praetorius. In thefugue Scheidemann 
employs as a counter-subject the descending chromatic tetrachord 
used by so many composers for the same function. Of particular 
interest are Scheidemann's compositions on chorale melodies. Only 
two of them, “Mensch willst du’ and ‘Vater unser’ I, are chorale 
variations. In some of the other settings he places the melody without 
ornamentation in the upper part; in some it appears partly in the 
soprano, partly in the bass; yet others are ornamented melody 


1 The preludes and fugal compositions are published in Seiffert’s Organum IV, no. 1; 
other pieces in Fritz Dietrich, Geschichte des deutschen Orgelchorals im 17. Jahrhundert 
(musical supplement) (Kassel, 1932); Gerdes, op. cit.; Das Erbe deutscher Musik, xxxiv 
(Die Lüneburger Orgeltabulatur КМ 2081). See the article ‘Scheidemann’ in Die Musik 
in Geschichte und Gegenwart, xi, for a complete list of chorale compositions. 


672 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


chorales, chorale motets, or chorale fantasias. The two chorale motets 
(‘In dich hab ich gehoffet' and ‘ Vater unser’ IT) differ from Scheidt's 
fantasia on ‘Ich ruf zu Dir’ by their more colourful treatment, the 
various lines appearing not only in their simple forms but also adorned 
with figuration. Very often the figuration closes with a boldly rising 
scale, a dramatic gesture used time and again by the later North 

German organ composers: ` 


Ех.332 
VATER UNSER II ж * * 


Although he was a pupil of Sweelinck, Scheidemann shows the 
influence of the Dutch master to a much lesser degree than Scheidt, 
who, so far as we know, did not come into personal contact with 
Sweelinck. This also applies to Jacob Praetorius as well as other pupils 
of Sweelinck such as Paul Siefert (1586-1666), Andreas Düben 
(c. 1590-1662), and Melchior Schildt (c. 1592-1667), of whom the 
last named—organist at Wolfenbüttel, Copenhagen, and Hanover— 
is the most important.! 


JEAN TITELOUZE 

Almost one hundred years of French keyboard music, after 
Attaignant's publications of 1531 (see Vol. IIT, p. 449), remain 
obscure owing to the destruction of sources. Apart from a few 
scattered pieces—such as two tiny fantasies by Nicolas de La Grotte 
and Costeley—it is not until 1623 that we find ourselves again on 
solid ground, with the Hymnes de l'Eglise pour toucher sur l'orgue 
avec les Fugues et Recherches sur leur Plain-chant, by Jean Titelouze 
(1563-1633), organist at Rouen. This publication? contains organ 
elaborations of twelve hymns, each of which is presented in three or 


1 The thirteen fantasias published in Organum IV, no. 20, are probably not by Siefert. 
Compositions by Schildt are printed in ibid., no. 2; Gerdes, op. cit.; Monatshefte für 
Musikgeschichte, xx (1888), pp. 35 ff. ; Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, vii (1891), 
pp. 252 ff. 

3 New edition by Alexandre Guilmant in Archives des maítres de l'orgue, i (Paris, 
1898). On Titelouze generally, see Ernst von Werra, ‘Beiträge zur Geschichte des 
französischen Orgelspiels’, Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, xxiii (1910), p. 37. The 
fantaisies by Charles Guillet (1610) and Eustache du Caurroy (1610) which are briefly 


JEAN TITELOUZE 673 


four versets, i.e. chorale variations, as in Scheidt’s Tabulatura nova. 
The first setting is invariably in cantus planus style, with the melody 
in the bass, one note to each bar, and with imitative treatment of the 
three upper parts. The other variations are either in four-part motet 
style or in cantus planus style, which, however, is often less strictly 
used here than in the initial variation. This lessening of rigidity may 
be observed in the use of imitative passages preceding the various 
lines of chorale, in the distribution of the canto fermo among several 
parts (‘migrant’ canto fermo), and occasionally in the employment 
of short rapid baroque motives rather than the quiet subjects of the 
sixteenth century. Three pieces, * Veni creator’ (verset 3), * Conditor 
alme’ (verset 2), and ‘Ave maris stella’ (verset 3), are particularly 
remarkable examples of contrapuntal mastery, since they combine 
the cantus planus with a skilfully written two-part canon, either at the 
octave or at the fifth. The following table is a structural analysis of 
the first four hymns from Titelouze’s book (cp/. indicates cantus 
planus style, ant. im., anticipatory imitation): 


I II Ш IV 
Ad coenam: cpl. bass motet motet cpl. migrant, 
ant. im. 

Veni creator: cpl. bass cpl. sopr. cpl. tenor motet 

ant. im. canon 
Pange lingua: cpl. bass motet cpl. migrant 

ant. im. 

Ut queant: cpl. bass cpl. alto motet 

ant. im. 


A common trait of the versets in cantus planus style is the use of 
motives derived from the hymn melody for the imitative counter- 
point. The initial point of imitation is nearly always based on a 
motive from the beginning of a hymn, and a similar method is 
occasionally used in the further course of the composition. The first 
verset of ‘Iste confessor’ begins as follows: 


discussed in Frotscher's Geschichte des Orgelspiels, ii, p. 667, can be played on the organ 
or by an ensemble of viols. 


674 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


In the variations in motet style, in which there is no cantus planus, 
the connexion with the hymn melody is effected by the use of themes 
derived from its various lines. Usually the first of these is presented 
in two expositions (with eight entries), the others in a single exposi- 
tion. The following example shows two such themes: 


Ex. 334 


: ‘van 


Ve-ni cre- a - tor Spi - ri-tus 


Pan-ge lin-gua glo-ri-o - si 


Titelouze’s hymns, conservative for the period, represent a late 
embodiment of the contrapuntal technique of the sixteenth century, 
particularly that of Gombert with the uninterrupted continuity of its 
parts. Modern tendencies appear most clearly and most convincingly 
in some of the closing versets, in which the cantus planus method is 
combined with freer elements such as extended preludes, interludes, 
and postludes written in figurative counterpoint. The final variation 
of ‘Ad coenam’ is the most impressive example of this type. 

In 1626 Titelouze published Le Magnificat, ou cantique de la Vierge 
pour toucher sur l'orgue, a collection of versets for the Magnificat, 
seven for each of the eight toni. In the preface he remarks that, the 
Hymnes having been found too difficult for many, technical demands 
are less exacting in the present publication. Nearly all the versets 
show the binary division of the plainsong melody, the first section 
closing with the medial cadence, the second with the final; and for 
those who might find the versets too long, Titelouze suggests using 
the latter instead of the former, although it is not always easy to see 
how this could be accomplished, unless by omission of the first 
section altogether. Each cycle includes an alternative setting of the 
verse ‘Deposuit’, thus bringing the number of versets up to seven, 
instead of the six required for the Magnificat. This, Titelouze tells us, 
has been done in order to make the pieces available also for the 
canticle of Zacharias (‘Benedictus Dominus’) which, consisting of 
fourteen verses, requires seven organ versets. 

Most of the versets are written in imitative ricercar style. Occasion- 
ally the second section makes use of more lively figurations, and in 


JEAN TITELOUZE 675 


some cases the first section is in cantus planus style, as, for instance, 
in the ‘Gloria patri’ of the third tonus or in the ‘Magnificat’ of the 
fourth. The general style of the Magnificats is somewhat more modern 
than that of the hymns. 

The conservatism of Titelouze’s compositions is underlined by a 
comparison with those of his contemporary, Sweelinck. There is little 
in them to suggest the innovations of the early baroque period, 
except perhaps in some of the hymn versets where the introduction 
of quick motives for the final point of imitation indicates a feeling 
for climactic effect unusual in the organ music of the Renaissance. 
On the other hand, the devices of sixteeenth-century counterpoint are 
handled with the skill of a late master. 


MINOR FRENCH COMPOSERS 


To fill out the picture of French organ music in the first half of the 
seventeenth century we must draw on a few pieces preserved in 
manuscripts. A fantaisie by Charles Raquet,! organist at Notre-Dame 
in Paris from 1618 to 1643, is an extended composition obviously 
written under the influence of Sweelinck, a single theme being pre- 
sented in a number of sections and in a variety of styles such as 
augmentation and bicinium duplici contrapuncto ; nothing else similar 
was ever written in France. Two preludes by Étienne Richard (organ- 
ist at St. Jacques in Paris; d. 1669)? are among the most beautiful 
examples of this genre. Particularly noteworthy is a tendency toward 
a melodious style, a tendency which becomes more and more pro- 
nounced in the French organ music of a later period. 


Ex.335 


RICHARD: Prelude No. 2 


1 Published in Félix Raugel, Les Maítres frangais de l'orgue, ii, p. 6; the duos repro- 
duced on p. 5 are taken from a collection of twelve didactic pieces which Racquet 
contributed to Mersenne's Harmonie universelle (Paris, 1636). 

2 Published in Les Pré-Classiques francais (С. Litaize and J. Bonfils, L’Organiste 
liturgique, xviii), pp. 8 and 16, the first of these also by Pirro in Lavignac, op. cit. 
2* partie, ii, p. 1272. 


676 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


In addition to these compositions by Racquet and Richard, a num- 
ber of anonymous pieces are or were preserved in manuscripts at 
Ste. Geneviéve, Paris, and in the City Library of Tours.! Some of them 
adumbrate another typical aspect of later French organ music: the 
careful specification of organ stops. Thus an ‘Ave maris stella’ is 
designated as "d 3 jeux différents; Plain chant en taille’ (for three 
different registers; plainsong in the middle); the top part is to be 
played on ‘Positiv, Fluste, Tremblant doux’, the bass on ‘Grand corps', 
the middle part (cantus planus) on ‘Pedale’. The Tours manuscript, 
which unfortunately was destroyed in 1940, contained numerous 
versets for the psalmody and the Office chants, some with indications 
such as ‘Le gros jeu de nazard avec le tremblant’, also some Dialogues 
requiring change of registration,—a type frequently used by all the 
later French organ composers, from Nivers to Grigny. 

In addition to these organ compositions we have a number of early 
pieces for the clavecin or harpsichord, written by such com- 
posers as René Mézangeau (d. с. 1638), Pinel (Pierre or Germain ?), 
Pierre Ballard (d. 1639), Ennemond Gautier (c. 1580-1651), Pierre 


1 Cf. Les Pré-Classiques, nos. 23-30; Lavignac, op. cit., pp. 1269 ff. 


MINOR FRENCH COMPOSERS 677 


La Barre (1592-1656), Nicolas Monnard (d. 1646), and Étienne 
Richard (d. 1669). They were the predecessors of the first great 
clavecinist, Jacques Champion de Chambonniéres (c. 1605-1672). 
Some of these musicians were also lutenists, and it is not impossible 
that their pieces, although preserved in keyboard notation, were 
originally written for the lute. An example in point is an Allamande 
de Mr. Meschanson (= Mézangeau)? which shows the typically loose 
texture, the style brisé, of French lute music. Ex. 336 (opposite) 
shows the beginning, with the original fingering and signs of 
ornamentation. 


SPANISH COMPOSERS AFTER CABEZÓN 

Very little is known about the development of Spanish keyboard 
music after Cabezón. When his son, Hernando (d. 1602), published 
his father's works, he included five pieces of his own—though only 
one, an ‘Ave maris stella’, is an original composition, the others 
being intabulations, albeit very interesting ones, of chansons by Cré- 
quillon, Lassus, and others. A contemporary of Hernando, although 
probably somewhat younger, was Bernardo Clavijo del Castillo, 
who in 1588 became organist of the viceregal court at Naples, in 
1593 professor of music at the university of Salamanca, and in 1619 
court organist at Madrid, where he died in 1626. Only one organ 
piece of his, a Tiento de segundo tono,? has been preserved, but this 
is of great interest because it employs that novel harmonic language 
which the Italians called durezze e ligature, the Spanish, falsas: 


1 Reprints in Raugel, Les Maitres, i, and in Les Pré-Classiques. 

2 [n Copenhagen, Gl. kgl. Saml. 376 2». Cf. Povi Hamburger, ‘Ein handschriftliches 
Klavierbuch aus der ersten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts’, Zeitschrift für Musikwissen- 
schaft, xiii (1930-1), p. 133; also Lavignac, op. cit., p. 1232. 

* In a manuscript of the Archivo de El Escorial which is the main manuscript source 
of Spanish keyboard music before 1650. Reprints in Pedrell, Antología de organistas 
clásicos españoles, i (Madrid, 1908), Luis de Villalba Muñoz, Antología de organistas 
clásicos (Madrid, 1914), and Apel, Spanish Organ Masters after Antonio de Cabezón 
(American Institute of Musicology, 1965). See also Apel, “Spanish Organ Music of the 
early 17th century’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, xv (1962), p. 62. 


678 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


Equally remarkable, though from another point of view, is a com- 
position by Francesco Peraza (1564-98), the only surviving work of 
an organist so famous in his day that it was said ‘an angel resided 
in each of his fingers’. He is reported to have been the inventor of 
the medio registro, the most characteristic device of Spanish organ 
building, organ playing, and organ composition. Spanish organs of 
the seventeenth century had only one manual, but this was divided 
in such a way that different stops could be used for its upper and 
lower halves. In a medio registro alto (or de tiple) the right hand had 
the prominent part to be played with solo stops, the left hand the 
accompaniment to be played with a softer registration; in a medio 
registro baxo (or de baxon) the roles were reversed. Later we also find 
tientos de dos tiples or de dos baxones, in which the right or left hand 
plays two parts. The composition by Peraza is a medio registro alto. 
It begins with an imitation of a simple theme (D FED in semibreves), 
but this is soon abandoned, giving way to a variety of playful figura- 
tions, to a ‘variedad de flores’ which, we are told, ‘had never been 
seen in Europe’ (hasta él nunca vistas en Europa). Occasionally a cer- 
tain figure is restated several times in adaptation to the changing 
harmonies, a device which plays an important role in the works of 
some later Spanish organ composers: 


! Reproduced in Villalba, op. cit., p. 27. 


AGUILERA DE HEREDIA 679 


AGUILERA DE HEREDIA 

Much better known to us than Clavijo and Peraza is Aguilera de 
Heredia (b. 1570), who in 1583 was appointed organist at the cathe- 
dral of Huesca (Aragon) and in 1603 went to Saragossa, where he is 
mentioned as portionarius et organis praeceptor. Seventeen organ 
compositions of his are preserved, most of them in the Escorial manu- 
script, among them settings of ‘Salve regina’ and ‘Pange lingua’, and 
a number of tientos, some of which are called obra. The ‘Pange 
lingua' are based on the Mozarabic melody that had been used by 
Cabezón (the earliest known setting is a vocal one by Urrede) and 
was used later by Coelho, Jimenez, and others. In all these works the 
hymn melody appears complete as a cantus planus. In his two settings 
of *Salve regina', however, Aguilera uses only the beginning of the 
melody (A G sharp A D) as a theme for a fairly extended fugue (as 
in a German chorale fugue), a procedure which is very rare in Spanish 
organ music. The motive used contrapuntally in the following passage 
from his Salbe de 1° tono: 


Ex.339 


shows the rhythm 3-4-3--2 which occurs time and again in the works 
of Spanish organ composers.! 

Among the tientos of Aguilera are three falsas, similar to Clavijo's 
although more ‘modern’ in their harmonic language. Others employ 
a single theme treated in various sections differing from each other 
by the use of different figurative motives or by change from duple to 
triple metre. An exceptional work is the Obra de 8° tono (Ensalada), an 


1 Cf. Apel, ‘Drei plus Drei plus Zwei = Vier plus Vier’, Acta musicologica, xxxii 
(1960), p. 29. 


680 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


extended composition divided into five sections which are not themati- 
cally related but contain a mixture (= ensalada) of free and playful 
formations, somewhat like a fantasia by Byrd or an Italian instrumen- 
tal canzone. One passage is obviously written for the trumpet stop so 
characteristic of Spanish organs: 


In Aguilera’s four medio registro de baxo the left hand has a solo 
part; of particular interest and historical importance is the Vajo 
(= baxo) de 1° tono, because of its extended use of modulatory 
passages. A figurative formula of two, three, or more bars recurs in 
four subdominant modulations (e.g. E-A-D-G), followed by another 
formula restated in four dominant modulations (e.g. C-G-D-A), and 
so on. This method, adumbrated in Peraza's Medio registro alto (cf. 
Ex. 338), plays an even more important role in the works of later 
Spanish organ composers such as Jimenez, Bruna, and Cabanilles. 


COELHO 

With the Portuguese Manuel Rodrigues Coelho we come to the 
first Iberian organ master after Cabezón whose complete works are 
preserved in a publication. Born c. 1555 at Elvas, he was organist at 
the cathedrals of Badajoz, Elvas, and Lisbon, later (1603-22) court 
organist of Philip III; he died in 1635. In 1620 he published his Flores 
de musica,! containing tentos, intabulations of Lassus’s ‘Susanna’, 
and numerous settings of hymns (‘Pange lingua’ and ‘Ave maris 
stella’), Magnificats, and Kyries. 


1 Modern edition by M. S. Kastner, Portugaliae musica, i and iii (Lisbon, 1959 
and 1961). 


COELHO 681 


The twenty-four tentos (three for each church mode) take a decisive 
step away from the restrained Renaissance style toward the vividness 
and picturesque imagery of the early Spanish baroque. These 
compositions are extended polythematic ricercari, but the thematic 
material, instead of being the substance, is often hardly more than 
the soil for a luxuriant growth of playful motives and lively figurations. 

The four settings of ‘Pange lingua’ (like those of ‘Ave maris stella’) 
are cantus planus compositions each having the hymn melody in a 
different part, surrounded by variegated motives and figurations. The 
versets for the Magnificat are composed in five parts, with the upper 
part bearing the inscription: ‘pera se cantarem ao organo, esta voz 
nao se tango, as quatro abaixo se tangen' (to be sung to the organ; 
this part not to be played, the four below to be played).! They are, 
therefore, examples of the organ concertato of the early baroque 
period (cf. Viadana's Concerti ecclesiastici)? a practice which is also 
reflected in Frescobaldi's ricercar con obligo di cantare la quinta parte 
senza toccarla and in some of Steigleder's chorales on ‘Vater unser’ 
(see pp. 656 and 661). Very likely the vocal part was sung by the 
organist himself. 


CORREA DE ARAUXO 

Six years after Coelho's Flores de musica there appeared another, 
even more important publication of Iberian organ music, the Libro 
de tientos . . . intitulado Facultad organica by the Spaniard Francisco 
Correa de Arauxo,? who was born c. 1575 and served as organist at 
San Salvador, Seville, from 1598 to 1633. His publication includes 
62 tientos, three sets of variations, and a few other compositions. 
In the list of contents the tientos are arranged according to difficulty, 
from Primer grado, y el mas facil to the Quinto y ultimo grado superior 
a todos. The terms ocho (eight), diez y seys (sixteen), or treinta y dos 
(thirty-two), which appear regularly as a part of the title, indicate the 
quickest motion in the composition: quavers, semiquavers, or demi- 
semiquavers. The first twenty-four tientos are for registro entero, the 
others for registro medio de tiple, de baxon, de dos tiples, or de dos 
baxones. 

Arauxo represents the culmination of early baroque Spanish organ 
music. Even more than Coelho he revels in colourful treatment, bold 


1 A verso do primeiro tom is reprinted in Davison and Apel, op. cit. ii, p. 32. 

з See pp. 533 ff. 

* Modern edition by Kastner, Monumentos de la müsicaespafiola, vi and xii (Barcelona, 
1948 and 1952). 


682 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


play with erratic figurations, and rapid change of design. After a short 
imitative presentation of the theme he turns to toccata-like figurations 
or to figurative treatment and other free methods, occasionally touch- 
ing again upon the subject, as if to remind us that he has not com- 
pletely forgotten it during the course of his improvisation. The 
affective character of his compositions is heightened by a bold use 
of sustained dissonances, as in the two following excerpts showing 
what he calls punto intenso contra remisso (C against C sharp). 


R (redoble = trill) 


SPANISH LUTE MUSIC 

The importance of the lute as a medium for music-making through- 
out Europe during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is clearly 
reflected in the great quantity of sources which have come down to 
us, in manuscript as well as in printed form. Only the briefest survey 
of this material (of which no more than a fraction has as yet been 
made available in transcription) can be given here. Lute arrangements 
of vocal music, motets, and chansons, which in many cases make up 
the major part of the contents of a collection, must be disregarded 
here completely; they are interesting mainly from the sociological 
point of view, illustrating, as they do, the tastes of a large class of 
musical amateurs.! 

The remaining portion of the European lute repertory falls into 
three main categories: contrapuntal compositions (fantasias, ricercari, 


1 See, for example, Vol. III, p. 420. 


SPANISH LUTE MUSIC 683 


&c.), variations, and dances. The variations are represented only in 
the Spanish sources, and it is to these that we turn first, because of 
their very high artistic quality. 

The earliest Spanish source of lute music! that has reached us 
(undoubtedly preceded by many others now lost) is Luis Milán's 
Libro de müsica de vihuela de mano intitulado El Maestro (Valencia, 
1535).? This book contains forty ‘fantasias’, that is, compositions in 
a free idiomatic lute style consisting of chords, figurations (mostly 
scale passages), and pseudo-polyphonic elements. 

Some of these fantasias belong to a special type which Milán 
characterizes by the terms tentar de vihuela or fantasias de tentos. 
Repeatedly he admonishes the player to perform these fantasias in a 
flexible tempo, ‘es redobles apriesa y la consonancia a espacio' (the 
ornamented passages fast, and the harmonies slowly), adding that 
‘este musica no tiene mucho respecto al compas’. In general, these 
tentos are distinguished from the other fantasias by the extended use 
of running passages and by the absence of imitation.? One of the most 
beautiful examples is no. 16, an almost ceremonial composition 
which evokes a vivid picture of the famous maestro (as he was wont 
to hear himself called) surrounded by the grandees and ladies of the 
court society of Valencia or Madrid.* 

Three years after the publication of Milán's book there appeared 
Los seys libros del Delphin de müsica by Luis de Narváez (Valladolid, 
1538).5 In addition to arrangements of vocal pieces (by Josquin, 
Gombert, Richafort) and lute songs (romances and villancicos) this 
collection contains fourteen fantasias, four sets of variations, and a 
basse danse, called Baja de contrapunto. The fantasias are more 
clearly and purely contrapuntal than Milán's. With the exceptions of 
one, called Fantasía de consonancia (no. 5), they are free from 
homophonic elements, and the scale passages so frequently encoun- 
tered in the fantasias of Milán are completely absent. Narváez's 
fantasias are modelled after the motet or the imitative organ ricercar. 
Imitative treatment of two or three themes takes up the major part 

1 The word ‘lute’ is used in this section conveniently, but not quite accurately, to 
denote a related instrument: the vihuela de mano (cf. pp. 127 and 724.) 

з New edition by Leo Schrade in Publikationen älterer Musik, ii (Leipzig, 1927). See 
also Guillermo de Morphy, Les Luthistes espagnols du XVI* siécle (Leipzig, 1902; mostly 
Jute songs; many errors in the transcriptions). For a general account see Willi Apel, 
*Early Spanish Music for Lute and Keyboard Instruments', Musical Quarterly, xx (1934), 
p. 289. Selections from Milán, Narváez, Valderrábano, and Fuenllana in Apel, Musik 
aus früher Zeit, ii. 

5 See, for instance, no. 17 (Schrade's edition, р. 42), Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 129. 


* See J. B. Trend, Luis Milan and the Vihuelistas (Oxford, 1925). 
5 Complete edition by Pujol, Monumentos de la música española, iii (Barcelona, 1945). 


684 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


of the piece, while the closing section is (or, at least, gives the impres- 
sion of being) written in free counterpoint. While the initial theme is 
usually well characterized (in some cases it is indicated by solmization 
syllables, e.g. fa ut mi re, no. 6), the later ones are of the nondescript 
type well known from Gombert’s motets (e.g. E-F-D-E or F-E- 
C-D), a fact which often makes exact identification difficult. The 
final section often includes a repeat of a four- to six-bar passage, 
an echo effect derived from Josquin's ' paired imitation'. Three such 
echoes occur in the Fantasia no. 11 (p. 24 of Pujol’s edition). Nos. 5 
and 6, both based on subjects indicated by solmization syllables, 
seem to be intended as monothematic, since the main theme is not 
only used at the beginning but also recurs sporadically throughout the 
remaining portion in which new themes are introduced. 


LUTE VARIATIONS 

The Delphin de müsica is particularly interesting and important as 
one of the earliest extant sources of variations. There can be no doubt 
that the variation form was cultivated in Spain long before the time 
of Narváez, whose works in this genre seem to represent a first 
culmination rather than a beginning. The ‘Seys diferencias de contra- 
punto sobre . . . O gloriosa Domina”! are a particularly impressive 
example of this highly developed art. Inspired by the devotional 
character and the intrinsic beauty of the church hymn, Narváez has 
created here an outstanding masterpiece of variation form. Together 
witha set of five variations on another church hymn, " Sacris solemniis’, 
this is the earliest known example of variations proper, that is, of 
variations based on a complete melody which comes to a full stop 
at the end (sectional variations). Another type, in which a short 
thematic idea is repeated without interruption (continuous variations) 
is represented in Narváez by two examples, ‘Conde claros’ and 
* Guardame las vacas’.? Variations of this kind are usually called basso 
ostinato or ground, although there is occasionally room for doubt 
whether the originating idea lies in the bass, in the soprano melody, 
or simply in the harmonic scheme. Three countries have been claimed 
as the birthplace of this type of variation: Italy, Spain, and England, 
the last on the basis of such harpsichord pieces as Aston's ‘Horne- 
pype' or the * Dompe', both found in Brit. Mus. Royal App. 58 (c. 
1525).3 Without reopening this question, one may point out a line of 

1 Pujol, op. cit., p. 44; also in Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 130. 


з Pujol, op. cit., pp. 82 and 85; ‘Guardame las vacas’ also in Apel, Musik aus früher 
Zeit, ii, p. 14. 3 See Vol. III, p. 458. 


LUTE VARIATIONS 685 


development (a term which should be understood here primarily in 
the technical sense, without necessarily implying a chronological 
sequence), leading from extremely short thematic ideas to more ex- 
tended schemes. At the beginning of this sequence stands a very 
interesting composition for two lutes in Enrique de Valderrábano's 
Libro de müsica de vihuela intitulado Silva de Sirenas (Valladolid, 
1547), described in a prefatory remark as ‘a discantar sobre un punto 
о consonancia que es un compas que communemente llaman el atan- 
bor' (descant over a point or harmony which consists of one bar and 
is commonly known as the atanbor).? In this composition the second 
lute constantly repeats a G major triad in a one-bar broken-chord 
pattern of a strong rhythmic pulse strikingly reminiscent of oriental 
dance accompaniments. Against this monotonous background the 
first lute performs a strongly contrasting music of Western deriva- 
tion: 


Although this composition, considered per se, can hardly be called 
a variation, it serves as a convenient point of departure, for it 
exemplifies the simplest realization of the principle of uninterrupted 
repetition which forms the basis of all continuous variations. Pro- 
ceeding from the one-harmony basis of this example, we come next 
to ostinato schemes in which two chords (I-V) alternate, as in the 
English * Hornepype' and ‘Dompe’. In * Conde claros' the harmonic 
substance consists of a full cadence, I-IV-V, in an interesting rhythm 


! Reprinted by Pujol, ibid., xxii and xxiii (1965). 
2 On the instrument known as atanbor or atambor, see Vol. I, р. 468; cf. in that volume 
also rambura and tambur. 


686 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


alternating between 2 and $, as shown in the examples reproduced 
in Ex. 343, the first from Alonso de Mudarra's Tres libros de müsica 
en cifras para vihuela (Seville, 1546), the other, for two lutes, from 
Valderrábano's Silva de Sirenas: 


Ex.343 
(1) MUDARRA 


(ii) VALDERRÁBANO 
LUTE 1 


Horn 
v am =< = 


SS a ER НИЦЦЕ 


The theme of ‘Guardame las vacas’ more clearly foreshadows the 
later grounds in its greater extension, in its phrase structure (two 
phrases of four bars each), and in its slow triple metre, typical of all 
the passacaglias and chaconnes. This theme, easily recognizable by 
its tetrachordal design: А СЕЕ, A G F-E D, recurs in numerous 
sources, Italian, Spanish, and German, under various names such as 
*Romanesca', ‘Romanesca O Guardame', or ‘Passamezzo antico’ 
(see pp. 614, 645).! 


ALONSO DE MUDARRA 
Mudarra’s above-mentioned Tres Libros de música? contain a 
repertory similar to Narváez's: fantasias, arrangements, lute songs, 


! Valderrábano's variations on this theme are printed in Davison and Apel, op. cit. 
i, p. 133. 
2 Complete edition by Pujol, Monumentos de la música española, vii (Barcelona, 1949). 


ALONSO DE MUDARRA 687 


and dances. The fantasias are considerably less contrapuntal and 
imitative than those of Narväez, showing traits similar to those found 
in Milán. Repetition of passages (echoes), which Narváez uses only 
in the closing sections, frequently occurs at the very beginning, e.g. 
in nos. 1, 3, and 6, and imitation is seldom carried out in a systematic 
manner. Four fantasias, a pavana, and a ‘Romanesca’ (nos. 18- 
23) are written for the guitar, which differs from the vihuela de mano 
(which is also a guitar rather than a lute) by having four, instead of 
six courses of strings. The second of Mudarra's three books (nos. 
24—49) consists. of pieces arranged in the eight church modes, each 
group being formed by a tiento and two fantasias, or by a tiento, 
a fantasia, and an arrangement (glosa) of a Kyrie or Benedictus from 
a Mass by Josquin or Févin. Obviously, these groups were intended 
to represent musical units consisting of several *movements' some- 
what in the manner of a suite or sonata. The rtientos are short intro- 
ductory pieces, even less polyphonic than the fantasias, and com- 
pletely lacking the elaborate treatment characteristic of the organ 
tiento by Cabezón and the later Spanish organ composers. It is inter- 
esting to notice that the Spanish fiento had an evolutionary life 
identical with that of the Italian ricercar, leading from a short prelude 
for lute to a lengthy composition in imitative counterpoint for organ. 

The variation form is represented by the previously mentioned 
‘Conde claros’ and ‘Romanesca, o Guárdame las vacas', the dance 
literature by two pavanes (nos. 15 and 16) the first of which is based 
on a melody: 


that recurs in Cabezón's ‘Pavana italiana’,! Bull's ‘The Spanish 
Paven’,? in a ‘Pavaniglia’ in Fabrizio Caroso's Nobiltà di Dame 
(Venice, 1605)? and in the ‘Pavana Hispanica’ by Sweelinck and 
Samuel Scheidt.* 


VALDERRÁBANO 
Valderrábano's already mentioned Silva de Sirenas of 1547 is a 
compendious volume of over two hundred pages, divided into seven 
2 Pedrell, op. cit. vii, p. 73. 
$ Fitzwilliam Virginal Book, ii, p. 131, and Musica Britannica, xix, p. 31. 


3 Oscar Chilesotti, Danze del secolo XVI (Milan, n.d.), p. 21. 
* Sweelinck, Werken voor Orgel, p. 248; Scheidt, Werke, v, p. 47. 


688 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


libros. The first three of these contain pieces for lute and voice; the 
fourth, compositions for two lutes, mostly arrangements of vocal 
compositions by Willaert, Josquin, Gombert, and others, and also 
the previously mentioned 'Conde claros’; the fifth, fantasias; the 
sixth, *partes de Misas, Duos, Canciones, y Sonetos'; the seventh, 
variations. The fantasias,! thirty-three in number, are ‘assi sueltas 
como acomposturadas' (either free or measured), the latter term 
obviously referring to those that are based on other compositions, 
such as the ‘Fantasia en el tercero grado remedando [imitating] 
al motete de Gombert Inviolata’, or the ‘Fantasia sobre un 
benedictus de la misa de Mouton Tua est potentia'. Probably these 
fantasias are not mere arrangements, but compositions based on 
motives from the vocal models, as is the case in the earliest Italian 
organ canzoni (by Cavazzoni) Valderrábano's original fantasias 
show a more integrated style than those of Milán, because of the 
absence of chordal and figurative elements, but seem to be less fully 
imitative than those of Narváez. They are among the most impressive 
examples of lute polyphony, their intimate grace and reserved expres- 
siveness forming an interesting contrast to the courtly grandeur of 
those by Milán. 

Among Valderrábano's variations the ‘Pavana con diferencias’ is 
of particular interest because the theme is the ‘Folia’ of seventeenth- 
century fame, the only difference being that it starts with the domi- 
nant chord instead of the tonic, and that it continues with a section 
in slower triple metre (originally notated in duple metre), which 
disappeared in later compositions. The following example shows the 
outline of this pavane; the letters indicate the bass: 


The ‘Conde claros’ theme (Ex. 343) is treated by Valderrábano in 
two sets numbering respectively forty-six and seventy-two variations, 
an eloquent testimony to the popularity of this little motive. 

Concerning Valderrábano's personality and life we know practi- 
cally nothing. But perhaps of more weight than dates and facts is the 


1 One fantasia is transcribed in Apel, Musik aus früher Zeit, ii, p. 15. 


VALDERRÄBANO 689 


motto that appears at the end of his book, under a vignette showing 
a symbolical figure laden with fetters: "Ne ingenium volitet, paupertas 
deprimit ipsum’ (Lest genius should soar upward, poverty holds it 
down). 


DIEGO PISADOR 

Pisador’s Libro de müsica de vihuela (Salamanca, 1552) is divided 
into seven books (/ibros) which contain mostly lute songs (Libro I: 
Romances, Sonetos; II: Villancicos) or arrangements of vocal music 
(Libro IV, V: eight complete Masses by Josquin; VI: Motets, for lute 
and voice; VII: Villanescas and Canciones [Italian madrigals and 
French chansons], also for lute and voice). The first book opens with 
thirty-seven variations on ‘Conde claros’, twelve variations on ‘Las 
Vacas’, and a ‘Pavana llana' which is essentially identical with the 
above-mentioned ‘Folia’ pavane by Valderrabano. In addition to 
these, the only purely instrumental pieces are two fantasias found at 
the end of the first book, and twenty-four fantasias which make up 
the contents of the third. Several of these are noteworthy for the use 
of red letters to indicate the theme whenever it occurs during the 
course of the fantasia. Apparently these red signs had not only a 
demonstrative or didactic function, but also a practical significance, 
for Pisador says that they should be (or could be?) sung: ‘va la boz 
que se canta sefialada de colorado’ (the part to be sung is indicated 
in colour).! 

In addition to the imitative fantasias or, as Pisador calls them, 
‘sobre passos remedados’ (on imitated themes) there are others ‘sin 
passos remedados’ which continue the tradition of Milán's tañer de 
gala, but also foreshadow later tendencies in lute style by their fre- 
quent use of full, strumming chords connected by quick running 
figures, as in this example: 


1 Cf. p. 129. 


690 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


MIGUEL DE FUENLLANA 

Miguel de Fuenllana published at Seville, in 1554, his Orphenica lyra 
which, in addition to compositions for the six-stringed vihuela, con- 
tains a few pieces for the vihuela de cinco ordines (five courses) and 
the four-stringed guitar.! The purely instrumental repertory is repre- 
sented mainly by twenty-three fantasias included in the first two books 
together with arranged Mass pieces and motets (by Morales, Lupus, ' 
Gombert),? each vocal piece being followed by a fantasia, sometimes 
marked ‘Fantasia de l'author' or ‘Fantasia que se sigue'. This 
unusual arrangement suggests that the fantasias are musically related 
to the pieces preceding them; such a relationship is clearly indicated 
in a few cases where the fantasia is marked 'que le remeda' (which 
imitates it, i.e. the preceding piece). 

The great tradition of sixteenth-century Spanish lute music came 
to its end with Esteban Daza's Libro de müsica en cifras para vihuela 
intitulado el Parnaso (Valladolid, 1576), about which, unfortunately, 
nothing is known apart from a number of lute songs published in 
Morphy's Les Luthistes espagnols du XVE siècle. Towards the end of 
the sixteenth century the vihuela began to be displaced in popularity 
by the guitar, which failed to inspire a repertoire of comparable 
interest and value. 


ITALIAN LUTE MUSIC 
In Italy the early lute books by Petrucci (see Vol. III, pp. 418-21) 
were followed by a great number of publications which cover the 
period from 1536 to 1600 in fairly close succession.* The most impor- 
tant representative of the early Italian lute school is Francesco da 
Milano (1497-c. 1543), called il divino, who was employed at the ducal 
court of Mantua as well as by Ippolito de' Medici. Eight books of 


1 Cf. Hugo Riemann, ‘Das Lautenwerk des Miguel Fuenllana', Monatshefte für 
Musikgeschichte, xxvii (1895), p. 81; A. Koczirz, ‘Die Gitarrekompositionen in Miguel 
de Fuenllana's Orphénica lyra', Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, iv (1922), p. 241; J. Bal, 
*Fuenllana and the transcription of Spanish lute-music', Acta Musicologica, xi (1939), 
p. 16. 

3 Wolf (Handbuch der Notationskunde, ii, p. 113) gives a facsimile of the transcription 
of part of the Credo from Morales’ Mass ‘Tu es vas electionis’. A two-part fantasia is 
printed in Apel, Musik aus früher Zeit, ii, p. 16. 

* See Emilio Pujol, *Les Resources instrumentales et leur róle dans la musique pour 
vihuela et pour guitare aux XVIe siècle et au ХУП”, La Musique instrumentale de la 
Renaissance, p. 205. 

* The gap between Petrucci's publications and 1536 is broken only by the manuscript 
collection (c. 1517) of the Brescian nobleman Vincenzo Capirola, which has been edited 
by Otto Gombosi (Neuilly-sur-Seine, 1955); on this collection see Geneviéve Thibault, 
*Un manuscrit italien pour luth des premiéres années du XVI* siécle', in Le Luth et as 
musique (ed. Jacquot) (Paris, 1958), p. 43. 


ITALIAN LUTE MUSIC 691 


Intavolatura di liuto by him, containing mostly ricercari and fantasias, 
appeared at Venice from 1536 to 1563.1 The ricercari, similar to those 
in Petrucci's books, are free studies in lute style, consisting mainly 
of chords and scale fragments, as in the following example: 


The fantasias, on the other hand, are essentially imitative? and 
therefore correspond to the organ ricercar of the same period. 
Usually two themes are introduced in separate sections, as in the 
following fantasia from Francesco's Libro primo (1546) (cf. pl. I (b)). 


Among Francesco's contemporaries and successors were Antonio 
Casteliono (Intabolatura published 1536), Francesco Marcolini (1536), 
Marcantonio del Pifaro (1546), Giovanni Maria da Crema (1546),3 
Antonio Rotta (1546), Domenico Bianchini (1546),* Paolo Borrono 


+ Reprints in Chilesotti, Lautenspieler des 16. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1891); H. D. 
Bruger, Alte Lautenkunst aus drei Jahrhunderten (Berlin, 1923); J. W. von Wasie- 
lewski, Geschichte der Instrumentalmusik im 16. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1878); and Chile- 
sotti, *Francesco da Milano’, Sammelbände der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, iv 
(1903), p. 382. Part of Francesco’s arrangement of Janequin's ‘Chant des oiseaux’ is 
printed by Andrea della Corte, Scelta di musiche (Milan, 1949), p. 104. For biographical 
details, see H. Colin Slim, ‘Francesco da Milano: a bio-bibliographical study’, Musica 
Disciplina, xviii (1964), p. 63. 

* However, a piece described as ricercar in one publication may appear as fantasía in 
another: cf. the example analysed by Otto Gombosi, "A la recherche de la forme dans 
la musique de la Renaissance: Francesco da Milano', La Musique instrumentale de la 
Renaissance, p. 165. . 

3 Transcription by Giuseppe Gullino (Florence, 1955). 

* On Bianchini's book see Chilesotti, ‘Note circa alcuni liutisti italiani’, Rivista 
musicale italiana, ix (1902), p. 36, and R. de Morcourt, *Le Livre de tablature de luth 
de Domenico Bianchini (1546)', La Musique instrumentale de la Renaissance, p. 177. 


692 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


(1546, 1548, 1549, 1563), Giacomo Gorzanis (1561, 1563, 1564, 1565, 
1579),! Vincenzo Galilei (1563), Giulio Cesare Barbetta (1569, 1603), 
Fabrizio Caroso (1581), Giovanni Maria Radino (1592), Giovanni 
Antonio Terzi (1593, 1599), Simone Molinaro (1599), Giovanni Battista 
della Gostena (1599), and Cesare Negri (1602, 1604).? While Casteliono 
and d'Aquila preferred to cultivate the fantasia, dance music seems 
to prevail (side by side with arrangements of vocal pieces) in the 
later publications. Pifaro's Intabulatura de lauto (1546) contains 
various chiarenzane, each followed by a saltarello which presents the 
same tune in triple metre. They are examples of the familiar dance- 
pair? The German lutenists called such a rhythmic modification of 
a dance Proportz, since it resulted from the application of proportio 
tripla. The following is the beginning of Pifaro's ‘Chiarenzana De 
Magio’ as well as of ‘Il suo saltarello’: 


Ex.349 
(i) CHIARENZANA 


The stylistic characteristics of this example—full, ‘strummed’ 
chords and interlacing passage work—remained the stock-in-trade 
of the Italian composers of lute dances during the second half of the 
sixteenth century. 

In addition to pairs of dances, several lutenists developed fixed 
combinations of three or more dance types, and these are interesting 
as predecessors of the seventeenth-century suite. The following is a 
survey of such combinations, the bracketed figures indicating the 
number of examples found in each source: 


1508: Dalza Pavana-Saltarello-Piva* (2). 
1529: Attaingnant Basse danse-Recoupe-Tordion (9). 


! See Chilesotti, ‘Jacomo Gorzanis, liutista del Cinquecento’, Rivista musicale 
italiana, xxi (1914), p. 86. 

3 A fantasia by Marco d'Aquila, published in Casteliono's book, in Schering, 
Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen, p. 89; a sonata by Gorzanis in della Corte, op. cit., 
p. 101; various pieces in Chilesotti’s ‘Notes sur les tablatures de luth et de guitare’, 
Lavignac, Encyclopédie de la musique, Ire partie, ii, pp. 651-68. 

* See Vol. III, p. 429. * See Vol. III, pp. 420-1. 


ITALIAN LUTE MUSIC 693 


1536: Casteliono Pavana-3 Saltarelli (with variations [а/о modo] and 
extensions [ripresa])-Tochada (6). 
1546: Francesco Pavana-3 Saltarelli (8). 


1546: Rotta Passamezzo-Gagliarda-Padovano (5). 
1563: Gorzanis Passamezzo-Padovano-Saltarello (?). 
1573: Waissel Passamezzo-Padovano-Saltarello (8). 
1577: Caroso Passamezzo-Gagliarda-Saltarello (or Rotta)- 


Canario (optional) (8). 


Very likely these embryonic suites reflect, to a certain extent, the 
dance fashions in the various decades of the sixteenth century. In this 
connexion the emergence of the passamezzo about 1550 is worth 
noticing, as well as the numerical prevalence, in the books of Caste- 
liono and Francesco, of the saltarello, a dance which enjoyed the 
greatest popularity. 

Among the later Italian lutenists, Vincenzo Galilei (1520?-91), 
a prominent member of the Florentine camerata, is the most note- 
worthy.? The ricercari inserted in his dialogue Fronimo (Venice, 1568, 
second edition 1584) are mostly short studies in chords and passages, 
as, for instance: 


Another example, considerably more extended,* opens with a point 
of imitation but continues after this in free lute style. Of special 
interest is a ‘Fuga a l'unisono, dopo sei tempi’ for two lutes,? that is, 
a group canon in which a complete fabric of chordal and melodic 
elements is imitated by another lute at a distance of six bars. 

Galilei's Intavolatura de lauto (Rome, 1563) contains, in addition 
to twenty-eight arranged madrigals, six ricercari of the type described 
above, while a manuscript Libro d’intavolatura di liuto of 1584 con- 


1 See pp. 151 ff. 

з Complete edition by Fabio Fano in Istituzioni e monumenti dell'arte musicale 
italiana, iv (Milan, 1934). See also Chilesotti, ‘Il primo Libro di liuto di Vicenzo 
Galilei', Rivista musicale italiana, xv (1908), p. 753. 

* Fano, p. 9. * Ibid., p. 10. 

5 Ibid., p. 12 


694 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


tains numerous galliards with dedicatory titles such as ‘Terpsichore’, 
‘Tiresia’, and ‘Fillide’, probably the earliest examples of a practice : 
which became common in the dance music of the seventeenth 
century.! 


BACFARC AND GINTZLER 

Another interesting lutenist is the Hungarian Valentinus Bacfarc 
or Bakfark (1507-76), who sometimes styled himself Greff.? One of 
the most renowned musicians of his day, he spent his life at the 
courts of Hungary, France, Poland, and Austria, but his music is 
closely related to the Italian tradition. His lute books, the Intabula- 
tura Valentini Bacfarc (Lyons, 1552; partly reprinted in Premier livre 
de tabelature . . . par Vallentin Bacfarc, Paris, 1564) and the com- 
pendious Harmoniae musicae . . . prima pars (Cracow, 1565), as well 
as the collective publications by Phalése (Theatrum musicum, Louvain, 
1571; Thesaurus musicus, Louvain, 1574), contain, in addition to 
numerous arrangements of motets, chansons, and madrigals, only 
four recercate and three fantasias. All these are extremely long pieces 
(oneconsists of morethan 200 bars), written almostcompletely in three- 
or four-part imitative polyphony. Together with similar compositions 
by Simon Gintzler, a German. lutenist of Italian leanings, whose 
Intabolatura de lauto, Libro primo? appeared at Venice in 1547, they 
represent the technical highpoint of the imitative lute ricercar of the 
sixteenth century, indicating a tendency to make the lute compete 
with the organ. The most important Flemish lutenist was Emmanuel 
Adrianssen, who published his Pratum Musicum and Novum Pratum 
at Antwerp in 1584 and 1592.4 

Brief mention may finally be made of the lute books published by 
two famous dancing masters of the late sixteenth century, Fabrizio 
Caroso's H Ballarino (Venice, 1581) and Cesare Negri's Le Gratie 
d'amore (Milan, 1602) and Nuove Inventioni di Balli (Milan, 1604).5 
They contain exclusively dances for practical purposes and (perhaps 
consequently) of very slight musical interest. A ‘Bassa imperiale' 
in Negri's Le Gratie d'amore is identical with a ‘Pavana alla vene- 
tiana’ in Dalza's lute-book of 1508 as well as with a ‘Bassa imperiale’ 

1 Three late Italian lute books, by Radino (Venice, 1592), Molinaro (Venice, 1599), 
and Gostena (Venice, 1599) have been published by G. Gullino in 7 classici musicali 
italiani (Florence, 1949-63). 

з Reprints in Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, xviii. 2. 

® Reprints ibid. 

4 See Godelieve Spiessens, ‘Emmanuel Adriaenssen et son Pratum Musicum’, Acta 


Musicologica, xxxvi (1964), p. 142. 
5 Reprints in Chilesotti’s Danze del secolo XVI. * See Vol. Ш, р. 420. 


BACFARC AND GINTZLER 695 


in the Klavierbuch der Regina Clara im Hoff (Vienna, Staatsbibl. 
MS. 18491) of c. 1625!—an interesting example of longevity in dance 
music. 


FRENCH LUTE MUSIC 

The French lute music after Attaingnant (see Vol. III, pp. 450 ff.) 
is hardly less in quantity than that in Italy after Petrucci. The main 
representatives of French lute music were Albert de Rippe (d. 1551), 
an Italian in the employ of Frangois I and Henry II, his pupil Guil- 
laume Morlaye who published his teacher's works as well as his own 
(Paris, 1552-8), Antoine Francisque with his compendious Le Trésor 
d'Orphée (Paris, 1600), and Jean-Baptiste Besard with his equally 
voluminous Thesaurus harmonicus (Cologne, 1603) and its sequel, the 
Novus partus (Augsburg, 1617). In addition, such publishers as 
Phalése and Le Roy continued to cater for the demands of the musical 
amateurs as Attaingnant had done. 

The contents of these books consist of fantaisies, dances, and 
arrangements of chansons and motets, the last-named category far 
outnumbering the others, as may be seen from the contents of the 
various lute books of de Rippe and Morlaye, issued .as Premier 
(Second . . .) livre de tabelature de luth: 


de Rippe 1 (1562): 9 fantasias 

II (1562): 15 chansons 

ТІ (1562): 16 chansons 

IV (1553): 6 fantasias, 2 chansons, 3 pavanes, ‘La Romanesca’ 

» V (1562): 4 fantasias, 5 motets 

Morlaye 1 (1552): 6 fantasias, 12 chansons, 6 paduanes, 8 gaillardes 

II (1558): 2 fantasias, 2 motets, 6 chansons, 2 pavanes, 4 gail- 
lardes 

III (1558): 3 fantasias, 2 motets, 5 chansons, 1 pavane, 1 gail- 
larde. 


3? 
ээ 


„ 


Up to now practically nothing of this large repertory has been made 


available for study. 

An important landmark in the development of lute music is repre- 
sented by two previously mentioned publications dating from the 
turn of the century: Francisque's Trésor and Besard’s Thesaurus? 


1 See Apel, Musik aus früher Zeit, i, pp. 20 and 15. 

2 Piano transcription of Francisque by Henri Quittard (Paris, 1906). Numerous 
transcriptions from Besard are included in J. N. Garton, The Thesaurus Harmonicus of 
J. B. Besard (typescript dissertation, Indiana University, 1952); separate pieces in Apel, 
Musik aus früher Zeit, ii, p. 24, Adler, Handbuch der Musikgeschichte, i, p. 402, Bruger, 
Alte Lautenkunst, and above all in Chilesotti’s publications—Biblioteca di rarità 


696 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


Both are comprehensive collections in several livres, each of which 
contains a special genre of lute music. Thus, the Tresor presents in 
successive chapters: (1) préludes et fantaisies; (2) passemézes et 
pavanes ; (3) gaillards; (4) branles et gavottes; (5) courantes; (6) voltes; 
(7) ballets. The Thesaurus is even more inclusive, containing (1) 38 
praeludia (by Laurencinus, Diomedes, Besardus, Bocquet); (2) 42 
fantasias (by Laurencinus, Dlugoraj,! Dowland, and others); (3) 16 
madrigals and 25 villanelle; (4) 17 cantiones gallicae and 21 airs de 
court (for voice and lute); (5) 18 passamezzi, 1 pavana hispanica, 
and 1 bergamasco; (6) 51 galliardae; (7) 34 choreae quas Allemande 
vocant; also 8 choreae polonicae and 1 chorea anglica Doolandi (that 
is, by John Dowland); (8) 29 bransles and 17 ballets; (9) 30 courantes 
and 34 voltes; (10) various items, such as batailles, canaries, &c. 

It is in these two books that, for the first time, we find large collec- 
tions of two dance types which were to become standard movements 
of the baroque suite: the allemande and the courante. The appearance 
of the gavotte—previously mentioned in Arbeau's Orchésographie 
(Langres, 1588)—is also worth noticing. Even more important is the 
fact that these two books give the first evidence of an imminent 
change of lute style, a change which was to be of fundamental 
importance not only for lute music but also for the harpsichord 
music of the seventeenth century. As we have seen previously, the 
lutenists, near the end of the sixteenth century, had arrived at a 
luxuriant style of full, pompous chords and rapid, virtuoso passage 
work. A typical example is the following ‘Passo e mezzo bellissimo' 
by Gorzanis (from the Secondo Libro, Venice, 1563): 


musicali, vii and ix, Lautenspieler des 16. Jahrhunderts, and ‘Notes sur les tablatures’ 
(Lavignoc, Encyclopédie, Ire partie, ii, pp. 670-2). 

1 Diugoraj was a Polish pupil of Bakfark; a fantasia, finale and six villanelle, ed. 
Piotr Pozniak, Wydawnictwo dawnej muzyki polskiej (Cracow, 2nd ed. 1964), xxiii. 
Another Pole whose work appeared in Besard's publications was Jacob Polak or 
Polonois, lutenist at the French court; seventeen pieces, ed. Maria Szczepańska, 
ibid. xxii (1951). 


FRENCH LUTE MUSIC 697 


Although pieces written in this style are still to be found in the 
Trésor as well as in the Thesaurus, there are others which clearly 
indicate a break with this tradition. The ‘Volte’ by Francisque quoted 
in Ex. 352, i, shows a new type of melody, remarkable for its graceful, 
charming, and popular simplicity, and his ‘ Les Favorites d’Angélique’ 
(named after Angélique Paulet, a woman famous for her grace, 
beauty, and musical talent) is an early example of the seventeenth- 
century style brisé with its characteristic texture of notes alternating 
in the high and low registers, suggesting two-part writing (Ex. 352, ii): 


Besard's Thesaurus contains a great number of compositions by 
other lute composers, particularly Laurencinus Romanus and Dio- 
medes Cato. Laurencinus was Besard's teacher and is probably 
identical with Lorenzini da Liuto, who served as lutenist to Cardinal 
d'Este at Tivoli during 1570 and afterwards at Ferrara. Diomedes, 
also known as Diomedes Venetus or Diomedes Sarmata, was born 
in Venice and worked at Cracow.! By far the most interesting part 
of the Thesaurus is its first book, with its large collection of praeludia. 
As the name suggests, these are free pieces in idiomatic lute style, the 
seventeenth-century successors to the early Italian ricercari and 
Spanish tientos for the lute. Naturally they have more variety and 
greater fullness of sound, and this, together with an expressive quality 
reflecting the then fashionable mood of melancholy, makes them truly 
admirable examples of lute music. Particularly attractive are the 
relatively short preludes by Besard, such as this: 


1 Thirty pieces, ed. Szczepasiska, ibid. xxiv (1953). 


698 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


Little of importance has come down to us from the three or four 
decades between the Thesaurus and the appearance of the greatest 
French lutenist of the seventeenth century, Denis Gaultier (see 
Vol. VI)! The chief contribution of this period is the air de cour 
with lute accompaniment, as represented in the eight books of Airs 
de différents autheurs mis en tablature de luth by Gabriel Bataille 
(Paris, 1608-18), Antoine Boésset’s Airs de Cour (Paris, 1621), and 
others.? 


GERMAN LUTE MUSIC 

The earliest extant examples of German lute music are some lute 
songs contained in Schlick's Tabulaturen etlicher Lobgesangk und 
Lidlein of 1512.3 The most important of the later lutenists were Hans 
Judenkünig (c. 1450-1526; Vienna), Hans Gerle (c. 1500-70; Nurem- 
berg), Hans Neusiedler (1508-63; Nuremberg); his brother Melchior 
(1507-90; Nuremberg, Augsburg, Italy), Wolff Heckel (Strasbourg), 
Sebastian Ochsenkun (1521-74; Heidelberg) Sixtus Kargel (died 
after 1586; Strasbourg, Saverne), and Mattheus Waissel (died after 
1573; East Prussia). 

Judenkünig's Ain schone kunstliche Underweisung* appeared 
at Vienna in 1523, three years before he died ‘senex admo[dum]' 
(a rather old man), as we learn from a comment written in the copy 

1 Robert Ballard’s lute music (1611 and 1614) has been re-published by André Souris, 
Sylvie Spycket, and Jacques Veyrier (Paris, two vols., 1963-4). 

2 See p. 189, 

* See Vol. III, p. 410. 


* Reprints in Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, xviii. 2; on the composer's life, 
see Adolf Koczirz, ‘Der Lautenist Hans Judenkünig’, Sammelbände der internationalen 


Musikgesellschaft, vi (1905), p. 237. 


GERMAN LUTE MUSIC 699 


in the Vienna Nationalbibliothek. He was a contemporary -of Hof- 
haimer, and his connexion with the humanistic movement, in which 
Hofhaimer played a central role, appears from the fact that, in his 
slightly earlier Utilis et compendiaria Introductio (Vienna, c. 1515), 
he included settings of Horatian odes.! 

The Underweisung contains five priamell (preambles), short preludes 
written in the pseudo-polyphonic and, occasionally, imitative style of 
the Italian lute ricercari. It also contains several dances, among which 
‘Der Hoff Dantz’ and ‘Der ander Hoff Dantz' are of particular 
interest, being among the earliest examples of a German dance type, 
the Hoftanz, which is frequently encountered in German sixteenth- 
century sources.? Many of these examples are based on a traditional 
melody, ‘Der schwarze Knab’,? a reconstruction of which is given 
in Ex. 354 (i), together with Judenkünig's *Der Hoffdantz' (ii), and 
a more elaborate version by Neusiedler (111). 


Ex.354 
(i) 


1 See Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, xviii. 2, p. 1. 

2 See Otto Gombosi, ‘Der Hoftanz’, Acta musicologica, vii (1935), p. 50. 

* See, for instance, Weck's ‘Tancz der schwarcz knab’ in Merian, op. cit., p. 52. 
Here the melody is in the tenor. 

* Neusiedler's * Hoftanz' is printed in Davison and Apel, op. cit. i, p. 107. 


700 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


Hans Neusiedler published Ein newgeordnet künstlich Lautenbuch 
(Nuremberg, 1536), Ein newes Lautenbüchlein (Nuremberg, 1540), 
and Das Erst Buch. Ein newes Lautenbüchlein—Das Ander Buch. Ein 
New künstlich Lautten Buch (Nuremberg, two parts, 1544), containing, 
in addition to a great number of arrangements of songs, motets, and 
chansons (Janequin's ‘L’Alouette’ appears under the title ‘Lalafete’), 
eight ‘preambels’ and about forty dances.! Most of the preludes are 
written in a fairly complete three-part texture, as in the passage shown 
in Ex. 355.? One ‘Preambel oder Fantasy’ has a fair claim to be the 
most extended piece ever written for the lute. 


Among the dances we find Italian dances under titles such as 
‘Welscher Tanz’, "Welscher Tanz’, or ‘Wascha mesa’ (that is, 
passamezzo), several examples of the 'Hoftanz', and some par- 
ticularly interesting character dances, such as *Der Zeuner Tantz' 
(‘*Zeuner’ probably means Zigeuner, gypsy).? 

Hans Gerle published, under the title of Musica Teusch (‘German 
Music’), a collection of pieces for violins (including ‘string quartets’) 
and for the lute (Nuremberg, 1532, and later editions). In 1552 


1 Reprints in Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, xviii. 2; Oswald Körte, Laute 
und Lautenmusik bis zur Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1901), and Schering, op. 
cit., p. 88. 

з Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, xviii. 2, p. 15. 

3 Transcribed in Apel, Musik aus früher Zeit, i, p. 9. 


GERMAN LUTE MUSIC 701 


appeared his Ein newes sehr künstlichs Lautenbuch, containing nume- 
rous preludes and dances, mostly by Italian lutenists such as Francesco 
da Milano, Antonio Rotta, Marco d'Aquila, Rosseto, and ‘Joan 
Maria" (i.e. Giovanni Maria da Crema). 

Mention must also be made of some later German lute books: 
Wolff Heckel's Discant (Tenor) Lautten Buch (i.e. duets for two lutes) 
(Strasbourg, 1556), Sebastian Ochsenkun's Tabulaturbuch auff die 
Lautten (Heidelberg, 1558), Bernhard Jobin’s Das erste (Das ander) 
Buch newerlessner Lautenstück (Strasbourg, 1572 and 1573), Mattheus 
Waissel's several Tabulatura (Frankfurt-am-Oder, 1573, 1591, and 
1592), Melchior Neusiedler's Teutsch Lautenbuch (Strasbourg, 1574), 
and Sixtus Kargel's Lautenbuch (Strasbourg, 1586). Many of the 
dances contained in these publications? consist of a main dance in 
even metre, followed by another in triple metre, the latter being called 
Nachtanz (after dance), Sprungk (jump), Hupfauf (jump up), Tripla, 
or Proportz. Often these second dances are rhythmic variations of 
the first dance, particularly if they are called Tripla or Proportz, both 
abbreviations of proportio tripla. In Waissel's lute books we find 
several examples of suite-like combinations, such as passamezzo- 
padovano-saltarello (see p. 693). 

Waissel’s lute book of 1592 is the last printed publication of 
German lute music, not only in the sixteenth century but almost 
throughout the seventeenth. There exist some fairly compendious 
manuscript collections from the early seventeenth century,? but even 
these cease with the beginning of the Thirty Years War. Not until the 
third quarter of the seventeenth century did German lute music reach 
a new period of flowering, under Esaias Reusner (1636-79). 


ENGLISH LUTE MUSIC? 


It is not yet possible to discuss the role played by the lute in the 
development of English music before 1540 or so. Scattered references 
show that the instrument was popular among professional musicians 


. ! Reprints in Wasielewski, Körte, and Bruger, op. cit. Closely related to the publica- 
tions of Gerle and Neusiedler is the manuscript Bay. Staatsbibl. Mus. 1512, from which 
Heinz Bischoff and Heinz Zirnbauer have published a selection of transcriptions (Mainz, 
1938). 

4 See J. Dieckmann, Die in deutscher Lautentabulatur iiberlieferten Tanze des 16. 
Jahrhunderts (Kassel, 1931). 

3 Dresden, Staatsbibl. MS. Mus. B. 1030 (Lute Book of Joachim von Loss, early 
seventeenth century); Copenhagen, Royal Library, MS. Thott 841 4° (Lute Book of 
Petrus Fabricius, 1605 ff.); Leipzig, City Library MS. II. 6. 15 (Lute Book of Adalbert 
Dlugoraj, 1619). 

* By Thurston Dart. 


702 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


and amateurs alike. Peter Carmelianus the Luter was one of Henry 
VIII’s favourites for many years. When Princess Margaret made her 
progress to Scotland in 1503 she was visited by her future husband, 
James IV: ‘Incountenynt the Kynge begonne before hyr to play of the 
clarycordes, and after of the lute. . . .' The earliest English lute tabla- 
ture (Brit. Mus. Royal App. 58), which seems to have been compiled 
over a number of years (c. 1530-c. 1550), confirms the idea of the 
repertory of the lute which máy be deduced from continental sources 
of the time: improvisation, arrangements of vocal music, and dance 
music. 

The arrangements of vocal or ensemble music found in this and in 
many subsequent manuscripts do not differ in style from the hundreds 
of similar ones found in continental sources. The music is transcribed 
either as it stands or else with a number of somewhat stereotyped 
embellishments, and the polyphony is often treated rather cavalierly. 
Some of the arrangements are for solo voice and lute accompaniment, 
and in the expressive power of songs like Johnson's ‘Benedicam 
Domino’ and the anonymous ‘Willow Song’ may be seen the seeds 
of the later ayre. The dance music in Royal App. 58 and in many 
later manuscripts is of far greater importance, however, in the 
development of idiomatic writing for the lute. “The dance was the 
main source of inspiration to every lutenist composer, and even in the 
most florid and idealized examples the basic nature and pulse of the 
dance are never lost.’ 

* During the reigns of Elizabeth, James I, and Charles I, the lute 
was the most popular domestic instrument of music in England" 
English lute music of the period 1540 to 1620 is represented by some 
2,000 surviving compositions (excluding songs, consort music, and 
arrangements of vocal music); the majority of these are dances, the 
pavane and galliard standing at the head of the list. In the earlier years 
the three component strains of each dance were often unequal in 
length, but by the classical period (1585-1610) the strains had become 
uniformly eight, twelve, or sixteen bars long, and it was customary to 
provide each strain with an elaborate written-out variation. Thematic 
connexions between pavanes and galliards are rather rare. Almans, 
jigs, corants, and volts were also popular, and in the earlier sources 
there are a number of settings of such international harmonic grounds 
as the quadro and passamezzo pavanes and the hornpipe. 


1 David Lumsden, ‘The Sources of English Lute Music (1540-1620)’, Galpin Society 


Journal, vi (1953), p. 14. 
2 Peter Warlock, preface to his edition of some of The Lute Music of John Dowland 


(London, 1927). 


ENGLISH LUTE MUSIC 703 


Of the non-dance forms, the most important are variations and the 
fancy. The themes for variations are those found in such collections as 
the Fitzwilliam Virginal Book: ‘Go from my window’, ‘The carman’s 
whistle’, ‘Walsingham’, ‘Bonny sweet Robin’. The variations, like the 
fancies, often attain great heights of musical and technical complexity. 

Most English lute-music survives only in manuscript sources; in 
general these are similar in layout and contents, and it is clear that 
most of them were the personal books of good professional or 
amateur players, compiled over a long period of time, constantly 
replenished with new music, and primarily intended for use. It is 
difficult to establish an orderly chronology for them, and the scholar’s 
task is further complicated by the very high proportion of anonymous 
compositions they contain—about three-quarters of the entire reper- 
tory. Many of the best lute-composers are hardly known else- 
where: Bacheler, Cutting, Brewster, Newman, Collarde, Bulman, 
Robinson! are names that occur in few reference books, if any, and 
little or nothing is known of these composers’ lives. Byrd wrote only 
nine lute pieces, Morley only one or two, and men so renowned as 
Tye, Gibbons, Weelkes, and Wilbye none at all. Among the more 
familiar names found in the lute sources are those of Holborne, the 
Johnsons, Pilkington, Rosseter, ‘Phillips’,? the younger Ferrabosco, 
and John Dowland. Dowland’s music for solo lute includes dances, 
fancies, and variations; masterly in technique and inspiration, it 
was famous throughout Europe. In his preface to A Pilgrimes Solace 
(London, 1612), the composer was able to point out with justifiable 
pride that ‘some part of my poore labours have found favour in the 
greatest part of Europe, and been printed in eight most famous Cities 
beyond the seas, viz.: Paris, Antwerpe, Collein, Nurenberge, Franck- 
fort, Leipsig, Amsterdam, and Hamburge’. No other English com- 
poser of his time could say as much. His music is to be found in one 
English source after another; there are more than twenty extant 
versions of his famous ‘Lacrimae’ pavane, for instance. The melan- 
choly power of this pavane and of such fancies as ‘Forlorn Hope’, 
the infectious gaiety of ‘My Lady Hunsdon’s Puffe’,? the rich texture 
of his setting of ‘Fortune my Foe’ for two lutes: these are typical of 
Dowland. Yet they can be readily matched in the music of his English 
contemporaries, both named and unnamed, and they give some indi- 
cation of the wealth and variety of the English school as a whole. 


! Cutting, Brewster, Newman, and Bulman are represented in David Lumsden, An 
Anthology of English Lute Music (London, 1954). 

% More probably Philippe Van Wilder than Peter Philips. 

3 Lumsden, An Anthology, pp. 36 and 29. 


704 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


Many English lute manuscripts include duets for two lutes (often 
with the supplementary part missing altogether), duets for lute and 
viol (the viol part again being usually missing), music for bandora, 
cittern, lyra viol or virginals, lute music by foreign composers (notably 
Francesco da Milano), and music for broken consort. The instru- 
ment's tuning (Gcfadg’) remained fairly constant throughout the 
whole period; in about 1595 a seventh course (tuned to D) was added, 
and diapasons running clear of the fingerboard were added at about 
the same date. Before 1570 or so, the lower strings were tuned in 
octaves; after 1596, in unison; but the transition from the one to the 
other is difficult to trace. 

The printed sources are comparatively few in number, and it is 
curious to note how very few of the pieces from these turn up in the 
manuscripts. Books like those of Le Roy (London, 1568), Barley 
(London, 1596), and—above all—Robinson (London, 1603) are im- 
portant not so much for the music they contain as for their practical 
instructions in lute-playing; Le Roy's book, translated from the 
French, includes a number of French chansons and dances, and 
Robert Dowland's Variety of Lute Lessons (London, 1610)! tends to 
emphasize foreign composers at the expense of the English school. 
About fifteen pieces of lute music are included in the printed song- 
books of Dowland, Maynard, and others. 

To judge from the surviving sources, the golden years of English 
lute music were from 1580 to 1620, and many of the pieces may not 
unfairly be ranked among the finest compositions of their age. This 
is the period of the English ayre for voice(s), lute, and viol(s); the 
decline in its popularity coincides with the decline in the old style of 
solo lute music in 1620 or so. Thereafter the new and rather precious 
style introduced by the French lutenist Jacques Gaultier and his com- 
patriots increasingly eclipsed the native English tradition. By 1630 
the lute, though still very much in favour, had become utterly 
Frenchified, and the manuscripts of the time record only new and 
foreign names and a new and foreign idiom. 


SOLO MUSIC FOR OTHER INSTRUMENTS? 

During the first forty years of the sixteenth century a number of 
books dealing with the practice of instrumental music were published 
in the chief cities of Europe. Their contents usually fall into three 
categories: anthologies of music for such solo harmony instruments 


! Facsimile and transcription by Edgar Hunt (London, 1957), 
з By Thurston Dart. 


SOLO MUSIC FOR OTHER INSTRUMENTS 705 


as the lute or the organ, these anthologies often being preceded by 
a rudimentary tutor for the instrument; simple directions for the 
learner of such consort instruments as the recorder or the viol, prima- 
rily designed to show him how to keep his instrument in good order 
and how to take his place in polyphonic ensemble music; and manuals 
of extemporized ornamentation, mainly for the more advanced en- 
semble player. Manuscripts such as Trent 1947-4 show further how 
a polyphonic chanson of the period could be adapted for solo viol 
with keyboard accompaniment, or for recorder and lute; but in all 
this repertory there are few traces of an autonomous style for a solo 
melody instrument. With the publication of Silvestro Ganassi's 
Regola Rubertina (Venice, 1542) and its sequel, his Lettione Seconda 
(Venice, 1543), the development of solo instrumental music took a 
decisive step forward; and it was the viol that led the way. 

Ganassi's books constitute the earliest comprehensive tutor for the 
viol ever published, and their author dealt with every aspect of the 
instrument's technique (though the historian may justly deplore 
Ganassi’s tortuous prose, which so often obscures his meaning). 
His earlier book, La Fontegara (Venice, 1535),! is a treatise on extem- 
porized ornamentation for the recorder-player, and the bulk of it 
consists of page after page of musical examples, many of them quite 
impracticable in performance. The Regola Rubertina and its sequel, 
however, take the learner through every stage of handling his instru- 
ment, including such subjects as tuning, testing strings, fretting, 
bowing, fingering, reading from tablature and from notes, scale- 
practice, cadenzas, arranging a madrigal for voice and solo viol, and 
the invention of improvised solo ricercari. It is in these ricercari that 
Ganassi's abilities are displayed at their best; their ingenious mixture 
of melody and harmony and their wide-ranging themes well illustrate 
the skill in extemporization that he expected of his pupils. Such music 
as this contains the seeds of two quite separate forms of instrumental 
music that developed during the later years of the century: music for 
viola bastarda and for division viol, and music for lyra viol. In the first 
of these the melodic and improvisatory elements in Ganassi’s style have 
taken command; in the second, the harmonic elements. 

Diego Ortiz’s Tratado de glosas (Rome, 1553)* marks the next 
stage. The first book of this important treatise is concerned with the 
improvised embellishment of polyphonic lines in ensemble music at 


1 Edited by Hildemarie Peter (Berlin, 1956); English translation by Dorothy Swainson 
(Berlin, 1959). 
3 See also p. 560. 


706 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


cadence points and elsewhere—with cadenzas, in fact. The second 
book is of greater interest, for it shows the player how to improvise 
ricercari for solo viol, how to embellish an individual polyphonic line 
to the accompaniment of a keyboard instrument, how to extemporize 
a fifth part to a four-part madrigal or chanson, and how to play 
*divisions on a ground’. All these are melody-making techniques. 
Ortiz's musical style is less rhapsodic and more mature than Ganassi's, 
his tastes more international, his exposition more orderly. His chosen 
instrument was the bass viol—here he accurately foresaw the domi- 
nant taste of viol-players during the next two centuries—and, like his 
instrument, Ortiz was by birth a Spaniard. In all probability many of 
the techniques he describes originated in Spain and were perfected in 
Italy, more particularly in Naples—then, and for many years to come, 
part of the Spanish Empire. Such virtuosos as Giovanni Bassano, 
Orazio and Alfonso della Viola, Riccardo and Francesco Rogniono 
(or Rognoni), Giovanni Luca Conforto, and Angelo Notari carried 
Ortiz's techniques of elaborating upon the text of a polyphonic com- 
position to their culmination in the bastard art of the aptly named 
viola bastarda; under the hands and fingers of these men the whole 
polyphonic fabric of a madrigal became dissolved into a flurry of 
extemporized skips and runs for a small bass viol, accompanied by 
a continuo part played upon a harpsichord, organ, or large lute. 
So parasitic a style could not outlive the carcass upon which it fed; 
having spread to the greater part of Europe, it expired together with 
its host during the later 1620's. As for Ortiz's other techniques, the 
ricercar and ‘divisions on a ground’ led to the English division- 
playing of the seventeenth century; and since ‘cadenzas’ were as apt 
for voice or violin as for viol, their vocabulary of ornament enriched 
the style of the singers and violinists of the early baroque period. 
The harmonic element in Ganassi's music similarly branched off 
into a style of its own, represented first by the /ira da gamba and a 
little later by the lyra viol. The Italian lira da gamba, a rather 
cumbrous bowed instrument with a dozen or more strings tuned in 
a sequence of rising fifths and falling fourths, was cultivated by only 
a few virtuosos. Since common chords were extremely easy to play on 
the /ira, it could be used either for continuo-playing or for sketching 
the music of a polyphonic madrigal or chanson. The lyra viol* 
probably developed as a hybrid between the /ira da gamba and the 
small bass viol; it borrowed its notation (tablature) from the lute, its 
technique and form from the viol, its variable tunings (see Ex. 358) 
1 See also p. 716. * See also pp. 714-15. 


SOLO MUSIC FOR OTHER INSTRUMENTS 707 


from the /ira, and its tessitura from the tenor viol. Like its probable 
inventor, the younger Alfonso Ferrabosco, it seems to have been 
conceived in England of Italian parentage; and he appears to have 
been the pioneer in developing its elaborate and distinctive style.! 
During much of the seventeenth century the lyra viol was the chosen 
solo instrument of English violists, and such composers as Hume, 
Coperario, Corkine, Jenkins, and William Lawes wrote much fine 
music for one, two, and three lyras as well as for lyra viol and violins. 
Outside England, however, the instrument seems to have been vir- 
tually unknown. 

Few countries other than Italy and England and few melody instru- 
ments other than the viol can claim much of a share in the develop- 
ment of solo instrumental music during this period. If a true repertory 
for the га da braccio or for the solo violin ever existed during the 
sixteenth century, nothing is known of it today. The same is true of 
such treble wind instruments as the recorder, flute, crumhorn, and 
shawm, for all these were used either in consort or else merely for 
playing tunes and dances. Of the brass instruments, the sackbut or 
trombone was not a solo instrument, though it was customarily used 
for doubling the bass line in a work for cornett and continuo. 'The 
horn was for the hunting field alone, and by the late sixteenth century 
it had evolved an elaborate code of solo calls. The trumpet served 
another field, war, and its solo music was little more than another 
code of military and ceremonial signals. The rebec was for beggars, 
the bagpipe for shepherds, and neither instrument contributed to the 
growth of solo instrumental music. In the early years of the seven- 
teenth century pairs of solo treble instruments such as violins or 
cornetts made their appearance at the Mantuan court and elsewhere,? 
but their history, like the history of ensemble music for trumpets and 
drums, lies outside the scope of this discussion. 

During the same period a certain amount of solo music for treble 
instrument and continuo made a rather apologetic appearance in 
Italy, often appended to collections of vocal monody; this reper- 
tory includes the solo canzoni of Riccio (Venice, 1614 and 1620), the 
esercitii of Brunelli (Venice, 1614; suitable for cornett, flute, recorder, 
viol, violin, and similar instruments), the correnti of Radesca da 
Foggia (Venice, 1616), the dances of Marini (Venice, 1617 and 1618: 
for violin or cornett), the canzoni of Rossi (Venice, 1620), and the 


! Some examples may be found in Jacobean Consort Music (Musica Britannica, ix) 
(London, 1955), pp. 200 ff. 

* For instance, in Monteverdi's Orfeo, in the trios of Salomone Rossi and Biagio 
Marini, and in the suites of Coperario and his English and Polish imitators. 


708 SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 


violin sonatas of Vivarino (Venice, 1620). Too little of this music has 
been reprinted for the scholar to reach firm conclusions about the 
way in which it developed; but from the forms alone it is possible to 
discern how the sonata seems to have grown out of a blend of the 
canzon, the dance and the instrumental ritornello. 

In conclusion, a word or two must be said about such harmony 
instruments as the harp, the gittern, and the cittern. During the early 
decades of the sixteenth century the harp had fallen into such low 
esteem that it was regarded as little more than an instrument fit for 
jesters or for blind improvvisatori. But in the later years of the century 
it returned to fashion among connoisseurs, first of all perhaps in 
Spain, and its medieval outlines yielded to the neo-classic form that 
it has more or less retained ever since. Some idea of its solo style may 
be obtained from such pieces as Trabaci's Toccata seconda .`. . per 
l'Arpa, Partite . . . sopra... Zefiro . . . appropriate per ГАгра and 
Ancidetemi pur per l'Arpa, and Mayone's Recercare sopra il canto 
fermo di Constantio Festa per sonare all' Arpa, to be found in their 
keyboard books published in Naples in 1615 and 1609;! from the 
printed works of Luys Venegas de Henestrosa, Cabezón, and Coelho, 
published between 1557 and 1620 and stated to be suitable for key- 
board or harp; from the splendid obbligato for double harp in Monte- 
verdi's Orfeo, undoubtedly composed for a local virtuoso of Mantua; 
and from the music written for harp in consort by such Englishmen 
as Lawes and Porter during the 1620's and 1630's. In sharp contrast 
to this elaborate style is the surviving music for cittern and gittern.? 
The sudden rise to popularity of these instruments in the 1540's is as 
hard to explain as the somewhat later rise of the harp. To judge from 
the musical publications, archives, and literary references of the time, 
the impulse would seem to have originated in France and to have 
spread thence to the Low Countries, Spain, West Germany, and 
England? Like the instruments themselves, music for cittern and 
gittern is unpretentious and at its best when closest to the dance and 
to improvisation. In the cities of Europe the upstart guitar, with its 
five strings and its ingenious *alphabet' of symbols for the common 
chords, speedily triumphed during the first decades of the seventeenth 
century; but the cittern and gittern lingered on in musical backwaters 
for many years afterwards. 

1 See p. 642. 

3 Cf. the pieces from the Mulliner Book transcribed by Denis Stevens in The Mulliner 


Book: a commentary (London, 1952), p. 78 ff. 
3 See Dart, “The Cittern and its English Music’ Galpin Society Journal, i (1948), p. 46. 


XIII 


INSTRUMENTS 
AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


By GERALD HAYES 


INTRODUCTORY 


THROUGHOUT the Middle Ages the nature of instrumental music is 
revealed mainly by the record of poem, carving, and picture. Soon 
after the beginning of the sixteenth century a great number of instru- 
mental texts began to appear and, with this music, instruction books 
(mostly for the lute) soon began to be published.! By the mid-century 
the instruments in use foreshadowed nearly all the members of the 
modern orchestra, though most of them were still far removed from 
their later forms. These are the types that lived on. But for a century 
and more pride of place was taken by instruments that had become 
obsolete curiosities by the end of the eighteenth century at latest. 
Viol, lute, cittern, recorder, cornett, clavichord, and harpsichord were 
passed by, after all their primacy of importance to performer and 
composer; their music was forgotten, their techniques lost, and their 
true nature gradually confused and distorted by historians. It is to 
these instruments that most of our attention must be given. 


THE VIOLS 
Of all the instruments that came out of the obscurity of the early 
Renaissance into full musical use in the sixteenth century, none has 
so great a value as the viol, both for its music and for its influence on 
musical development. Early in the sixteenth century the viol is found 
well established in the field of instrumentally conceived music; for 
two centuries this music extended its modes of expression to achieve- 
ments as remarkable as those of contemporary vocal music. This was 
not a continuous European development, for the viol awoke to 
maturity in some countries only as it was set aside in others; but at 
last even France, which had evolved a brilliant school of violists when 
other peoples were beginning to forget the instrument, turned away 


! Vol. HI, p. 450, n. 3, and supra, pp. 616, 698 (Judenkünig's Underweisung), 704-6. 


710 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


from it. This neglect was not because of any defect in the instrument 
or its music, but because the more facile and more powerful voice of 
the violin had then come to maturity and had found in a changing 
social world a too ready ear for its appeal. 

For two hundred years men forgot that viol and violin had been the 
bitterest of rivals and, misled by some superficial resemblance, they 
fell into the fatal error of assuming that one was the ancestor of 
the other. From that it was a natural step to conclude that the music 
of the viol was but a nursery for that of the violin. 

Four elements are fundamental to the character of the viol. It has 
six strings: this is the standard for all viols, notwithstanding that 
instruments with five, or with seven, strings were not uncommon at 
certain periods. The six strings are tuned in an invariable sequence: 
a fourth, a fourth, a major third, a fourth, a fourth. This gives a com- 
pass of two octaves over the open strings. When for a time departures 
from this are found, these are always for a specialized form of solo use 
and have no influence on the unchanging standard. On the finger- 
board of the viol there are tied gut frets, set a semitone apart. All 
sizes of viols, from high-treble to double bass, are bowed in the same 
manner: the bow is above the hand, which is held with the palm 
upwards. Consequently all the viols, even the smallest, must be held 
downwards, resting on, or between, the knees. 

Differences of outline between viol and violin are of no importance, 
but there are differences in structure that are radical in the two instru- 
ments. The wood of the viol is much thinner throughout than that of 
the violin; its strings are lighter, longer, and less tense, and the ribs, 
especially in the smaller forms, alto and treble, are deeper. The neck 
of the viol, broad to accommodate its many strings, is almost flat on 
the under side. From this structure comes the characteristic tone- 
quality of the viol, clear and resonant with a touch of reediness, lack- 
ing the volume and penetrating power of the violin, but speaking 
readily to the lightest touch of the bow, even upon the double-bass 
of the family. 

A majority of viols, it is true, have sloping shoulders, C-shaped 
sound-holes, flat backs, and square corners at the bouts, but in any 
or all of these features a viol may, and sometimes does, resemble the 
violin without any loss of character. In the sixteenth century the body 
was often smooth-waisted, guitar fashion. There was, however, a 
general tendency to adhere to the long tail-piece: this overhangs the 
base of the instrument and is slotted for attachment by a hook-headed 
peg, glued to the body. 


THE VIOLS 7A 


The sequence of intervals by which the standard tuning is formed 
is attested by a long line of writers extending from Agricola! in 1529 
to Jean Rousseau? in 1687 and on into the eighteenth century. English 
authorities invariably, and those of other countries most frequently, 
define this tuning with the highest string of the treble viol in 6 =: 
this is found consonant with the optimum tone-quality of existing in- 
struments. At this pitch, the varying sizes of viols should be tuned thus: 


Ex. 356 


TREBLE | | 


ALTO 


TENOR | | 


with the alternative, for what Mersenne? calls “the Italian manner’: 
Ex.357 


TREBLE | | 
ALTO-TENOR | | 


BASS d 


The absolute pitch of these notes varied considerably with both 
period and place; it will be found a safe rule for instruments to regard 
it as a semitone lower than the standard pitch of today, an approxima- 
tion for which a comparison of organ pipes provides some justification. 

1 Martin Agricola, Musica instrumentalis deudsch (Wittenberg, 1529; reprinted 
Leipzig 1896). * Jean Rousseau, Traité de la viole (Paris, 1687). 


з Marin Mersenne, Harmonie universelle (Paris, 1636-7; facsimile edition, Paris, 1963; 
English translation by Roger Chapman, The Hague, 1957). 


712 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


While it is of no importance that some earlier authorities! give a 
pitch a whole tone lower throughout than those quoted above, the 
student of contemporary textbooks may well be puzzled to find that 
certain writers,? often of the same period and country, define the 
consort so differently that it would appear to have been used by some 
players a fifth lower throughout: in effect, the treble becomes the 
tenor and the bass the double bass. Notwithstanding searching 
investigations,? no satisfactory solution of this has yet been dis- 
covered; there are no texts of consort music set in such a low pitch. 

The frets give to every note the clear sound of an open string. The 
structure of body, with lightness of strings, gives a ready response to 
the bow. A steady note is the characteristic of the viol, especially in 
consort music, and the close shake is appropriate only for emotional 
moments. These factors, and above all the results of the method of 
bowing, determined the whole nature of music for viols; it is this, and 
not mere antiquarianism, that has led to the modern insistence on the 
use of the correct instruments and correct technique for the inter- 
pretation of early instrumental music. 

With the bow held above the supine hand, the accented stroke is 
forward and the impact is made near the peak of the bow where 
pressure is lightest: the unaccented backward stroke begins with the 
weightier part of the bow, near the nut. All combines to an evenness 
of tone. As Mersenne aptly observed, in the strokes of the viol bow 
everything goes ‘tout au contraire' to those of the violin. 

Even more conclusive than contemporary instructions,* is a remark 
by a French writer made long after the viol had been submerged in 
the popularity of the violin. The last surviving viol in France was a 
small high-treble with five strings known as the par-dessus de viole and 
in 1780 de Laborde’ describes this instrument, with frets on its finger- 
board. He adds: ‘pour jouer du Par-dessus, on l'appuie droit sur ses 
genoux, et on tient l'archet avec la main droite renversée.’ 

Frets offer no impediment to perfect intonation: the pitch of a note 
can be adjusted when necessary in consort playing by pulling or push- 
ing with the stopping finger. The sixteenth century was familiar with 
this practice.® 


1 e.g. Hans Gerle, Musica teusch (Nuremberg, 1532). 

2 e.g. compare Cerreto, Della prattica Musica (Naples, 1601) with Cerone, El melopeo 
(Naples, 1613). 

3 Nicolas Bessaraboff, Ancient European Musical Instruments (Boston, 1941) (Ap- 
pendix B). * e.g. Jean Rousseau, op. cit. 

5 Essai sur la musique (Paris, 1780). 

в See Bottrigari , H desiderio (Venice, 1594; trs. Carol MacClintock, American Insti- 


tute of Musicology, 1962). 


THE VIOLONE 713 


THE VIOLONE 

The double-bass, or violone, lies outside the normal consort, but 
appears occasionally as in the set of Fantasias à 3 ‘with the double- 
bass" by Orlando Gibbons. The instrument corresponds in every 
respect with the other viols and is proportioned throughout to a 
register an octave below that of the bass viol. The violone ‘speaks’ 
with such ease that a child can play it without fatigue; its equivalent 
in the violin family was so coarse in tone and so tiring to play that it 
was seldom used. In consequence, the violone survived as the founda- 
tion of the concerto grosso and, later, of the full orchestra, long after 
the other viols had been discarded. About 1800, owing to the passion 
for power, it began to be strengthened; it shed some of its strings and 
then its frets, but the old method of bowing was much slower to die. 
The violone is, in fact, the familiar double-bass of the modern orches- 
tra, though the latter is no longer recognizable as the direct descen- 
dant of its aristocratic ancestor. 


BOWS AND BOWING 

Throughout this period the bow, for viol and violin alike, presents 
one unchanging feature: the tension on the hair is produced by an 
outward curving of the stick, for the inward camber, so familiar in 
modern bows, did not appear until the mid-eighteenth century. There 
is a technical value, especially in music for the solo viol, in the greater 
space between hair and stick that comes with greater tension. Al- 
though long enough to allow some 23 inches of free hair, the viol bow 
is very light and the spread of the hair is not much more than one- 
third of an inch. Weight is saved by thinning the wood as it nears the 
peak and also by the device of fluting the cylindrical stick. 

There is no hatchet-head; the stick flows gracefully into a long 
peak. In early forms the hair is held to the peak by binding, but the 
plug was devised before the seventeenth century was well advanced. 
The method of holding the bow demands that the nut be deep so as 
to allow the necessary space between stick and hair. 

Precise instructions for bowing were given in the textbooks of the 
period? and essential passages have been reproduced in modern 
works: these should be consulted for details. Every delicacy of 
phrasing and change of tone is readily possible and texts, especially 


1 See p. 586. : 
2 e.g. Silvestro Ganassi, Regola Rubertina (two parts, Venice, 1542-3), facsimil 


edition (Leipzig, 1924); Christopher Simpson, The Division Violist (London, 1659) (fac- 
simile edition, London, 1956); Jean Rousseau, op. cit. 


714 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


those of that last great school of violists in the France of Louis XIV, 
abound in markings of accent and colour. 


THE VIOL AS SOLO INSTRUMENT 

The story of the viol as a solo instrument is, in the main, that of its 
music which has been discussed in an earlier chapter.! There are two 
broad divisions of this solo use; firstly, there is a wealth of very diverse 
music, over more than two centuries, for the normal viol alone in both 
treble and bass forms and of this, the ‘divisions on a ground’,? the 
glory of this country's seventeenth century, formed the most impor- 
tant aspect; secondly, there is the use of the viol, for perhaps seventy 
or eighty years at most, in the form known as ‘lyra-way’, a name that 
indicates a special, though variable, system of tuning. 

The division-viol was a bass viol, a little smaller than the full con- 
sort bass, upon which ‘divisions’ of short notes between each note of 
the ‘ground’ were played, always returning to the note of the ground 
or to one concordant with it. The ground was played on a full-sized 
bass. Sometimes the divisions were played on a treble viol. 

At the close of the sixteenth century a new conception of tuning of 
both viols and lutes came to the minds of musicians. The composer 
had a dual task; not only were his artistic gifts engaged, but he had 
the technical problem of so arranging his music that it fell to the best 
advantage of the hand on the finger-board, and the tablature notation 
enabled him to express his intentions with precision. The innovation 
` was that, instead of adapting the music to a fixed tuning, the tuning 
was adapted to suit the music. Whether this was done first for the viol, 
or whether the lutenists showed the way is uncertain, but just at that 
time the violists greatly developed the use of the solo viol for contra- 
puntal music akin to that of the lute, and their works, in tablature, 
began to appear around the year 1600; they can have had no opposi- 
tion of traditional usage to overcome, as lutenists had, and it is at 
least possible that they led the way. If they did, the lutenists quickly 
followed, and printed works for the newly tuned luteslightly antedate 
the earliest printed works for the lyra viol. 

Although ‘lyra-way’ was applicable to any viol, this type of music 
was usually played on a bass, smaller than the division-viol, that 
became known as the lyra viol. The following are typical of a large 
variety of the tunings: 


1 See pp. 704 ff. 
2 This form dates at least from 1553 when Diego Ortiz published his Tratado. 


THE VIOL AS SOLO INSTRUMENT 715 


1 


Ех.358 
TOBIAS HUME (1602) 
© The Bandora Set 


JOHN PLAYFORD (1661 et seq.) 
(€ Harp-way sharp 


@ ALFONSO FERRABOSCO (1609) 


© Harp-way flat d 


and ® d 


© High harp-way sharp J 


© High harp-way flat d 


and o 1 


All these tunings are translated from tablature and are irrespective 
of pitch. 

Praetorius! calls the viol used in this manner viola bastarda, a name 
that has caused needless confusion to some writers. The early seven- 
teenth century experimented with the effects of sympathetic wire 
strings inside the lyra viol? but Playford remarks half a century later, 
*Of this sort of Viols, I have seen many, but Time and Disuse has set 
them aside’.* 

Music for the lyra viol is extremely difficult and is only for advanced 
violists. 

THE LYRAS 


In the background of this period there were several bowed instru- 
ments, at best but distant relatives of the principal figures; some were 


1 Syntagma Musicum, П (Wolfenbüttel, 1618-19), р. 47; facsimile edition, Publika- 
tionen der Hist. Sektion des deutschen Orgelrats(Kassel, 1929); also reprinted in Publika- 
tionen der Gesellschaft für Musikforschung, xiii. 3 See p. 706. 

* Francis Bacon, Sylva Sylvarum (London, 1626), Century III, no. 280. 

4 John Playford, Musick’s Recreation on the Viol, Lyra-way, Preface to the edition of 
1661. 


716 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


about to leave the stage while others were only on the point of enter- 
ing. None was of serious import in the development of instrumental 
music. 

The lira da braccio, so shadowy in musical use, so familiar in the 
hands of the heavenly choirs of Renaissance art, had begun to pass 
out of use before 1550, but references to it as late as the early seven- 
teenth century suggest that it lingered on; from it, the name lyra viol 
was undoubtedly adopted about the year 1600. The lyra had a large 
shallow body and was played violin-wise, held against the breast; the 
bridge was only slightly arched and there were three to five strings on 
the finger-board, with bourdon strings unstopped. Various works! 
give tunings for the lyra; that of Lanfranco may be taken as typical 
(the pitch is arbitrary, as he gives only the intervals): 


Ex. 359 


Although often depicted with frets, the evidence of writers such as 
Lanfranco and Bottrigari suggests that it was played without them 
in the sixteenth century. 

About 1550 a bass lyra was evolved, with from eleven to sixteen 
strings; these were tuned in a large variety of ways to suit the player's 
needs but always with the idea that concords could be formed by 
stopping several strings at once with a finger laid across the frets. 
Some idea of the general effect of the tunings may be obtained by 
imagining two descending diatonic scales, pitched a fifth apart, and 
formed by the alternate strings. Like the small lyra, it had bourdons.? 
The French form was small enough to be held on the knees, but the 
more usual Italian instrument was large enough to rest on the 
ground.? 

There are many references to the astonishing performances of 
virtuosos on this instrument, for its use was not limited to the playing 
of full chords in accompaniment. Madrigals were transcribed for the 
lira da gamba, as it was called,* and its great exponents, many of 
whose names have been preserved for us, performed prodigies of 
extemporization. As late as 1639, the great French violist André 

! e.g. Giovanni Maria Lanfranco, Scintille di Musica (Brescia, 1533); Pedro Cerone 
El Melopeo (Naples, 1613); Michael Praetorius, Syntagma Musicum, ЇЇ. 

* See especially Cerreto, op. cit., for details of this instrument. 


3 Mersenne, op. cit. 
* Also archiviola da lira and lirone. 


THE LYRAS 717 


Maugars heard it played with remarkable effect in Rome!, and Mer- 
senne's contemporary, Le Bailly, who specialized on this instrument, 
was known as ‘l’Orphée de France’. 


THE TROMBA MARINA 

The tromba marina, marine trumpet or Trumscheit had been fully 
developed in the fifteenth century and although it had only the smallest 
place in the musical life of the following three hundred years, it was 
vigorous enough in this background sphere. Yet how it changed from 
the small Trumscheit that Hans Memling's angel at Antwerp holds 
with one hand so confidently above her head! It became a seven-foot 
instrument only to be played resting on the ground or against a wall. 
Later, the long triangular body was filled with sympathetic strings 
that gave an echo by which Mr. Pepys was greatly puzzled.? The long 
single string, ‘of beast’s gutts . . . the thickness of a two-peny cord’, 
required a ratchet-wheelto hold it in tension, but thestrange trembling 
bridge was unchanged and the string was touched by the thumb, as 
before, between bow and bridge to produce harmonics. When ad- 
justed to the one suitable position—no easy task—this bridge pro- 
duces from the body sounds that are so similar in their ringing 
clarity to those of the true trumpet that they must be heard to be 
believed. 


REBEC, HURDY-GURDY, AND CRWTH 

From the fecundity of the Middle Ages, a few other bowed instru- 
ments strayed into this period with varying fortunes; none was of 
direct musical importance and all may be dismissed with a brief 
mention. 

The rebec, once so familiar to celestial musicians in fourteenth- 
and fifteenth-century art, fell from its high estate and passed almost 
from sight in the later sixteenth century, though doubtless it long 
maintained an active life in the countryside. Many references in con- 
temporary literature show that its name, at least, was not forgotten, 
and Shakespeare's rustic player in Romeo and Juliet was aptly named 
Hugh Rebeck. From its half-pear-shaped body came a penetrating 
brilliance, a product of its tense strings and the highly arched bridge 
on a sound-board lacking the qualifying presence of sound-post and 
flat back. The three strings had an age-long tradition of tuning by 

1 Ernest Thoinan, Maugars . . . son biographie . . . (Paris, 1865; facsimile reprint, 


London, 1965). * Diary, 24 October 1667. 
* Brit. Mus., Harl. 2034, fo. 209. 


718 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


fifths. For those occasions when celebration and merriment demanded 
sharply accentuated music, a new voice, more flexible and more 
appealing, was found in the violin and the ancient rebec was set aside. 

The two-man organistrum that emerged at the end of the Dark 
Ages developed into the hurdy-gurdy, symphony, or vielle äroue and, 
like the rebec, may be seen in the hands of angels in Renaissance art. 
It is a true member of the family of bowed instruments, though the 
bow is of infinite length: the strings are brought into contact with the 
circumference of a turning wheel, It lived through the seventeenth 
century though we know nothing of its musical use during tbat period; 
it bloomed into a vigorous and aristocratic life in the France of 
Louis XV. 

Of the crowd, perhaps the oldest of all European bowed instru- 
ments, only the name remained and was sometimes applied to any 
small bowed instrument; yet we know that this bowed descendant of 
the old north European plucked chrotta or rote lived on at least in 
Wales and, under the name crwth, it was found there in not un- 
common use in the eighteenth century. 


THE VIOLIN FAMILY 

It was not until the first quarter of the sixteenth century was well 
advanced that anything indicates the existence of such an instrument 
as the violin; the first clear reference to it seems to be Agricola's 
description of his third type of *small Geigen' in 1529.! Lanfranco's 
Violetta da Arco senza tasti or Violetta da Braccio e da Arco (1533)? 
are also almost certainly violins: but Philibert Jambe de Fer gave 
the earliest decisive picture of the new instrument in relation to the 
long established viols: “Оп appelle violes celles des quelles les gentil- 
hommes, marchands et autres gens de vertu passent leur temps. Le 
violin est celui duquel on use en danserie communement . . .?, and 
records show that when Henry II visited Lyons in 1548 violons were 
engaged for the open-air celebrations but were never used for the 
serious music within the buildings. 

The earlier writers.give three strings tuned a fifth apart; but most 
of the authorities towards the end of the century* allow four strings. 
The result is the same throughout, even as late as Praetorius:5 


! Op. cit. The edition of 1545 considerably expands the description and calls them 
‘Polish’. 

* Op. cit. (1533). Ganassi, op. cit., gives a very similar account. 

3 Epitome musical de tons, &c. (Lyons, 1556). 

* e.g. Zacconi, Prattica di Musica (Venice, 1592). 

5 Except for the bass, which Praetorius, in advance of his time, sets one tone higher. 


THE VIOLIN FAMILY 719 
Ex.360 


TENOR do 
A 


BASS 


b 


and later writers add another instrument called rebecchino, rebequin, 
fidicula, or violino that is tuned: 


Ex.361 


This, of course, is the violin as we know it. 

The body of a treble viol corresponds roughly in size to that of an 
alto violin (our ‘viola’). It seems highly probable that the new family 
of violins reflected the dominant family of viols, from which it became 
distinguished by the epithet da braccio (of the arm), while the older 
instrument was da gamba (of the leg). After the family became fixed, 
possibly quite early, it may have been found that a higher voice was 
peculiarly suited to this structure; we do not know what happened, 
or when, or where. It is clear that something led to the exclusion of 
our 'violin' from the family tree, and our alto continued to be 
regarded as the soprano voice of the family. Thus, when Monteverdi 
bestowed respectability on the violin family with its inclusion in the 
score of Orfeo, his soprano de viola da braccio is our alto, while his 
violino ordinario da braccio is our modern violin. ‘Ordinario’ is prob- 
ably a direction not to confuse this with the violino piccolo alla 
francese which was also scored for in Orfeo and which, as Praetorius 
confirms, was tuned a fourth higher than the violino. It may be men- 
tioned, in passing, that this ‘little descant' was not the highest pitched 
member of the family; Praetorius shows that the kit or pochette was 
well established in his day. 


720 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


Of the shape of the violin family in the sixteenth century we know 
very little, except that in the few representations in which it appears 
with certainty the form differs noticeably from the later standard 
pattern.) There is an archaic instrument in the Vienna collection that 
seems to belong to the early part of the century;? the body is not 
unlike that of what is probably the earliest appearance of a viola da 
braccio in a painting;? this is the only example with any cláim to 
authenticity until the last years of the century. Coutagne, it is true, 
gave a dubious acceptance of “deux ou trois instruments de Gaspar 
da Salo’ in his sweeping condemnations,‘ but over half a century later 
we feel grave doubts even of these, as the design looks so suspiciously 
final for their alleged dates, and the size is usually so small; they are 
more probably the work of his immediate successors. It is quite 
uncertain how late was the addition to the viola da braccio family of 
that sopranino voice, the violino, that we know as the violin. Around 
the year 1600 the viola da braccio was also called the violetta.5 Late 
in the seventeenth century the name viola da braccio became restricted 
to the alto instrument, with violetta as a synonym: and from it comes 
the English ‘viola’ and the German Bratsche for the alto violin. 

The familiar form of the violin became defined at some uncertain 
period towards the end of the sixteenth century; although we suspect 
the instruments attributed to him, Gasparo da Saló of Brescia (d. 
1609) may have been responsible for the design, as tradition tells. 
Most of the work of the first two generations of the Cremonese 
Amatis—Andrea (d. c. 1611) and his sons Antonio (d. c. 1640) and 
Geronimo (d. 1630)—was completed by the end of the first third 
of the seventeenth century. But changes that began in the late eigh- 
teenth century resulted in important differences between our modern 
instruments and those of earlier times. First, the bridge became higher 
and more arched; this required that the end of the finger-board should 
be raised, with the consequence that the neck had to be thrown back. 
As a result of the altered angles a larger component of the tension 
bore vertically on the belly, and the subsequent rise in the generally 
used pitch increased this pressure. The neck was slightly lengthened, 

1 See, e.g., the Duiffoprugcar portrait by Woeiriot of 1562. Henri Coutagne has con- 
fused the violin with the viol in his analysis of this engraving in Gaspard Duiffopraucart 
et les luthiers lyonnais du XVI* siécle (Paris, 1893). 

* Julius Schlosser, Die Sammlung alter Musikinstrumenten im Kunsthistorischen 
Museum (Vienna, 1920). 

* By Gaudenzio Ferrari (d. 1546). It is played by one of the putti in the Accademia 
Carrara at Bergamo. 


* Coutagne, op. cit. 
5 e.g. by Cerone, op. cit. 


THE VIOLIN FAMILY 721 


and notwithstanding a use of thinner strings throughout, the old bass 
bars were insufficient to reinforce the bellies against the pressure on 
them; in all old violins the bass bars had to be replaced. Violins 
bearing the most honoured names of the seventeenth century have 
been modified greatly since they left their makers’ hands. 

Until the mid-eighteenth century the violin bow was similar to that 
already described for the viols, though a little shorter. Such a bow, 
light yet firm, is helpful in playing rapid detached notes and staccato 
effects, and in phrasing: added to the flatter bridge, it makes the 
performance of contrapuntal music for the violin much more natural 
than with the modern instrument and bow. 


THE LUTE 

Like the viol, the lute came to maturity long before the beginning 
of the sixteenth century; there had been a very close affinity between 
the two families and in Spain the viol form of body was retained for 
the plucked instrument, while that with the more familiar *half-pear' 
body was regarded as a stranger, the vihuela de Flandres. However, 
outside the Iberian Peninsula the lute maintained its traditional 
shape. 

The tuning, irrespective of pitch which varied with the size of 
instrument, was identical with that of the viol; the normal lute for 
solo music was tuned approximately to: 


A seventh string, tuned one tone below the bass string, appeared in 
Virdung's time (1511) and later in the century it became a standard 
part of the lute used by Dowland and his contemporaries. 

The rounded body of the lute is built of strips of wafer-thinness; 
the flat table, of straight-grained pine, is also very thin and the whole 
body of even a large lute is so light that it can be balanced upon one 
finger. The late sixteenth century tended to increase the number of 
strips of which the body was built, but the high esteem in which the 
craftsmanship of earlier makers was held found practical evidence in 
the high prices paid in the seventeenth century for lutes by makers 
such as the Tyrolese Laux Maler who had flourished 150 years before. 


722 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


In common with nearly all plucked instruments, other than those 
of the harp type, each string of the lute was double and was known 
as a ‘rank’ or ‘course’. In the lower pairs the strings were usually an 
octave apart, though the higher pairs were invariably in unison. 
Sometimes and especially in England around the year 1600, the pairs 
were in unison throughout; John Dowland expressed his decided 
preference for this method,? but the octave tuning of the lower ranks 
persisted into the eighteenth century and Mace? shows that the Eliza- 
bethans' unisons did not prevail for long in England. Doubtless the 
original intention was to brighten the tone-colour of the heavy gut 
string, but it made an extra demand on an already severe technique 
to produce the sound of the deeper note in contrapuntal music and 
its purpose passed with the invention of gimping, that is to say, of 
coated strings, in the latter half of the seventeenth century. 

The strings lie close to the table and are attached to a string holder 
glued on to it; they pass over a finger-board that follows the plane 
of the table, on a neck broad and thin, to a rectangular peg-box that 
falls from the neck almost at a right angle. On the neck are tied gut 
frets similar to those on a viol. To enable the delicate table to with- 
stand the tension of the strings a number of small bars, of varying 
length, are glued to its underside at right angles to the longer axis: 
on the placing and size of these bars, the sound quality of each instru- 
ment greatly depends. Under the strings, and in a position between 
the neck and the plucking area, is a circular sound-hole, carved with 
fine tracery out of the wood of the table; interlacing geometrical 
patterns of great beauty display the taste and skill of the craftsman. 
This is the lute for which all the music of its classical period was 
written, before the changes of the early seventeenth century over- 
took it. 

Shortly before 1600 the traditional tuning of the lute was modified 
and after a period of conservative resistance it was abandoned al- 
together in favour of a considerable variety of tunings from which 
the composer selected that which offered the best fingering for each 
piece. The lute itself became changed by the addition of bass pairs 
of strings until twelve ranks or courses replaced the older seven as 
the standard. These basses were accommodated in different ways: in 
what became so popular under the name of ‘the French lute’, the 
rectangular peg-box was displaced by one somewhat akin to that of 


1 Thomas Robinson, The Schoole of Musicke (London, 1603). 
2 Robert Dowland, A Varietie of Lute Lessons (London, 1610). 
3 Thomas Mace, Musick's Monument (London, 1676). 


THE LUTE 723 


the viol, from which sprang a second, and even a third, peg-box to 
carry the basses. As the basses below the seventh rank were always 
played open, they had no need to lie on the finger-board and the 
device of the extra peg-box not only carried them aside from the neck 
but also gave them an added length. But the old lute was not 
discarded; many of the finest lutes of the seventeenth century and 
even later retain the former type of peg-box with all the ranks of 
strings lying over a broad finger-board. There is a tendency in these 
late lutes for the finger-board to acquire a slight rounding. 

Something of the purpose of these new tunings has been said in 
connexion with the lyra viol. A few typical examples of the lute 
tunings are: 


Ex.363 
(i) cHANCY! 


! Quoted by Mersenne, op. cit. 

5 Œuvres de Pierre Gaultier, Orléanais (Rome, 1638). 

* The Lute's Apology for her Excellence (London, 1652). 

* An Essay to the Advancement of Musick (London, 1672). 


724 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


These are, of course, irrespective of actual pitch as they are in- 
variably given in tablature. But as the century advanced, the original 
purpose of variety seemed forgotten and two tunings only survived 
in an unequal struggle for existence: notwithstanding Mace’s enthu- 
siastic support for the ‘French Flat Tuning’! (Ex. 363, i) it gave 
way to the so-called ‘new’ tuning (Ex. 363, iii), which survived as 
the tuning in which nearly all lute music was written.? 

Beside all these changes, made desirable by the complexity and 
brilliance of the lute's music, the old lute lived on; but it was relegated 
to the sole business of accompaniment. The early tuning was retained, 
though the extra bass strings were present, and the body became 
larger to give fullness of tone: in this state it acquired the names of 
liuto attiorbato, tiorba, or theorbo, for which no satisfactory explana- 
tion has been forthcoming. With the French type of double peg-box, 
it was also known as the arch-lute. One result of its increased size 
was a length of string that forbade the highest string to be strained to 
its proper pitch and it had to be tuned an octave lower; sometimes, 
even, the second rank was also tuned to its lower octave. Despite the 
obvious complication thus caused, complex accompaniments were 
played on such instruments at sight from figured-bass parts. 

In the search for deeper volume, the lute acquired one strange form 
in the late sixteenth century; beyond the peg-box carrying the usual 
stopped ranks of strings, the neck was extended for several feet to 
a second peg-box for the bass strings, which had to be of wire on so 
great a length. This was the chitarrone, sometimes miscalled the arch- 
lute. Its body, unlike that of the theorbo, was usually of normal lute 
size but it was similar to the theorbo in retaining the old tuning. 

The chitarrone has a certain amount of serious music of its own 
and it lived, chiefly for accompaniment, until the middle of the 
eighteenth century. 


VIHUELA AND GUITAR 

The Spanish vihuela, for which a great quantity of important music 
exists? was in reality identical with the lute save in its body, which 
maintained the guitar-like shape of early viols with a flat, or slightly 
rounded, back. Strictly it should be called the vihuela da mano 
to distinguish it from the bowed viol or vihuela da arco. With five 


! Op. cit. 

3 Cf, Ernst Gottlieb Baron, Untersuchung des Instrumentes der Lauten (Nuremberg, 
1727). 

3 See pp. 682 ff. 


VIHUELA AND GUITAR 725 


ranks only it became the familiar guitar, while a smaller form, with 
only three ranks, was called bandurria and was popular for lighter 
music. 

The guitar has suffered a process of coarsening during the past 150 
years; until after the middle of the eighteenth century it retained its 
lightness of structure and was strung with ranks of double gut strings 
which were carried to a flat peg-head into which the pegs entered from 
beneath. The waist was slight and the carved rose of the sound-hole 
was even more elaborate than that of the lute. Its tone-colour was far 
nearer to that of the lute than is that of its modern descendant. 

There is an immense body of music for the guitar, often of great 
technical difficulty, and it has two forms: some follows the contra- 
puntal manner of the lute, but much of it is in a brilliant and vigorous 
style of batteries of chords. 


THE CITTERN FAMILY 

The cittern (cithren, citharen, cetula, citole, sittron, cistre, cetra) 
came into the sixteenth century with a long and honourable history 
through the Middle Ages.! So far as it is possible, or even desirable, 
to assign origins, it seems to have been of purely European descent. 
From the cittern came a family of other wire-strung instruments, 
some of which played a prominent part in the half century centred 
on 1600. 

The characteristics of the cittern are a flat back to an almost 
circular body, four ranks of double wire strings and curious tuning: 


Ex. 364 3 
or f £ 


The first of these is associated more with England,? Italy, and Ger- 
many, the second more with France? Two additional strings are 
recorded as early as 1533:* 


ı See Vol. III, pp. 467-8. 

з Anthony Holborne, The Cittharne School (London, 1597). 
* Mersenne, op. cit. 

* Lanfranco, op. cit. 


726 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


and later in the century large citterns with as many as fourteen ranks 
of strings became popular, though the original instrument continued 
in unchanged use. The frets are always made with metal strips let 
into the finger-board. 

English tutors for the cittern, from Elizabethan times to Playford’s 
book of 1666, are unanimous that it should be sounded with the finger, 
though there is abundant evidence that a plectrum was widely used : 
on the Continent. The tone, when half-plucked and half-stroked by 
the side (and not the point) of the finger is singularly sweet, and free 
from that tinny jangle so hard to avoid with a plectrum. The circular 
outline sustained much modification in the hands of craftsmen who 
delighted to show their skill in flourished corners, as well as in elabo- 
rate ornament for the head and neck. In a form known as the Ham- 
burg cittern the body became almost triangular, though fully rounded 
at the corners. 

If a reference to bandores among the instruments used in the inter- 
ludes to Gascoigne's play Jocasta, when it was produced in 1566, 
really indicates the bandora, then that instrument must be the eldest 
of the cittern's children; specimens are extant dated from 1580 on- 
wards. It is attributed to England by Praetorius, and Pepys refers to 
it as something quite familiar in 1662, so that it may claim at least 
a century of active life. The bandora was a bass instrument and is 
familiar in music titles as a substitute instrument, as in Martin 
Peerson's Mottects (London, 1630): *with an Organ Part, which for 
want of Organs may be performed on Virginals, Base-Lute, Bandora 
or Irish Harp’. 

The bandora is no more than a large cittern with six ranks of double 
wire strings tuned to intervals represented by: 


with similar variations in the lowest string. 


THE CITTERN FAMILY 727 


The ‘stately Orpharion’, as William Barley! aptly names it, was the 
most elegant offspring of the cittern. The body was slightly smaller 
than that of the bandora and with a length greater than the width; 
it usually departs from the simplicity of the cittern’s outline into 
waves and corners. The purpose of the orpharion was to provide an 
inexpensive substitute for the lute, but this gave a possibility of new 
tone-colour to lute music. The tuning of its six ranks of double wire 
strings followed exactly the standard of viol and lute. 

The orpharion had one freak feature: the string holder was set 
aslant, no doubt to give extra length to the bass ranks, and this meant 
that all the frets fixed in the finger-board had also to be set aslant. 
Like the bandora, it figures as a substitute instrument, usually for the 
lute, in music titles, but it has some music of its own. 

The penorcon, smaller than the orpharion, is described and pictured 
by Praetorius? but has no other existence. The orphion, another 
variant, is recorded as a name. The stump can boast at least one piece 
of music,? from which it is inferred that it had nine bass ranks below 
the ordinary six, though of its form we are quite ignorant. Playford 
attributes the invention of both the stump and the polyphant to Daniel 
Farrant; elsewhere he records that Queen Elizabeth ‘did often re- 
create her self on an Excellent Instrument called the Poliphant, not 
much unlike a Lute, but strung with Wire’.* But the drawing of the 
polyphant given in Randle Holmes’s Academy of Armory suggests a 
flat bandora-body surmounted by a harp-like frame. Many other 
references, some with descriptions, convince us that this vanished 
instrument had an existence by no means negligible. 


THE HARP 

Harps had acquired a full chromatic compass before the six- 
teenth century, but these treble-strung instruments, covering four 
octaves with some eighty strings, were for experts and great occasions. 
A smaller harp that could be set upon the knee was more common in 
household music; this had from twenty-five to thirty strings tuned to 
a diatonic scale, with some additional semitones. But there was no 
rigid limitation to these sizes, and intermediate forms were made. 
The diatonic harp was not so restricted as might appear; skilled 
players could vary the pitch, to produce chromatics, by pressing the 
strings against the cross-bar with the free hand. 

1 A new Booke of Tabliture . . . (London, 1596). See p. 200, n. 5. 


2 Op. cit. 3 Oxford, Ch. Ch. 532, 
+ An Introduction to the Skill of Musick (London, edition of 1674). 


728 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


In the treble-strung harp, the semitones were given by the middle 
strings; the two outer banks of strings were in unison. On the Conti- 
nent the sixteenth century produced a large ‘double-harp’ to achieve 
the same full chromatic compass; this had two banks of strings with 
the semitones in consecutive order: 


Ex. 367 
Left hand by semitones to 


Right hand by semitones toj 


Praetorius! indicates a sound-box between the two banks of strings. 
To the contemporary mind, the principal distinction among harps was 
that between the gut-strung and the wire-strung, or Irish, instruments; 
the seventeenth century preferred the tone-colour of the latter, though 
good players were becoming rare in Evelyn's day. Some title-pages 
specify the Irish harp as a substitute for the bandora and theorbo, and 
Bacon remarks upon its satisfactory consonance with the viols.? 

Apart from its use in the mixed consort, and for accompaniment, 
the harp was adequate to interpret the music of many other instru- 
ments: ‘Quant aux pieces qui se iouent sur la Harpe, elles ne sont 
point differentes de celles qui se iouent surele Luth et sure l’ Epinette’; 
but a certain amount of music composed specially for the harp exists. 

The various mechanical devices for altering the tuning did not 
emerge until the opening of the eighteenth century. 


TYPES OF ORGAN 

The basic improvements, from which came the perfected organ of 
the ‘classical’ period, had all been devised by 1500 and only re- 
finements resulting from experience, opportunity, and craftsman- 
ship, remained for the sixteenth century to achieve. 

The first great step was the introduction of the small portative 
organ and the almost equally small but stationary ‘positive’ organ at 
the end of the thirteenth century or beginning of the fourteenth,* 
instruments which had keyboards that lay comfortably under the 
hand. The church organ proper remained a cumbersome affair even 


1 Op. cit. * Op. cit. 
* Mersenne, op. cit. * See Vol. III, p. 487. 


TYPES OF ORGAN 729 


in the early fifteenth century and the keys were still so large, owing to 
the wind pressure, that they required a fist action.! The keys for the 
semitones were separate from the diatonic keys. At first the smaller 
positive organ was used in the church quite apart from the large 
organ, but during tbe fifteenth century makers began to incorporate 
it in the main organ, thus giving the ‘great’ organ and the ‘choir’ 
organ in one instrument. The keyboard of the ‘great’ organ was 
much improved and began to resemble the ordinary fingered key- 
board. An engraving in a book published in 1492 shows a player at 
an organ with a keyboard very like that of a harpsichord?; and in an 
organ made in 1499 by Heinrich Cranz at Brunswick the keyboard 
had seven keys within the space occupied by eight today and had its 
semitones on the same keyboard.? By the early sixteenth century the 
keyboard of the great organ had been made as convenient as that of 
the choir organ. 


ORGAN PEDALS 


The date of the introduction of the pedals on the organ cannot be 
ascertained with any certainty, but they had appeared before the end 
of the fifteenth century. For example, Praetorius* gives a very tho- 
rough description, with pictures of details, of the great Halberstadt 
organ (finished in 1361) that was still in use in his day, and this 
included a full pedal keyboard added in 1495. Rimbault* quotes the 
case of an old organ at Beeskow, near Frankfurt am Oder, in which 
the date 1418 was found engraved on two large pipes that, from their 
measurements, he concluded must have been pedal pipes; unfortu- 
nately, this is hardly precise enough evidence to satisfy modern 
requirements. There are various unsupported traditions attributing 
to individuals the honour of inventing the pedals and it is interesting 
to observe that most of them relate to workers in the last third of the 
fifteenth century. 

What is remarkable is the fate of pedals in other countries. While 
they became a normal part of all important organs in Germany, 
pedals were also in use in Italy, as a dialogue of the mid-sixteenth 

1 See Praetorius, op. cit. 'Schiagraphia', for pictures of keyboards of old organs still 
in use in his day. 

з Franchinus Gafurius, Theorica Musice (Milan, 1492): reproduced in Grove's Dic- 
tionary of Music and Musicians (5th ed., London, 1954), vi, p. 292, and elsewhere. 
Although the keys look wide in the engraving, the player is quite clearly fingering them. 

* C. F. Abdy Williams, The Story of the Organ (London, 1903), p. 53. 

* Op. cit., p. 181; 'Schiagraphia', pls. xxiv and xxv. There are many passing references, 


e.g. pp. 97, ‘107’ (for 103), 105, &c. 
5 Op. cit., p. 42; see also W. L. Sumner, The Organ (London, 1952), p. 70. 


730 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


century shows; Fronimo has been discussing, somewhat sarcastically, 
the contemporary additions to the lute which, he says, will soon re- 
quire a hand as large as that of Artaxerxes: 


Eumatio: Dite per fede vostra quello rispose. 

Fronimo: Mi disse esser si ritrouate, per hauere nel Liuto come nell 
organo, il pedale. 

Eumatio: Ha, ha, ha!! 


Yet pedals do not seem to have been used on French organs until the 
mid-seventeenth century and it was long believed that in England 
they were introduced only about the middle of the eighteenth century.? 

During the sixteenth century couplers came into general use, and 
a less creditable invention of that period was the tremulant. The 
motive power in the organ proved irresistible to the inventiveness of 
the times and many references attest the exuberant embellishments 
with which the serious organist had to contend. The following 
description, given by a traveller in obviously unqualified admiration, 
indicates what was going on: ‘In the Churche of saint Andreus at 
Burdiouse [Bordeaux] is the fairist and gretest player of Orgyns in al 
Crystendome, in the whyche Orgins be many instruments and vyces, 
as Giants heds and sterres, the whych doth moue and wagge with 
their jawes and eyes as fast as the player playeth. '? 

One problem that faced the organ builder was the escape from the 
wolf notes that came in certain places by tuning in just temperament; 
the worst of these notes were avoided by the provision of separate 
keys for d# and ep and for g# and ap. Mersenne, who devotes the 
whole of his sixth book to the organ, shows several diagrams of 
keyboards designed to give far more elaborate intervals, but these 
seem largely theoretical. The practice of painting the letter of the 
note on the keys had persisted from the tenth century even after its 
practical purpose had been passed by; from this the German system 
of alphabetical notation for the organ developed in the early fifteenth 
century (see p. 780). Although staff notation for the organ was used 
in Germany before the end of that century, German organists for the 


1 Vincenzo Galilei, // Fronimo (Venice, 2nd ed. 1584), p. 104. 

3 Yet Praetorius seems to have assumed that pedals were used in England in his day: 
op.cit., p. 96. And see Benjamin G. Maslen, ‘The Earliest English Organ Pedals’, Musical 
Times, ci (1960), p. 578, and the subsequent correspondence, which suggest that English 
organs had pedals in the sixteenth century but not for many years after the Restoration. 


—Ed. 

3 Andrew Borde, The Fyrst Boke of the Introduction of Knowledge (London, 1548), 
cap. xxxvii. 

* Op. cit., Livre Sixiesme, Props. xxii and xxiii. 


ORGAN PEDALS 731 


most part clung to the alphabetical or partly alphabetical notation 
well into the seventeenth century, long after the music had become 
both rapid and complex.! 


PITCH 

We are fortunate in possessing an early work on organ construction 
by an outstanding expert of his day. This is Arnolt Schlick's Spiegel 
der Orgelmacher und Organisten which was published at Heidelberg in 
1511; Ornithoparcus called the author ‘musicus consummatissimus 
ac Palatini Principis organiste probatissimus'. The book is a rich mine 
of practical information.? The writer bitterly reproves those who 
made organ cases with moving figures that caused the congregation 
alarm or laughter, so the Bordeaux organ mentioned above must 
have had predecessors. But Schlick gives us one quite priceless piece 
of knowledge; he has been discussing the question of the pitch of the 
organ, which, he says, must be one that best suits priests as well as 
choirs, and he gives an engraved line on the page that is one-sixteenth 
of the length of the ‘eight-foot’ pipe to give the note F. From this, 
Ellis computed that the pitch of Arnolt Schlick's organ would be 
a’ = 377 vibrations per second.’ This is a low pitch compared with 
the modern standard of a’ = 439 but it is consistent with Praetorius's 
statement* that pitch had risen steadily before his day until it 
had reached a stage in Italy, and to a lesser degree in England, at 
which stringed instruments were endangered, and a reaction had 
set in. 

The whole question of the many different pitches in use is far too 
complex for full treatment here, but a brief reference is essential to 
the understanding not only of the organs of that period but of all 
instrumental usage. Even recent standard works of reference are mis- 
leading on the relations between the pitches, largely through a failure 
to recognize the important fact that the meaning of names was differ- 
ent in different periods. The second chapter in Praetorius, to which 


! e.g. Berlin, Deutsche Bibl. Mus. MS. 40147, fo. 1087. 

з The text, edited by Robert Eitner, appeared in Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte, i 
(1869), and an important study of the book by Raymund Schlecht, ibid. ii (1870), p. 165. 
A version of the text in modern German was published by Ernst Flade (Mainz, 1932) and 
the original text (with facsimile) was reprinted by Paul Smets (Mainz, 1937). 

3 Alexander J. Ellis, The History of Musical Pitch (London, 1880), p. 371, the locus 
classicus on the subject. But A. J. Hipkins, Encyclopaedia Britannica (11th ed.), xxi, p. 
660 (Pitch, Musical’) augments and in some cases amends Ellis’s results. The question 
of early pitches has been re-examined by Arthur Mendel, *Pitch in the 16th and Early 
17th Centuries, Musical Quarterly, xxxiv (1948), pp. 28-45, 199-221, 336-57, 575-93. 

* Op. cit., pp. 14 ff. 


732 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


reference has just been made, is a valuable contribution to our know- 
ledge of pitch in his day; after saying that he considers Cammerton 
(chamber tone) the most suitable for general instrumental work, he 
adds, ‘Der Chor-Thon, aber welcher umb einen ganzen thon tieffer ist, 
wird allein in den Kirchen gebraucht’ (the Chorton, which is about 
a full tone lower, is used only in churches). Hence his Chorton was 
lower than the Cammerton: but even in his day, he says, some used 
the words the other way round, and by the end of the century the 
reversal was fully established. 

Later, other pitches were used for special purposes, such as Cornett- 
Ton, a minor third above Cammerton (when defined as a whole tone 
below Chorton) and Lower Cammerton, a semitone below that 
Cammerton. But the former (Cornett-Ton) corresponds to a high pitch 
mentioned by Schlick as necessary for very large organs, and Lower 
Cammerton corresponds to an unnamed pitch on which Praetorius 
lays stress! as being a minor third below his Cammerton and which, 
he says, had been used before his day in England and the Netherlands 
for keyboard instruments. 

Of the forty-four organs that Praetorius describes in detail only 
five have a 32-foot pipe; the remainder have 16-foot as the longest 
pipe, though in half a dozen cases the pipe sizes are either omitted 
or are very incomplete.? The best way to describe a typical organ of 
the end of the sixteenth century is to quote one of the forty-odd 
elaborate descriptions of German organs that make the fifth section 
of Praetorius’s second volume such a treasure to us; as an example, 
the organ of the church of St. Lambert in Lüneburg, with its sixty 
stops and three manuals, is selected as typifying the organ builtatthe 
focal point of our period.? 


Mittel oder Gross Werck: zum Mitlern Clavier 
(Great Organ: Middle Keyboard) 


1. Principal 16’ 5. Querpfeiff g 10. Octava 2 
2. Gedact 16 6. Octava 4 11. Russpfeiff 
3. Octava 8 7. Spillpfeiff 4 12. Zimbel 


4. Jula, oder 8. Flöite 4' 13. Mixtur 
Spitzflöit —8' 9. Spitz Quinta 3’ , 


1 Op. cit., p. 14. 

3 The ‘foot’ of Praetorius is the Brunswick foot, equivalent to 285-36 mm. (11-23 in.). 

* Michael Praetorius, Syntagma Musicum, II, p. 233. More than half this volume 
is devoted to the organ and the third and fourth sections are full of invaluable informa- 
tion. For specifications of other organs of this period (German, Spanish, Italian, &c.), see 
Sumner, op. cit., pp. 353—6, and Gotthold Frotscher, Geschichte des Orgelspiels, i (Berlin, 
1935), pp. 321 ff. 


PITCH 733 


Ober Werk: zum Obern Clavier 

(Upper Organ: Upper Keyboard) 
14. Principal E 9. Gedact 2 24. Trummet 8 
15. Hellpfeiff 8’ 20. Gemshorn r 25. Regal g 
16. Querpfeiff 55 21. Waldfiditlin 1’ 26. Krumbhorn 8 
17. Quintflöit 3’ 22. Feldpfeiff A 27. Zinck halbirt 8’ 


18. Nasat EN 23. Zimbel 
Rückpositieff 
(Choir Organ) 
28. Principal 8 33. Quintflöit EN 38. Scharp 
29. Quintadehna 8’ 34. Octava 2’ 39. Mixtur 
30. Gedact 8 35. Sedetzen 40. Regal 
Quint IEN 
31. Blockflöit 4' 36. Seiflöit 1' 41. Schalmey 
32. Holfidit g 37. Repetirend 42. Baarpfeiff 
Zimbel 
Pedal— Basse 
43. Principal — Bass 16' 52. Rauschpfeiff 
44. Untersatz 16' 53. Zimbel 
45. Octava 8’ 54. Mixtur 
46. Gedact EN 55. Posaunen 16’ 
47. Super-Octava 4 56. Krumhorn 16' 
48. Nachthorn 4 57. Trommetten 8’ 
49. Spitz-Quint 3’ 58. Schalmey 4 
50. Gemshorn 2' 59. Cornet KN 
51. Bawr Flöit U 
Tremulant 


3. Pedael 


1. Coppel zu beyden Manualen (Coupler—the two manuals) 

2. Coppel/Pedal ză Rückpositiff (Coupler—Pedal to choir organ) 

The various names of the stops will be recognizable by, even when 
not familiar to, organists and it would take far too much space to 
describe them here; the uninitiated can find descriptions in standard 
works of reference.! 


l. Oberwerck 
2. }Ventiél zum { Mittelwerck 


POSITIVE AND REGALS 

The ‘positive’ was often made in a completely enclosed case for 
use in the household as a chamber organ;? it had five or six stops and 
the pure and sweet tone formed an ideal background for stringed 


1 e.g. Curt Sachs, Real-Lexikon der Musikinstrumente (Berlin, 1913), and Christhard 
Mahrenholz, Die Orgelregister (Kassel, 1928). No. 38, Scharp, is more readily found as 
Scharf (Ger.) or Scherp (Dutch). They are all described in detail by Praetorius, op. cit., 
pp. 126 ff. * Mace describes and illustrates a typical example, op. cit., pp. 242-5. 


734 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


instruments. In the seventeenth century, consorts of viols ‘to the organ’ 
are only less numerous than the consorts for viols alone, ‘And 
These Things were Performed, upon so many Equal, and Truly-Sciz’d 
Viols, . . . The Organ Evenly, Softly, and Sweetly Acchording to All.” 

In the fifteenth century, a small positive was sometimes built into 
the same case as a harpsichord, thus creating that hybrid instrument 
known as the claviorganum which had over two centuries of life.” 

Reed stops were introduced in the second half of the fifteenth 
century and very soon? a small transportable organ was developed 
consisting of pipes only; this was called the ‘regals’ and became 
popular for home use. The reed is of the single-beating type and so 
the regals bears no resemblance to the harmonium of the nineteenth 
century, which had free reeds. When the pipes have sufficient length 
the tone of the regals is pleasant, but very small sizes, such as the 
folding book type (Bible regals), are not attractive to hear. 


THE CLAVICHORD 

The clavichord (in Romance languages, manichord) is one of the 
most simple in construction of keyboard instruments, yet perhaps the 
most difficult to play. Its invention dates back to the fourteenth cen- 
tury‘ and the only development in later times was the multiplication 
of the number of strings. By the sixteenth century the clavichord was 
as fully equipped as the virginals, with a compass of about four and 
a half octaves. For that compass only four octaves of keys were 
required, as the lowest eight keys did duty for more than an octave 
compass by the omission of some semitones rarely used in that register. 
This ‘short octave’ was frequently retained for small keyboard instru- 
ments into the eighteenth century. 


VIRGINALS 

The virginals® came into full flower in the sixteenth century. Early 
in Henry VIII's reign we hear of an Italian finding great favour at 
Court through his performance on a clavicembalo that he had brought 
from Venice; another followed him, but with results so much less 
fortunate that he hanged himself. This long, wing-shaped instrument 
had appeared early in the century, but the rectangular and pentagonal 
‘table’ virginals continued in popularity in both small and large sizes. 

1 Mace, op. cit., p. 234. A number of fantasies and dances for strings and organ by 
Coperario are printed in Musica Britannica, ix (London,,1955), pp. 174-91. 

* A claviorganum, made in 1712 for the future George I, is in the Metropolitan 


Museum, New York. 3 [t was familiar to Virdung in 1511. 
* See Vol. III, pp. 420, n. 3, and 483. 5 See Vol. III, pp. 484-5. 


VIRGINALS 735 


The Antwerp family of Ruckers, whose famous instruments cover a 
century from about 1550, are credited with the introduction of the 
double manual about the end of the sixteenth century, but the descrip- 
tion of an instrument in Henry VIIT's collection! seems to antedate 
this by fifty years. These manuals were probably tuned a fourth apart 
in pitch at first? but in the next century the lower keyboard was raised 
to the same pitch as the upper. The two keyboards, now aided by stops 
to give variation of tonal effects, extended the resources of the instru- 
ment, but the full development of the harpsichord in range of colour 
belongs to the eighteenth century. 

By greatly reducing the size of the wing-shaped harpsichord and 
omitting all the means of varying tone, the mid-seventeenth century 
produced the spinet, which was, in essence, merely a return to the 
simpler virginals of a hundred years earlier: some later spinets have 
one or two stops, and even a few with two manuals are known. 

A form with the strings in a vertical plane was known as the 
clavicytherium and was useful where space was limited.? Sometimes 
a small organ was combined with larger virginals or cembalo, as 
mentioned above. Although the usual name was claviorganum, the 
term clavicymbal, often used for early harpsichords, was also applied 
to this combination: a ‘Lekingfelde proverb’ of about 1520 illustrates 
this: 

He that couytithe in clarisymballis to make goode concordaunce 

Ought to fynger the keyes with discrete temperannce 


To myche wyndinge of the pipis is not the best 
Whiche may cause them to sypher wher armoney shulde rest.* 


The use of ‘clari’ for ‘clavi’ is common throughout the sixteenth 
century, and even later, in all words formed on that basis; in English 
literature ‘clarichord’ is probably more frequent than 'clavichord'. 

The action of the virginals has already been described in Vol. III.5 
Metal plectra were abandoned early in favour of quills, usually from 
the raven's wing, but leather was substituted in the best instruments 
in thesixteenth century, and this not only produces the finest tone but 
is far more durable than quill. The simple mechanism was greatly 
elaborated in practice; there were usually two strings, beneath which 


1 Brit. Mus., Harl. 1419. 

2 The evidence is late, and therefore weak: see Quirinus Blankenburg, Elementa musica, 
(The Hague, 1739). 

5 Asit was pictured and described by Virdung, it must have been an early development. 

* Brit. Mus. Royal 18 D. II: ed. by Philip Wilson (Oxford, 1924). 

5 See p. 485. 


736 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


a third, tuned an octave higher, was added, and two jacks were used 
with each key. The slotted guide bars could be moved slightly so that 
seven combinations were possible. With the addition of a second 
manual, different sets of strings could be contrasted.! 

At first sight it would seem that the player's touch could have had 
no effect whatever on the note produced, but this is not quite so; 
there is a very decided sense of touch in harpsichord playing, though 
the effect on each individual note is, of course, slight. The finger tech- 
nique is totally different from that of piano playing. 

A loose distinction between virginals and clavicembalo or harpsi- 
chord might be found in the feature that the strings of the former are 
parallel with the keyboard, while in the latter they are at right angles 
to it; thus the clavicytherium and the spinet are both more akin to 
the harpsichord than to the virginals. Save that the virginals form 
imposed a limitation on the length of the strings, it is a distinction 
without much difference. 


THE SHAWM 

The great impulse given to instrumental development in the 
sixteenth century was especially remarkable among the woodwind 
families. While the shawms, krummhorns, and cornetts shared in 
this advance, the most signal achievement of the inventive genius of 
the century was the production of the re-curved tube which, after 
many interesting and sometimes exuberant experiments, left its direct 
descendant in the bassoon of our own day.? 

The shawm, although to some degree stabilized in the preceding 
century, received some minor improvements, but it was not until the 
middle of the seventeenth century that its offspring, our modern oboe, 
appeared, in spite of the fact that the two names "hautbois" and 
“һат” are used together occasionally in Elizabethan literature: 

The cornet and the fife 
The hoboy, sagbut deep, recorder and the flute: 
Even from the shrillest shawm unto the cornamute.* 


It would be difficult to draft a definition that would sharply dis- 
tinguish the oboe from the shawm, but the difference is musically 


1 Details of harpischord mechanism should be studied in specialist works, such as 
Philip James, Early Keyboard Instruments (London, 1930); Bessaraboff, op. cit., gives 
excellent diagrams. 

2 For the results of most recent research, consult Anthony Baines, Woodwind Instru- 
ments and their History (London, 1957). 

з Michael Drayton, Polyolbion, Song IV, (London, 1622): cf. Charles Butler, The Prin- 
ciples of Musik (London, 1636), p. 93, ‘Pipe, Organ, Shalm, Sagbut, Cornet, Recorder, 
Fluit, Waits or Hobois, Trumpet, &c." f 


THE SHAWM 737 


positive and the oboe must not be regarded merely as the shawm 
refined and perfected, but as a fresh line of evolution of the shawm- 
principle that superseded, without replacing, its ancient parent. The 
first great advance, however, was the appearance, soon after 1500, of 
the bass shawm, a long-needed addition to instrumental resources of 
which the lowest registers had been weak. 

A characteristic of the shawm was its intense, almost strident, tone 
which made it specially suitable for occasions of outdoor festival; 
perhaps it is hardly a compliment to our most revered of instruments 
when Mersenne tells us that in his day a substitute for such use was 
found in the violin. It might be thought that a version of the shawm 
some ten feet long would make a noise well-nigh intolerable, but this 
was not the case; an example of the bass shawm greatly pleased the 
late Sir Frederick Bridge—no great friend of the older instruments— 
and its tone is described as ‘soft and velvety, quite unlike that of the 
bassoon’.! By the time of Praetorius this size of shawm was regarded 
as a contrabass, with a ‘bass’ of about 6 feet in length,? but this was 
a later refinement: an example survives in the Berlin collection 
(no. 289) which is 9 feet long. 

The old German name pumhart for the shawm became, in the forms 
of pommer and bombardt, restricted to the larger sizes, and in Virdung 
in 1511 we find the descant called schalmey. The key or keys on the 
alto, tenor, and bass instruments had a protective covering, perforated 
with great delicacy, known as a fontanelle, a word that occurs as early 
as Praetorius in 1618. The reed of the tenor and smaller forms was 
controlled by a device called a pirouette which gave a half-way stage 
between the reed not touched by the lips but set in motion by wind 
pressure in a containing capsule, as іп a bagpipe chanter, and the * 
lip-control at the end of the reed as used today. The purpose of the 
pirouette has been rather misunderstood; only recently acquired 
knowledge has revealed its true purpose.? 

In essentials, the pirouette is a cylindrical block of wood, fitted on 
the top of the instrument, pierced by a cylindrical hole through which 
the staple passes: it is a defining feature that the end of the staple is 
always below the upper surface of the pirouette. As might be expected, 
the pirouette is seldom found or depicted in so simple a shape, and 
much happy design was usually expended on it. European instru- 
ments have been served from time out of mind with reeds made from 


1 Nicholas Bessaraboff, op. cit., p. 117. 
2 Michael Praetorius, op. cit., pls. vi and xi. 
* See Baines, op. cit., pp. 114 and 230. 


738 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


the arundo donax which grows in the marshes of southern France and 
Spain: this provides a reed much stiffer than the soft straw-like reeds 
of Eastern instruments and analogy cannot be drawn from eastern 
usage. The eastern reed has to be taken right inside the mouth, which 
then acts as a capsule, but the European reed will not work in that 
position and there is no evidence that it was ever used in the Eastern 
manner. Today precision instruments can cut the cane to one-hun- 
dredth of an inch before the scraping knife comes into use; this was 
beyond the reach of the sixteenth century, hence its reeds, though 
remarkable examples of what could be achieved with the knife alone, 
were thicker than those of our time and therefore had more resistance 
to the flat position.! 

The reed of the shawm was a good deal wider than the reed of the 
modern oboe and also rather shorter,? though there is some con- 
troversy on the latter point; it did not sit very firmly on the staple and 
to a limited extent the pirouette may have served as a protection. The 
main purpose of the pirouette, however, was to act as a guide, if not 
an actual rest, for the lips. In reed playing, the soft lips are drawn in 
against the teeth and the control is exercised by the firmer outer part 
of the lips on the lower part of the reed, just as by a bassoon player 
today. The pirouette prevented the player from taking the reed too 
far into the mouth, where it would produce only a raucous sound, and 
the surface, slightly hollowed saucer-fashion, saved fatigue of the lips. 
The larger size of the reed on the bass pommer made the use of a 
pirouette unnecessary and no contemporary illustration or description 
indicates the presence of such a device on that instrument.? 

This is not an academic matter; it has been stated far too often that 
the shawm reed was taken into the mouth and that therefore the 
player could have had no control over the tone. Actually, the very 
reverse is now known to have been the case. It was said above that the 
oboe superseded, without replacing, the shawm; but happily the 
shawm has survived as a living instrument in certain places where it is 
still used for its original purpose, for which there is no substitute. 
When the oboe proper became fashionable at the end of the seven- 


1 On the use of reeds in the sixteenth century, see Josef Marx, ‘The Tone of the Baro- 
que Oboe', Galpin Society Journal, iv (1951), pp. 7 and 8. Anengraving by Tobias Stimmer, 
с. 1560, shows a small bass pommer played with a reed, at the end of a long crook, held 
with the end just between the lips. 

* See, for example, the woodcuts and engravings in Mersenne, op. cit., Liv. Vme. des 
Instruments, pp. 295, 302, and 306, and Athanasius Kircher, Musurgia Universalis 
(Rome 1650), Iconismus ix, facing p. 500. The slightly less precise woodcuts in Praetorius 
all confirm this shape of the reed. 

з See Marx, op. cit. 


THE SHAWM 739 


teenth century, the shawms went out of use, but the oboe in the open 
air was barely audible. 

In Catalonia the true shawm is still used for outdoor music of a 
festive nature such as marches, dances, and the like, in combination 
with trumpets, trombone, and flugelhorn, and it shows what bril- 
liance has been lost by its disuse elsewhere; this is a fully developed 
modern instrument, not to be confused with more primitive shawm- 
like instruments that survive for folk-use in various corners of 
Europe. From the players of these instruments we can learn much 
of the usage of the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century shawms.! 


HAUTBOIS AND TREBLE SHAWM 

The middle of the seventeenth century saw many changes in the 
construction of woodwind instruments, not only those played with 
a reed, but also recorders and transverse flutes. The outstanding - 
advance was the introduction of sectional tubes to replace the single 
piece that had been the rule up to then, so that the true oboe is always 
a jointed instrument. With this construction came the use of the lathe 
for boring the sections, as well as turning the close-fitting tenon joints; 
hence a more perfect bore was obtained than by the older method of 
hand boring and reaming the single block.? 

From the Talbot manuscript? which must be dated between 1690 
and 1700, we learn that *the present Hautbois [is] not 40 years old 
and an improvement of the great French hautbois which is like our 
Weights [= waits, i.e. shawms] . . . with a good reed and skillful hand 
it sounds as easy and soft as the Flute'. This was the new ‘French’ 
hautbois; but improvements had been made to the shawm—which 
Talbot calls ‘Schalmey’, ‘Chalmie’, ‘English Hautbois", and ‘ Waits’ 
—for there was a late type of schalmey that Talbot describes as ‘used 
Much in German Army .. . Sweeter than Hautbois be waits]’. This 
improved treble shawm, of which examples exist in several museums,* 
has a tone not unlike that of the oboe, but it remains a true shawm; 
there was a tenor form which is not mentioned by Talbot. 


1 For a full musical and technical description, with references to parallel usage else- 
where, see Baines, ‘Shawms of the Sardana Coblas’, Galpin Society Journal, v (1952), 
pp. 9 ff. For a full classification of the shawm family, based on contemporary author- 
ities, the reader should consult Bessaraboff, op. cit., pp. 113 ff. 

* Eric Halfpenny, ‘The English 2- and 3-Keyed Hautboy’, Galpin Society Journal, ii 
(1949), p. 11. 

® Oxford, Ch. Ch., Music MS. 1187. An invaluable contemporary record analysed, by 
types of instruments in Galpin Society Journal, i (1948), and succeeding issues. 

* e.g. Basle and Brussels. It is illustrated in Galpin, Old English Instruments of Music 
(London, 1910; 4th, rev., edition by Thurston Dart, 1965), pl. xxxii. 


740 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


Praetorius mentions and illustrates! a small bass or bassett type of 
shawm which he calls a nicolo; this, however, had an uncontrolled 
reed in a full capsule and therefore should not be regarded as a shawm 
proper. Another poor relation of the shawm was the schryari ; accord- 
ing to Praetorius this was made in a complete family and its dis- 
tinguishing feature was the inverted conical bore of the tube, so that 
the instrument appeared to taper off at the lower end. The reed was 
enclosed in a capsule and the tone is described as ‘strong and lively’. 
Doubtless they well merited their German name of Schreierpfeiffen.? 

By a generous interpretation of ‘the middle of the seventeenth 
century', which is the terminal limit of this chapter, we may just see 
the appearance of the modern oboe. It is usual to accept the date 
19 March 1671 for the first public appearance of the true oboe, in 
Robert Cambert's Pomone;? so that Talbot’s ‘not 40 years old’ may 
be approximately correct, The oboe was probably brought to England 
by James Paisible in 1674 when Cambert directed the Court masque 
of Calisto.* The oboe must be regarded as a new instrument, not 
merely as an advanced form of shawm, yet it is true to say that it 
derived from the shawm in so far as it was clearly the indoor version 
of the shawm's outdoor tone-colour. It differs from the shawm in the 
relative narrowness and less wide angle of its bore and in the absence 
of a flared bell; the reed approximated more to that in use today. 
From the first, the oboe was a jointed instrument. The alto and tenor 
forms soon appeared, but the story of the oboe family lies outside 
our period.’ The clarinet, of course, did not appear until the eigh- 
teerith century. 


THE KRUMMHORN 


Although the conical bore had such a long and valuable history, 
the special properties of the cylindrical bore had been exploited in the 
fifteenth century, when the krummhorn came into general use, or 
perhaps earlier. The krummhorn is a long tube with the lower end 


1 Op. cit., p. 36 (sig. Ей verso) and Schiagraphia, Pl. xiii. 

2 Ibid., p. 42, and ‘Schiagraphia’, PI. xii. 

3 Sanford Terry, Bach’s Orchestra (London, 1932), pp. 95 and 113. Galpin, in Euro- 
pean Musical Instruments (London, 1937), p. 199, and Curt Sachs, Real-Lexikon der 
Musikinstrumente (Berlin, 1913), p. 136, give the date as 1659; 1671 is correct. 

* Halfpenny, “The French Hautboy: г a technical survey’, Galpin Society Journal, vi 
(1953), pp. 23 ff. 

5 In addition to works cited above, see Halfpenny, “The “Tenner Hoboy" ', Galpin 
Society Journal, v (1952), p. 17. 

* Large krummhorns, with a bladder below the mouthpiece like a bladder-pipe, are 
depicted in the Spanish Cantigas de Santa Maria, of the late thirteenth century, but the 
instrument does not seem to be shown elsewhere in Europe until the fifteenth century. 


THE KRUMMHORN 741 


turned like the letter J, and was sounded with a double-beating reed 
enclosed in a capsule; the curved end wasa trifleexpanded. The krumm- 
horn was made in a complete family from descant to bass and the 
larger instruments had one key to operate the lowest hole. 

In the art and literature of a century and a half the krummhorn was 
one of the most common of instruments and all the contemporary 
treatises accept it as such; yet it is one of the rarest of old instruments 
to be found today and no music written specifically for it has so far 
come to light. 

It lived on in the seventeenth century. Sir William Leighton wrote: 
‘With Crouncormes musicke laud the King of Kings with one 
accord." Records show that the corps of ‘les cromornes et les trom- 
pettes marines’ which formed part of the Grande Écurie of the French 
Court continued throughout the reign of Louis XIV and it has been 
said that the instruments were used there as lateas 1730;? but the posts 
may have been merely a sinecure, like that of the court lutenist of 
England in the same century. Mersenne, who had no high opinion of 
the krummhorns, says that they ‘se font en Angleterre’,? which rather 
suggests that the instrument, which he names tournebout, was obsole- 
scent in France in 1636. 

Experiments with surviving specimens show that the tone was soft 
and veiled, though not muffled; if the word had not nowadays 
acquired other associations, one might have said that the krumm- 
horns crooned. The resemblance of the shape of the tube to that of 
the Roman military trumpet led to the alternative name /ituus for the 
krummhorn; but the ‘litui’ in Bache Cantata No. 118 were wald- 


horns.* 


THE BASSANELLO 

About 1600 Giovanni Bassano, a member of the famous Venetian 
family of that name which served the English royal music for nearly 
a century, is said to have invented a variant of the krummhorn known 
as the bassanello. It was perfectly straight, and wider in diameter than 
the krummhorn, but, like that instrument, it was used with a reed 
covered with a capsule, except in the bass form on which there was 
a long curved crook. It is described as having a tone as soft as that of 

1 Teares or Lamentations of a Sorrowful Soule (London, 1613), p. 70. 

2 See Marx, op. cit., p. 10. 


* Op. cit., p. 290. 
* Sachs, ‘Die Litui in Bachs Motette “О Jesu Christ’; Bach Jahrbuch, xviii (1921), 


p. 96. 
5 H.C. de Lafontaine, The King’s Musick (London, 1909). 


742 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


a flute, but we know it only from the account and pictures given by 
Praetorius.’ It is sometimes stated that the capsule rendered the 
player incapable of any control over the reed, but this is not strictly 
true, as proper breath pressure can have a marked effect. All instru- 
ments with a cylindrical bore have the disadvantage that the first 
overblown tone of their natural scale is the twelfth, and this interval 
was not spanned satisfactorily until the clarinet was developed; hence 
the krummhorns and bassanelli had limitations. But it is quite wrong 
to assert, as many writers have done, that the capsule arrangement 
made overblowing impossible in any case;? it can be done with a 
rather sudden increase in velocity and pressure of the air. Since 
Praetorius mentions? that these instruments with the reed in a capsule 
gave only as many notes as there were fingerholes, we must assume 
that overblowing was not general, but it is unlikely that the virtuosi 
of those days had failed to develop their technique beyond the 
possibilities described in textbooks. 


THE CORNAMUSE 

Closely allied to the krummhorns and the bassanelli was a curiously 
elusive instrument called the cornamuse. This name is, of course, very 
familiar as applied to the rustic type of bagpipes, but this other 
cornamuse must have been something quite different. We find many 
passing references to it, such as Cerone's comparison of the tone of 
the sordoni with ‘that of the cornamuse’.* The nearest we have to a 
description comes from Praetorius, although he gives no picture of it, 
in spite of a specific reference to his ‘Schiagraphia’. From the few 
lines of his text? we may gather that it had a single cylindrical tube 
with no keys and that its tone was "more gentle than that of a 
krummhorn'. His table of ranges and tunings indicates a family of 
cantus, alto, tenor, and Баѕѕ, and the name occurs in various other 
parts of his work as something familiar. It is the more confusing that 
the krummhorns were often called cornamuti. 


BAGPIPES 

Also related to the shawms and krummhorns are the many types 
of bagpipes that were in general use during one period. There were 
at least seven different sorts of pipe at the turn of the sixteenth 

! Op. cit., pp. 41 and 42: 'Schiagraphia', pl. xii. 

* See Bessaraboff, op. cit., n. 169 and n. 179 on p. 393, for an expansion of this state- 
ment. 


3 Op. cit., p. 40. * Cerone, op. cit., p. 1063. 
5 Op. cit., p. 41. $ Ibid., p. 24. 


BAGPIPES 743 


century, ranging from the great bock, with a breath-inflated windbag 
operating a single chanter and a single drone (each with a sort of 
megaphone attached to its open end), to the delicate musette, with 
bellows to fill the windbag and four drones with slide regulators. It 
must be remembered that for a long while the bagpipes had existed 
as an indoor instrument and that our modern associations, derived 
from the powerful Highland pipes, have somewhat distorted our 
outlook on this instrument. ‘March 1502. Item, to a Mynstrell that 
played upon a droon before the Queen at Richemount in reward 
iijs. iiijd.’? The dudey, not unlike the musette, but with a breath-filled 
windbag, was equally quiet and sweet. An elaborate form was the 
Italian sordellina,? as perfected by ће ‘Duc de Brasehane’, in which 
there were two chanters, and two drones one of which was a long 
recurved tube. The drones were fitted with a complex key mechanism 
worked by finger plates on long extensions so that, as Mersenne tells 
us, it was possible to play “toutes sortes de chansons à quatre parties’. 
The windbag of the sordellina was inflated by a bellows. 

The name corna-musa or cornemuse, also chalemie, was given to a 
large pastoral pipe, breath inflated, with one chanter and two drones, 
one of which was very small;? but this name, as we have seen earlier, 
was also used for something that seems to have been quite a different 
type of instrument. 


THE PHAGOTUM 

It is not possible to date the application of the recurved tube to the 
reed instruments more precisely than late in the first half of the six- 
teenth century, but there is a good deal of information about what 
seems to have been the first use of the doubled tube, when it was 
employed for a very different sort of thing as early as 1532. This was 
the famous phagotum of Canon Afranio. We owe our knowledge of 
this instrument principally to Afranio's nephew, Theseo Ambrosio, 
who dragged it into his textbook on certain near-Eastern languages;* 
some manuscript instructions for playing the phagotum, dated 1565, 
nearly thirty years later, are known." 


1 Privy Purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York, wife of Henry VII, ed. Nicolas Harris 
Nicolas (London 1830). з Mersenne, ор. cit., p. 293. 

* Mersenne, op. cit., pp. 282 ff; he has a second type of cornemuse, with only one 
drone and this type, he tells us (p. 305), was used in consort with the hautbois de Poictou. 
The hautbois de Poictou was a shawm, with a capsule-covered reed instead of the more 
usual pirouette. 

* Theseo Ambrosio Albonensis, Introductio in Chaldaicam Lingua, Syriacd, atg 
Armenicä, & dece alias linguas (Pavia, 1539), ff. 33 to 367: the diagrams аге on ff. 178° 
and 179. 5 Galpin, Textbook, p. 207. 


744 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


The use of a bellows-inflated windbag allies the phagotum to the 
bagpipes, but there the resemblance ceases; it had two cylindrical 
tubes, each doubled, and each was controlled by finger holes and an 
elaborate key work. The sound was produced by the use of the single 
beating reed. It was a comparatively small instrument resting on the 
player’s knees and supported by a band round his neck. The results 
in complex music obtained on it appear to have been remarkable and 
its inventor must have had a mind in advance of his time. It has 
nothing to do with the history of the bassoon, but, in a sense, it seems 
to anticipate something of that of the clarinet. 


FAGOTTO AND CURTAL 

Once the principle of the recurved tube was accepted, it was 
developed with enthusiasm during the succeeding half-century, so 
that by 1600 the number and variety of instruments of this type 
become almost bewildering. Some confusion in the use of names 
does not help one to sort out the different structures.! Fagotto, basson, 
tarot, courtaut, dolzian or sordone (which may not be the same thing 
as a dolcesuono or dolcian), doppiono or doblado, kortholt or curtal, 
and rackett or cervelat, with some extravagances such as the tarzölde, 
are the chief names to be explained. 

In the main, the difference is between instruments with a conical 
bore and those with a cylindrical bore; a small group has a cylindrical 
bore recurved many times. Which came first is hard to say; if the 
thirteen *dulceuses' in the inventory of instruments left by Henry 
VIIP are really fagotti, as is sometimes assumed, then almost cer- 
tainly the conical bore led the way; but it is very uncertain what these 
instruments were, as they are described as ‘short instruments caulled 
Dulceuses . . . covered with blacke leather . . . some of them havinge 
tippinges of silver’. Praetorius? confounds confusion with his twin 
definitions 

Fagotten und Dolcianen (Italis Fagotto and Dolcesuono) 

Sordun (Italis Sordoni, etliche nennen es Dolzianen) 


for whatever the sordone was it was not a fagott, since Cerone? tells 
us ‘there are other instruments called Sordones that have a sound 
like the Cornamuses and can go as low as the fagotto chorista' (i.e. 


1 In addition to the recent works on wind instruments referred to above, the following 
should be consulted: Adam Carse, Musical Wind Instruments (London, 1939); Wilheim 
Heckel, Der Fagott (Leipzig, 1931); Lyndesay С. Langwill, "The Curtal (1550-1750)’, 
Musical Times, lxxviii (1937). 

3 Gerald Hayes, King's Music (London, 1937), p. 87. 

5 Op. cit., pp. 38 and 39. * Op. cit., p. 1063. 


FAGOTTO AND CURTAL 745 


to C), which is, as we always expect from Cerone, very much what 
Zacconi had written twenty years earlier.! Fortunately we are in no 
doubt about the sordoni or sourdines, for a complete set exists in the 
Vienna collection? and they have cylindrical bores. It is, moreover, 
clear from Zacconi and his follower Cerone that the dolcaine or 
dulcayne was the conical-bored fagott, corresponding to our bassoon. 

Whether the first idea was to fit one of Afranio's double cylindrical 
tubes with a double-beating reed, or whether someone hit on the idea 
of recurving the long tube of the bass shawm quite independently, 
we shall probably never know. When, however, the conical-bore tube 
was doubled back on itself, it was found not that a convenient form 
of bass shawm had been achieved, but that an entirely new instrument 
had been discovered. True to the period, this new instrument was 
made in a complete family from descant to double bass: this was the 
fagott, which was known in England as the curtal as early as 1574 
and probably earlier.? Mersenne's names, basson and tarot, are applied 
to only very slight variations of his fagot;* the modern name, bassoon, 
was unknown in this period. 

We may then define the fagott, dolcain, or curtal* as similar in its 
fundamentals to our bassoon, but made in a variety of sizes, ranging 
from a small descant sounding notes from a to c" to a great Doppel- 
Fagott going down to FF.$ In England the normal curtal was the 
instrument with a range of G to g', and the ‘double curtal’ usually 
meant an instrument descending to а note a fifth lower, i.e. C:7 but 
Randle Holmes? just after the mid-seventeenth century says: 'A 
double curtaile is double the bigness of the single . . . and in playing 
is 8 notes deeper'. The double curtal was a favourite instrument for 
ceremonial occasions; for example, in the coronation procession of 
William and Mary the royal group was followed by 'two sackbutts 
and a Double Courtall in Scarlet Cloth Mantles’, just before the most 
important subjects. 


1 Zacconi, Prattica di musica (Venice, 1592), p. 218. 

? Nos. 226 to 229. 

* Household Accounts of Sir Thomas Kytson of Hengrave (quoted by Galpin, Old 
English Instruments, p. 166). 

* Op. cit., p. 299. 

5 Praetorius has applied the name kortholt to two quite different instruments, one of 
which is the ordinary curtal (pl. x) and the other (pl. xii) has a capsule-covered reed: in 
his text (p. 39) he suggests that this second kortholt may be something like the doppioni 
that he was unable to see. 

* Praetorius, op. cit., 'Schiagraphia', pl. x; for a complete analysis see Bessaraboff, 
op. cit., p. 126. 

* Galpin, European Instruments, p. 199, and Bessaraboff, op. cit., p. 126. 

3 Brit. Mus. Harl. 2034; Harl. 2027 also says ‘the double goeth 8 notes lower’. 


746 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


All the fagotti, even to the small descant, were played, as the 
bassoon is today, with a reed on a curved crook, so that full lip con- 
trol could have been used; but they differed in construction from the 
‚later instruments since the two tubes were bored in a solid block. The 
connexion at the lower end was effected by removing a portion of the 
dividing wall and then closing the open end of the block with a cap. 

It may be noted that while the lowest note of the deepest fagott 
recorded by Praetorius is FF, the largest bass shawm reached a fourth 
lower to CC. 


SORDONE, DOPPIONE, AND COURTAUT 

We have seen that the sordoni were the counterpart of the fagotti, 
in the cylindrical tube class; there were five sizes and all had an 
uncovered reed on a crook. The normal bass sordone descended to 
BB», but there was а double-bass that had its lowest note on FF; 
the descant had a range Bb to g.! The tone, as might be forecast 
from the bore, was soft after the manner of the krummhorn. It is 
clear from the many references during some forty years from the late 
sixteenth century, that the sordoni bad a wide use, probably chiefly 
abroad, for there does not seem to be any direct record of the name 
in England; but it fades from the musical scene before the end of our 
period. Another form, about which we know very little, was the 
doppione; it is mentioned by Zacconi as made in three sizes and his 
authority is justification for assuming that it had serious use in his 
day in Italy. Cerone converts the name into doblado, but otherwise 
follows Zacconi in the main. Praetorius had tried in vain to find an 
example but has to confess that he knows very little about the instru- 
ment: Galpin thought that it probably had an even softer tone than 
the doppione. 

Finally there is the courtaut (not to be confused with the curtal 
or kortholt) which might well have passed out of remembrance if 
Mersenne had not given it a detailed description with two pictures. 
We have no idea what distinguishing quality, if any, its tone had, but 
it possessed a unique feature in the way the sound-holes in the back 
tube were brought to the front by means of projecting tubes called 
tetines: there were six of these tetines, but only three were used, the 
duplicates being closed with wax or plugs when not wanted.? No 
other reference to this instrument has come to light. 


1 Praetorius, op. cit., ‘Tabella Universalis’, xii. 
2 Mersenne, op. cit., pp. 298-303. See also p. 252. 


TABLE OF REED NOMENCLATURE 741 


TABLE OF REED NOMENCLATURE 


At this stage it will be helpful to tabulate the reed instruments 
described above. 


Single tube: conical bore 

Shawms: descant, alto, tenor with pirouette 
Shawms: bass, without pirouette 

Schalmey 
Hautbois 


Pommer 
Bombard 
Nicolo (? same as Hautbois de Poictou): with capsule- 


covered reed. 


|names for descant shawms 


залез for larger shawms 


Single tube: inverted conical bore 
Schryari: with capsule-covered reed. 


Single tube: cylindrical bore 


Krummhorn: curved at lower end like letter J: capsule- 
covered reed 


Cornemuti 
Storte 
Bassanello: straight, reed on crook 

Cornamuse: straight, no information about reed, no keys. 


Double tube: conical bore 


Fagott or Curtal: reed on crook 
Dolcian: name for curtal 


| names for krummhorns 


Basson 
Tarot 


Kortholt: German form of curtal (but also used 
for an instrument more like a sordone). 


| slight variations of curtal 


Double tube: cylindrical bore 


Sordone or Sourdine: reed on crook 

Doppione or Doblado: no information (? reed capsule-covered) (possibly 
the Kurz-Pfeiff or second Kortholt of Praetorius) 

Courtaut: reed on crook, projecting ‘holes’ (tetines) from back tube. 


RACKETT 
Not content with the new effects produced by the doubled tube, 

makers at the end of the sixteenth century experimented with a tube 

recurved many times and evolved a strange instrument called the 


748 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


rackett, in France the cervelat, and in Germany the wurstfagott 
(sausage fagotto). In this, a cylindrical tube was recurved nine times! 
and then enclosed in a cylindrical canister around the surface of 
which the finger holes were placed. A double reed, fixed on a staple 
protruding through the top of the canister, was lipped by aid of a 
pirouette, as in the shawms. The effect is quite extraordinary in 
relation to the size of the instrument; the tube acts as a stopped pipe 
and so sounds an octave lower than an open tube, hence the largest 
rackett, which stood barely eleven inches in height, sounded, as 
Praetorius tells us, ‘as deep as a Great Bass-Bombard, CC, with 
16-foot tone’.? The rackett was made in a complete family of four or 
five sizes, of which the descant was a small instrument about four 
inches high, sounding G to d. As these instruments were not over- 
blown, the variety of sizes was necessary to provide a complete tonal 
range. Praetorius considered that the rackett gave most satisfaction 
when heard in combination with other instruments such as the viols.? 
There is no record of the use of the rackett in England, nor does it 
seem to have been widely known in Italy. 

A long cylindrical tube was also brought into manageable shape 
by bending it into the form of a helical spring of nine coils, with 
finger holes arranged more or less in line on the respective coils; the 
only survivors of this type are five instruments in the Vienna collec- 
tion, in three sizes, all in their original wooden cabinet.* The inven- 
tory, dated 1596, of the collection from which these came names them 
tartölde (= kortholte?) ‘in the form of dragons’—an allusion to the 
fact that these instruments are covered with leather with a dragon's 
head at the end, which suggests some processional or carnival occa- 
sion. The reed was fixed, in some way not now known, to a long 
flexible tube that formed the tail. Perhaps these tartólde, which may 
have been as unique when made as they are today, need not be taken 
too seriously, but they remain a valuable example of the inventiveness 
and resource of that period. 


TONE-QUALITY OF REED INSTRUMENTS 
This variety of reed instruments imposes the consideration of a 
most serious problem, a problem that will be intensified when the 
cornettiare described; for the long abandoned, recently revived cornett 
* A diagram of the construction, showing the arrangement of the finger holes and the 
"diamond" pattern of the tubes can be seen in Schlosser, op. cit., p. 86. 


х Op. cit. ‘Schiagraphia’, pl. x. d 3 Op. cit., p. 40. 
* Nos. 219 to 223: see Schlosser, op. cit., p. 85, for a ftıll description : and analytical 


diagram. 


TONE-QUALITY OF REED INSTRUMENTS 749 


with its unique tone-colour was used extensively by musicians of the 
Elizabethan age, who found three variations of its tone necessary for 
their needs. With the possible exception of the tartólde, these various 
reed instruments were not freaks or passing fancies; they were clearly 
well known and widely used in Europe for half a century at least. 
What was the difference in tone-quality between the shawms and the 
schryari, or between the krummhorns and bassanelli and cornamuse, 
or between the sordoni and doppioni and courtaut ? We may assume, 
not unreasonably, that these variations would not have been made 
and used if they had not been wanted. If they were wanted then, why 
were they abandoned later on and never recovered? Had the musi- 
cians of that age some special feeling for shades of tone-quality that 
has since been lost, or have the effects at which they aimed been 
produced by other means? 

An extreme sensitivity to intonation in instruments is proved by 
numerous passages in writers of all countries in the sixteenth and 
seventeenth centuries. If some authors, such as Zarlino, seem to the 
weary reader to be theorizing in an abstract way, they were dealing, 
nevertheless, with problems of temperament that were real enough to 
them; but such men as Cerreto, Zacconi, Cerone, Praetorius, and 
Mersenne, to whom we owe so much for our knowledge of the 
instruments and their use, were practical musicians concerned with 
day-to-day usage. It is impossible to read a discussion such as that 
in Bottrigari's Desiderio, or to follow the description of the music in 
Rome by Maugars,! without being impressed by the almost exag- 
gerated delicacy of reception to instrumental colour, not only of the 
trained professional but also of the educated music-lover of those 
days. 

It may be thought that the emergence of the orchestra, with its 
kaleidoscope of colour, and light and shade, made all the subtle varia- 
tions of the same types of instruments obsolete, but this explanation 
does not fit the facts; most of them had faded away before the end of 
the seventeenth century and in the earlier eightcenth century Bach's 
use of instrumental combination still followed the fixed pattern of his 
ancestors, that is to say, a combination once determined for a piece 
remained unchanged until the conclusion of that piece. Some other 
explanation must be sought. This question underlies all study of the 
instruments of the period 1500 to 1650, for in the answer to it there is 
something basic to the musical mentality of that age. 


! André Maugars, Response faite à un Curieux sur le Sentiment de la Musique d'Italie, 
escrite à Rome le premier Octobre, 1639 (Rome, 16407): see also Thoinan, op. cit. 


750 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


THE FLUTE FAMILY 


In general, the flute family underwent no radical development in the 
sixteenth century, though there were some additions to the registers 
and some minor changes in structure. The next century, however, 
saw marked advances. The oldest of all, blown across the open end 
of a cylindrical tube, survived as it had done for so long only in the 
panpipes, the frestel of the early Middle Ages.! It was made with 
twelve pipes of varied lengths adjusted to give a diatonic scale, but 
there is no indication of its use in serious music and we must suppose 
that it remained a country instrument, recorded by the learned for the 
sake of completeness.? 

At first the fipple-flutes continued in their old forms of the recorder 
and the galoubet or three-holed flute. The principle was the impact 
of an air-stream on a sharp edge near the end of a tube; the edge, 
or fipple, was set in a notch cut in the side of the tube and the player 
breathed into a mouthpiece set just above the notch. The tube of a 
recorder has a rather complex bore mainly of an inverted conoid, but 
ending at the lower part almost cylindrically, and, with seven holes in 
front and one at the back, a considerable range can be obtained which 
a skilled player can extend a few notes beyond the second octave. 
When made with the exact bore (which is not always the case with 
modern recorders) the correct fingering and breathing will give a 
chromatic scale in perfect intonation: the tone is sweet and slightly 
reedy, but not as penetrating as the more rounded tone of the trans- 
verse flute. 


RECORDERS 

Of all the dormant instruments of the past, the recorder has had 
the most remarkable awakening; when Árnold Dolmetsch began to 
revive it and its music, about 1920, it was unknown except to musical 
antiquaries. 

The bass recorder, descending to F, with one key, had been 
developed by 1500, for it is shown in Virdung's book of 1511, but 
without the crook that became necessary on account of its great 
length. Henry VIII possessed 68 recorders, among them ‘twoo base 
Recorders of waulnuttre . . . one greate base Recorder of woode . . .”® 
which suggests the classification found later in Praetorius by whom 
the *greate base' in F is regarded as a contra-bass and the recorder 
in C as the ordinary bass. 


1 See Vol. III, pp. 479-80. * Mersehne, op. cit., pp. 227 ff. 
® Hayes, op. cit., p. 87. 


RECORDERS 751 


Until the middle of the seventeenth century, all recorders were 
made from a solid block of wood and some specialists prefer the tone 
of this type to that of the more familiar sectional instrument; the 
German name Blockflöte is derived from this construction. The classic 
treatise on recorder playing appeared in Venice in 1535,! from the 
same masterly hand that seven years later gave us the definitive work 
on the viols, but so closely did the recorder become associated with 
England that one of its French names was fluste d’Angleterre.? It was 
also called the flûte douce, for obvious reasons, and the flûte à neuf 
trous, which is puzzling at first sight: the explanation is that the 
lowest hole, for the little finger and therefore rather to the side, was 
always duplicated on the other side, the unused hole being stopped 
with wax. This duplication is usually explained as a convenience for 
left-handed players, but its real purpose was more practical. A similar 
duplication is found on certain other wind instruments, and all keys 
on recorders, shawms, fagotti, and their kindred have the finger-plate 
ends bifurcated to give a surface on both sides; this was because there 
was no established position of the hands and players placed the left 
or the right hand uppermost as suited their fancy. Virdung gives a 
double diagram for the recorder, showing both positions.? 

The recorder was a consort instrument, in which the various sizes 
played together. The treble, in f', may be regarded as the standard and 
there was a tenor in c'. Altos and small basses were sometimes made. 
Above the treble there was a descant in c" and a sopranino an octave 
above the treble, but the tone of these two high recorders lacks some- 
thing of the round reediness of the familiar treble and is more 
whistle-like.* 

Praetorius includes with his large family of recorders a very small 
fipple-flute “only three or four inches long” with four holes; this is 
an old instrument, depicted and described by Agricola as the Russ- 
pfeif (= reed-pipe) in 1528. In the 1545 edition of Agricola's book 
there is a new engraving, closely resembling that in Praetorius, and the 
name is changed to ‘Klein Flótlein mit vier löchern’, but the text about 
its technique is the same as in the earlier issue;? unlike Praetorius, 

1 Ganassi, La Fontegara; see supra, p. 705. 

* Mersenne, op. cit. 

3 Sebastian Virdung, Musica getutscht (Basel, 1511), sig. Mv. 

* A useful modern work on the recorder and its technique is Edgar Hunt and Robert 
Donington, Practical Method for the Recorder, 2 vols. (London, 1935). The internal 


structure of the recorder is well shown by Bessaraboff, op. cit., p. 61. 


* Op. cit., p. 34. 
* Martin Agricola, Musica instrumentalis deudsch (Wittenberg, 1528), fos. xv and xv; 


edition of 1545, fos. 22* and 23”. 


752 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


Agricola does not include it as a recorder and modern opinion 
would account him right in this. 


OTHER FIPPLE-FLUTES 


There were other forms of the fipple-flute that had an importance 
in our period but which must be considered as outside the recorder 
class. The first was the age-old galoubet, or three-holed vertical flute, 
the pipe of the ‘pipe and tabor’ man. The origins of the galoubet are 
lost in the early Middle Ages and its associations were always with the 
lowly strolling players, yet it calls for a quite remarkable technique. 
The bore is narrow and cylindrical and two holes are in front, near 
the lower end, and one behind; it is played with one hand, the other 
hand beating the tabor or small drum. A considerable range of nearly 
two octaves was obtainable but it necessitated skilful use of over- 
blowing, as most of the notes were harmonics. As might be expected, 
the pipe and tabor were the favourite instruments for accompanying 
rustic dancing in the open air and have been specially linked with the 
morris dance. 

A more important application of the fipple principle was the intro- 
duction of the flageolet at the end of the sixteenth century, from 
which date the instrument enjoyed a century and more of wide 
popularity, especially in England and France. The flageolet differs 
from the recorder in its bore, which is much narrower, and its finger- 
holes, which are six in number, four in front and two behind. Like the 
recorder, it was made in sections after the middle of the seventeenth 
century and Pepys found this form very convenient to carry with him 
so that he could play on his flageolet while riding in his coach. 
Instruction books for the flageolet appeared in the second half of the 
seventeenth century! and its serious rivalry with the recorder may be 
judged from the discussion on the two instruments prefaced to a tutor 
for the recorder published in that period.? The so-called flageolets 
that were popular in the early nineteenth century, sometimes with 
double, or even treble, pipes, were in reality much modified recorders 
lacking any tonal resemblance to their originals. 

There was another type of fipple-flute about which many writers, 
both of the period and of more recent times, are curiously silent. 
It is depicted by, and receives a brief passing reference from, Prae- 


! e,g. Thomas Greeting, The Pleasant Companion, or New Lessons and Instructions 
for the Flagelet (London, 1661). 

2 See the Introduction to 4 Vade Mecum. . . . shewing the Excellency of the Rechorder, 
anon. (London, 1679). 


OTHER FIPPLE-FLUTES 753 


torius! who calls it dolzflétt—rather confusingly, as we usually 
associate such a name with the recorder. It is identical in every 
respect, save one, with the normal transverse flute, the difference 
being that the air stream is set in motion by breath acting through 
a fipple instead of across an open hole. It may be conjectured that it 
was devised to meet the needs of occasions when recorder players 
were available, as they were fairly certain to be, and there were no 
transverse-flautists, who were probably always rather rare; whatever 
the reason, this instrument is no isolated freak, for it continued to 
be made, as existing specimens show, as late as the nineteenth cen- 


tury.? 


TRANSVERSE FLUTE 


Although there is no positive evidence for the appearance of the 
transverse flute in England before 1500, that instrument was so much 
in use elsewhere in Europe from the eleventh century onwards that 
it is difficult to think that this country alone rejected it. The inventory 
of Henry VIII’s instruments offers fairly conclusive proof that in the 
mid-sixteenth century it was known in England as the ‘flute’ in 
distinction from the ‘recorder’, and if this is reflected back to Henry 
УП Privy Purse Expenses, then the neighbouring entries for 
‘recorders’ and ‘flutes’? indicate that the transverse flute was in use 
at the English Court in 1492. On the other hand, Zacconi mentions 
only one fifaro but has three flauti and the latter are obviously 
recorders;* his fifaro, then, is not the fife but the ordinary soprano 
flute sounding d' as its lowest note.5 Virdung in 1511 had shown only 
one size of transverse flute, but Agricola had the complete family in 
his first edition of 1528, the soprano sounding e' as its lowest note, 
the alto and tenor a and the bass d. By the 1545 edition, Agricola 
had come into line with what was to become the standard, the 
soprano d', the alto and tenor g and the bass c; in this edition, 
too, he makes considerable changes in his instructions for breath 
pressure.* 

1 Op. cit., p. 35, and 'Schiagraphia', pl. ix. 

* Bessaraboff, op. cit., pp. 62-65. 

* See Vol. III, p. 481. 

* Op. cit., fo. 218. ‘I fifari non passano di sotto da D sol re, & sopra il soprano non 
passa la quinta decima. Il soprano di Flauti ascende da G sol re ut primo, sino in F fa ut 
sopr'acuto; & gli tenori da C fa ut sino in A la mi re; & il basso da F fa ut basso basso 
sino in B fa b mi. 

5 Known then as the ‘flute in D’: the true tonality, by modern nomenclature, is that in 


C, as it was not a transposing instrument. 
* Op. cit., ed. 1528, fos. xiii and xiv; ed. 1545, fos. 25-28. 


754 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


In Germany the flute had several names; Virdung calls it zwerch- 
pfeiff (cross-pipe) and Agricola calls it schweitzerpfeiff, from the close 
association of the small form with the Swiss military, and as a con- 
traction of this name the more familiar ‘fife’ became current. But as 
the sixteenth century advanced these names were set aside and quer- 
Лон became the German name for the transverse flute. In France it 
was known as the fluste d'Allemagne until the later seventeenth 
century, when flûte traversière took its place. A curious reversal of 
usage happened in England, where for a century and a half ‘flute’ and 
‘recorder’ had identified the two types: the use of ‘recorder’ began to 
fade and by the eighteenth century 'flute' in English music invariably 
means the recorder, while the transverse flute is always specially 
designated as the ‘German flute’. 

The flute remained throughout our period very much as it had 
been for long before: it had a cylindrical bore and six finger-holes 
and it was, of course, made from a single piece of wood, though 
Henry VIII's inventory includes ‘Item iii flutes of glasse and one of 
woode painted like glasse’, while there were some others made of 
ivory.) It was not until the middle of the seventeenth century that the 
great changes were made; with the coming of the sectional construc- 
tion the bore was made slightly conoidal, inverted, although the head 
joint remained cylindrical, at all events nominally. At first there were 
three sections, but the foot joint was very soon divided, with a short 
section forming the true ‘foot’: in this foot a seventh hole, covered by 
a key, was bored to give the first semitone, d’#, above the lowest note 
of the flute. Thus came the famous one-keyed flute upon which such a 
wealth of musical ability was to be lavished in the following seventy 
or eighty years. 

The transverse flute is a more sensitive instrument than the 
recorder, as the player has control over the air stream by modifying 
the impact of the breath across the hole with slight turns of the flute. 
Probably no instrument has been played with such elaborate delicacy 
of tone-colour and purity of intonation as the one-keyed flute and it 
is by the known technique of the late seventeenth century that we 
must judge the playing of the preceding half-century. Jacques Hot- 
teterre, to whom the above changes in construction are somewhat 
doubtfully attributed, was a fine flautist at Louis XIV's court and his 
book, published in many editions,? gives complete details of his 


1 Hayes, op. cit., p. 87. 
2 Principes de la Flûte Traversiére (Paris, 1707; facsimile of the 1728 ed., Kassel, 
1941). 


TRANSVERSE FLUTE 755 


technique. Mersenne,' who does not record any Court use in his day, 
gives tabulatures for a range of nineteen notes on the flute and fifteen 
on the fife. Entries in the Lord Chamberlain's records include *flute 
players' from the middle of the sixteenth century, but as none of 
these is found in company with recorders until 1603, this evidence 
should be received with caution; in the accounts for liveries of the 
musicians at the funeral of Queen Elizabeth, however, seven recorder 
players and seven flute players are listed by name and, as several of 
these ‘flutes’ can be traced among the ‘flutes’ of the previous twenty 
years, it is probable that the earlier ‘flutes’ were transverse flutes.? 

The name pilgrims’ staves, with which we occasionally meet in the 
sixteenth century, has been associated by some writers with the flute, 
on an analogy with the ‘walking-stick flutes’ that had a small vogue 
at the opening of the nineteenth century; but that explanation is at 
best incomplete. It seems that pilgrims did carry some sort of long 
wooden musical instrument, for when Mersenne is describing his 
courtaut (see p. 746) he adds 


Il est fait d'vn seul morceau de bois cylindrique, & ressemble à vn gros 
baston; de la vient que quelques-vns en font de grands Bourdons sem- 
blables à ceux des Pelerins de sainct Jacques. 

(It is made from a single cylindrical block of wood and resembles a large 
báton: for this reason some people make of it large bourdons similar to 
those of the pilgrims to St. James [of Compostella].* 


Unfortunately this does not carry us very far, as we do not know 
what precisely he means by bourdons. It seems probable that the 
name indicates a shape and not any special instrument, for in the 
inventory of King Henry VIIT's instruments two closely neighbour- 
ing entries read: ‘Item one case w* tenne flutes in it the same are 
caulled pilgrim Staves and the same case furnisshed conteinethe butt 
vi hole pipes. Item a case w* vij Shalmes in it the same case furnished 
conteineth but v whole pipes caulled pilgrim Staves.’ 


TRUMPETS AND HORNS® 


The classification of what modern organography calls ‘lip-vibrated 
aerophones’ is very complicated and by no means generally agreed; 
here we must be content to describe the more important musical 


1 Op. cit. Livre cinquiesme, pp. 241-4. 

* Lafontaine, op. cit., p. 45. 

* Op. cit. v, p. 299. 

* Hayes, op. cit., loc. cit. 

5 Gerald Hayes had left this section unwritten at his death; it has been contributed 
by Thurston Dart. 


756 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


aspects of instruments of this broad type used in our period.! Our 
division will be simply that between cylindrical and conical tubes, 
taken in a general sense. 

Pride of place must be given to the lordiy trumpet, the instrument 
of war and royal pomp. As early as the fifteenth century a distinction 
had been established between the trompette des ménéstrels (a slide 
trumpet) and the trompette de guerre, the heraldic trumpet bent into 
a flattened loop, with a fixed mouthpiece and consequently an in- 
variable tube-length. Illustrations of both kinds of instrument may 
be found in Virdung. By the middle of the sixteenth century the 
trompette des ménéstrels had developed into the trombone family; 
but the trompette de guerre survived unchanged as the instrument 
of state and power, King Henry VIII employing no fewer than fourteen 
of them among his court musicians. Members of the knightly pro- 
fession of military trumpeters were among the best-paid musicians 
in Europe, and the German fraternity of trumpeters formed in 1623 
claimed pride of place among all musical guilds. Admission to this 
fraternity was closely restricted, its members were hierarchically classi- 
fied in accordance with the ranges of the music they had to play, and 
its very stylized repertory had its own archaic nomenclature, its own 
laws of construction, and its own artificial notation. From the in- 
formation given by such writers and composers as Monteverdi, 
Praetorius, Mersenne, Fantini, Speer, and Altenburg,? it is possible 
to draw up a list of registers and their names as used by the trumpeters 
of our period: 

Flatter: C 

Grob or Basso: c (g) 

Mittelstimme, Faul, Fulgant, Vulgano, or Tenor: g c' (е) 

Toccato, Striano or Prinzipal (used for marches and alarms): c' e' g' (c”) 
Prinzipal or Quinta: e g' c" (d" e") 

Secundarius, Clarino Secundo, Contraclarino, or Alto: g' c" d" e" f^ g 
Primarius or Clarino: c” d" e” f" g” a” b” c" 

The best trumpeters in Europe at this time came from Germany and 
the Low Countries, and the earliest surviving trumpet music is to be 
found in two manuscripts now in the Royal Library, Copenhagen; 
these were written by German trumpeters in the service of King 
Christian IV of Denmark, the earlier being dated 1598, its com- 


1 Bessaraboff, op. cit., pp. 135-55, develops and defends the *whole-tube' and 'half- 
tube’ system of Karl Schafhäutl (Bericht über die Musikinstrumente auf der Münchener 
Industrieausstellung, 1854) based on the pedal note, with his usual scientific acumen. 
(It should be explained that ‘Ancient’ in the title of, his book, means, very roughly, 
1600-1830.) Galpin, European Instruments, p. 220, had questioned the basis of this system. 

3 See Werner Menke, History of the Trumpet of Bach and Handel (London, 1934). 


TRUMPETS AND HORNS 757 


panion volume from about 1615. Nearly all the music consists of no 
more than a single line of notes for one player, and from the titles of 
the pieces and the ranges of harmonics used we may conclude that 
it was intended for Prinzipal, Quinta, and (exceptionally) Clarino 
registers; in performance simple lower parts were no doubt improvised 
by the Fulgant and Grob players. The repertory contained in these 
manuscripts! is international in character; here are ‘Sonaden’ from 
Spain, Spanish Italy, and Pomerania, 'Siegnate' from France, 
* Auffzuge' from Moravia and Dresden, military signals from France 
and Italy (often most curiously spelt: * Monttacawalla'—sc. ‘Mont’ a 
cavallo’; ‘Alles dandäre’—sc. ‘a l'estandart' ; " Potesella’—sc. ‘butta 
sella’, corrupted in English to ‘Boots and Saddles’). Here, too, are 
musical fossils as well as fossils-to-be. Thus each sonata ends with a 
*rotta', a term found in the fourteenth-century dance; another group 
of pieces is called ‘Serssenaden’, which is to say ‘sarrazinades’ or 
music of the Saracens; and the French 'Siegnate' (Shakespeare's 
*sennets") consist of sections called ‘Posts’, the origins of the tradi- 
tional military bugle-calls of today. Other pieces in the manuscripts 
are adaptations of popular songs (for instance 'In dulci jubilo’), 
though these have been almost unrecognizably deformed to fit 
the harmonic series. The ‘Tocceden’-Shakespeare’s 'tuckets'—are 
characterized by overblown thirds (c' to e’) in the Toccato register, 
the ‘Serssenaden’ by dramatic leaps from c" to e", the ‘Auffzuge’ by 
short repeated sections. 

The very fact that by the end of the sixteenth century it was thought 
necessary to write trumpet music down on paper shows that an age 
was coming to an end. The trumpet made its appearance in the opera- 
house and the church as an occasional instrument of the orchestra in 
the opening fanfares of Monteverdi's Orfeo (1607) and his Vespers 
(1610), and the publications of Mersenne (1636) and the Italian 
trumpet virtuoso Fantini (Frankfurt, 1638) laid bare to the world at 
large the long-guarded secrets of its technique. 

With this great change of function and of surroundings came a 
great advance in technique; in this respect the history of the trumpet 
during the early years of the seventeenth century is a parallel to the 
history of the horn seventy or eighty years later. By the middle of the 
sixteenth century the trumpeter had already lost most of his military 
duties; by the middle of the following century even his courtly duties 
had been reduced to mere formalities and in consequence he had 


1 Printed in part by Georg Schünemann in Das Erbe deutscher Musik (Reichsdenk- 
male, vii). 


758 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


leisure to develop the technique of his instrument—mutes, hand- 
stopping, overblowing, and so on. Hence the rise of the new school 
of clarino-playing: its extraordinary command of the upper register 
of harmonics was to reach its height in the music of Bach and the 
playing of such virtuosi as Reiche, and the technique itself did not 
outlive these men. Hence, too, the use of ‘artificial’ notes described 
by Fantini and later used in Lully's trumpet music. By 1650 or so the 
trumpet had left the field of war and was free to take its place in the 
orchestra as a regular member. The careful distinctions between the 
various registers and their special nomenclature passed out of use at 
about this time, though certain national characteristics of the instru- 
ment were to persist into the eighteenth century. Thus the German 
trumpet of the mid-seventeenth century still retained its heraldic 
shape, its tube being the length of the eight-foot pipe of an organ 
principal (whence its name) and sounding at about D of chamber 
pitch (whence its orchestral treatment as a transposing instrument 
pitched in D). The French trumpet was smaller and clearer in tone, 
pitched in F (as in Bach's Brandenburg Concerto no. 2). The so-called 
*English' trumpet was smaller still, pitched in G; it was known in 
Italy as the tromba piccola or trombetta (compare the Toccata a modo 
di trombette by Giovanni Macque,! who died in 1614). The Italian 
trumpet proper was of the same size as the German instrument, but 
for convenience of handling, the tube was wound in three or four 
helical coils; such an instrument was called a tromba da caccia. 

The corno da caccia of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth 
centuries seems to have been a very similar instrument, though we 
may safely assume that the bores of its tube and mouthpiece were 
conical. The tube-length was comparable to that of the trumpet; 
indeed, until the earlier years of the eighteenth century both orchestral 
instruments were pitched in unison, in D, and used the same range 
of notes. The horns in F used by Bach supposedly came from France, 
where they had been invented about 1660; they consequently fall 
outside the scope of the present section. The music of the early horn 
seems to have been entirely confined to the traditional hunting calls,? 
and the isolated use of horns in the orchestra of Cavalli's Le nozze 
di Teti e di Peleo (Venice, 1639) is too late to warrant a fuller dis- 
cussion of the instrument here. 

1 Brit. Mus. Add. 30491, fo. 30": opening printed by Suzanne Clercx, ‘La Toccata, 
principe du style symphonique', La Musique instrumentale de la Renaissance (ed. Jean 
Jacquot) (Paris, 1955), p. 316. 


? See Eric Halfpenny, ‘Tantivy: an Exposition of the “Ancient Hunting Notes”’, 
Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, lxxx (1953-4), pp. 43-58. 


SACKBUT 759 


SACKBUT 

There is little to be said of the sackbut (which later centuries de- 
cided to call by its Italian name of trombone) that cannot be said of 
the modern instrument; its basic design achieved finality at an early 
stage and has, perfonce, remained static ever since. The instrument 
had been developed from the old buisine or buzine in the fifteenth 
century and its origins are reflected in the German name of Posaune. 
Sackbut is usually held to represent a Spanish name, sacabuche (sacar, 
to draw: bucha, a tube),? and the sixteenth century took a long time 
to arrive at a satisfactory English form of this name; shakbusshe and 
shagbolt are examples of the earlier efforts. 

As with the trumpet, the principal difference in the old sackbut was 
the mouthpiece. Galpin had a fine tenor instrument made in 1557 
with which were two mouthpieces, both apparently original; one of 
these was the ordinary cup shape while the other was deeply conical, 
with a broad rim, and different effects could be produced with them. 
The cup mouthpiece of the trombone around the turn of the sixteenth 
century was shaped, as in the trumpet, for clarino playing and Prae- 
torius records the high notes obtained on the tenor instrument by 
certain players of his day: Phileno of Munich ascended to e", while 
Erhardus Borussus of Dresden could go as high as the cornett, to g”. 
By the use of falset-Stimme (blowing the second harmonic with slack 
embouchure) such players could also extend the compass downwards 
below the normal ;? all these special tricks of technique were obtained 
by lip work alone. 

There was a complete family of sackbuts from descant to deep bass 
and most of these are scored for in Monteverdi's Orfeo,‘ but the tenor 
was the instrument most used and it is often found as a bass to other 
wind instruments. Mersenne, after describing the imitations of the 
trumpet in range and agility that can be produced on the sackbut, 
says that this tone is esteemed vitieux et inepte for concerted work 
and that there is another method of lipping the sackbut (une autre 
maniere pour emboucher la Sacquebute) which the student must learn 
practically as it cannot very well be explained in writing. In the Latin 


1 See Vol. III, pp. 408 and 476. 

з Galpin, Old English Instruments, p. 208. Galpin’s paper, The Sackbut, its Evolu- 
tion and History’, Proceedings of the Musical Association, xxxiii (1906-7), p. 1, is 
still the best account. 

3 Praetorius, op. cit., p. 31. By ‘the cornett' he apparently means the ordinary top 
register, as experts could carry the standard cornett a whole octave higher. 

* The descant does not seem to have been used. 

5 Op. cit. v, p. 272. 


760 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


version of his book he expresses this rather differently by saying that 
the skilful musician will avoid imitating the trumpet and will make 
the sackbut sound closer to the smoothness of the human voice.! 

Praetorius? describes four sizes of the sackbut and mentions a fifth ; 
these are as follows: 


Alto or Descant Posaun: range B to с” (tonality F). 

Standard Posaun (Tenor): range E to a' with extensions by Clarinblasen 
and Falset-stimme upwards to g" and downwards to AA (tonality Bp). 

Quart Posaun (a fourth below the standard (tenor) and an octave below 
the alto): range AA to c', with extensions upwards to g' and down- 
wards to FF (tonality F). (Another form of the Quart Posaun was a 
fifth below the tenor.) 

Octave Posaun (two forms are mentioned, the second with a wider tube 
and so not of the unwieldy length—about 8 feet—of the ordinary 
form): range GG to a with extensions upwards to c' and downwards 
to CC. 


These instruments had crooks and straight extension pieces (polettes) 
to alter the pitch when necessary. 


THE CORNETT FAMILY 


As we have ѕееп, the horn proper, as a serious musical instrument, 
lies outside the period of this volume. We are concerned here with an 
ancient instrument much nearer to the animal prototype. This is the 
cornett, with which we have met in centuries long anterior.‘ The 
cornett (German Zinck) was curved after the fashion of the natural 
horn and had six finger-holes (and, usually, a thumb-hole at the back) 
by which a chromatic scale could be produced; it was blown by a 
cup-shaped mouthpiece. At some stage, probably in the mid-fifteenth 
century,? a straight version of the cornett was invented and this had 
two forms of mouthpiece to give different tone-colours. The cornett 
was usually made of wood, and in order to cut the conical bore 
correctly in the curved form, two pieces were shaped and then bound 
together with leather. Sometimes cornetts were made of ivory. 

1 Mersenne, Harmonicorum Instrumentorum libri (Paris, 1636), Lib. ii, prop. xxi, 
p. 111: ‘sed a perito Musico ita debet inspirari, ut Tubae militaris sonos non imitetur, 
magisque accedat ad vocis suavitatem, ne reliquorum Instrumentorum, ipsarumque vocum 
humanarum concentibus officiat, et sonum potius militarem quam pacificum edat." 

2 Op. cit., pp. 31 and 32: and ‘Tabella universalis’ on p. 20. 

3 See supra, p. 758. 

* Vol. III, p. 476. 

5 It was known to early writers such as Virdung and Agricola, who do not depict the 
more normal curved form. 


в The wood was very delicate and the leather helped to preserve it: cf. Mersenne, 
Harmonie universelle, v, p. 274. 


THE CORNETT FAMILY 761 


The standard size had a normal range of two octaves from a to a”, 
but expert players, using a lip technique corresponding to the 
clarinblasen of the trumpeters on a small mouthpiece, could ascent 
to g” in florid passages of great rapidity and with a soft quality 
that consorted perfectly with, and sometimes imitated, the human 
voice.! 

The cornett has a unique tone quality and no modern instrument 
can give any approximation to it. Mersenne’s love of the cornetts’ 
tone can be gathered from his description of their sound: ‘il est 
semble à l'esclat d'un rayon de Soleil, qui paroit dans l'ombre ou 
dans les tenebres, lors qu'on l'entend parmi les voix dans les Eglises 
Cathedrales, ou dans les Chapelles'.? (It seems like the brilliance 
of a shaft of sunlight appearing in shadow or in darkness, when 
one hears it among the voices in cathedrals or in chapels.) 

While some writers, in its declining days, thought that the strain 
on lips and lungs was too great for effective use of the cornett,? 
Mersenne speaks of the ease with which good players could sustain 
long notes or whole songs without taking breatht—what they can do 
*surpasse toute sorte de creance’—and he records that the player 
Sourin d'Avignon could carry on for a hundred measures 'sans 
respirer, ou reprendre vent'. These apparently contradictory state- 
ments are both correct: the cornett is fatiguing when played loudly 
and with heavy wind pressure on the lips, but soft notes demand no 
strain. 

The straight cornett (cornetto diritto) had a softer quality than the 
curved type and, since the bore could be reamed out of the solid as 
with other wind instruments, it was easier to make and probably more 
durable. Like the older type it had a separate mouthpiece of ivory or 
metal, but it was also made with a mouthpiece carved directly out of 
the wood of the instrument, and this had a curiously veiling effect on 
the tone; this type was known as the mute cornett. It is important 
evidence of the instrumental sensibility of the late sixteenth and early 
seventeenth centuries that musicians then felt that three varieties of 


1 After the loss of trained choristers, the cornett was used in Restoration days in 
churches in place of boys' voices. See Matthew Locke, Present Practice of Music Vindi- 
cated (London, 1673). 

2 Op. cit. v, p. 274. Elsewhere on that page he calls the sound of the dessus 
‘ravissant’. 

3 See examples quoted by Terry, Bach’s Orchestra, pp. 37-38. 

* Op. cit., p. 276, *. . . qu'ils mesnagent si dextrement qu'ils sonnent une chanson de 
80 mesures sans reprendre leur vent ou leur haleine’. 

5 Because the straight type had no need of leather binding, it is often described as the 
‘white’ or ‘yellow’ cornett, while the curved type was called the ‘black’ cornett. 


762 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


the cornett tone-quality were necessary. After the mid-seventeenth 
century these straight types seem to have faded out gradually, but the 
older type lived on, especially in Germany, till the mid-eighteenth 
century, though it became largely restricted to the town bands and 
bands for playing chorales. 

Praetorius lists and illustrates a small curved cornett (klein zinck) 
with a standard compass of e to e", and there was a large type with 
double curvature, rather like a shallow S, that formed the tenor; this 
tenor had seven holes, with a key for the lowest hole, and it was pitched 
a fifth below the standard cornett.! He had no very good opinion of 
the tone of this tenor, which he describes as ‘unlieblich und horn- 
hafftig’, but it is frequently represented pictorially in the late sixteenth 
and early seventeenth centuries and must have had some good use; 
Mersenne, who also shows a tenor, does not make any adverse com- 
ments. This tenor was also called corno-torto or cornor? and had a 
range from a (or e) to d"; at least two examples have survived in 
England? and there are several in continental collections. 

This ‘tenor’ or corno-torto might well be considered as the bass 
of the true cornett family; Mersenne, indeed, refers to his corre- 
sponding instrument as the ‘basse’; but he points out that ‘la vraye 
Basse du Cornet se fait avec le Serpent, de sorte que l'on peut dire 
que l'un sans l'autre est un corps sans ame . . .’. (The real bass of the 
cornett family is the serpent, so much so that the one without the 
other is body without soul. . . .) 

The French use of the cornetto, if we may judge by Mersenne, 
differed slightly from that in Germany and (so far as our evidence 
enables us to judge) in England. Praetorius obviously regards his 
recht chor zinck as the principal member of the family; this is what 
is usually called the treble and is about 26 inches long with a as its 
lowest note. Seventeenth-century engravings suggest that this was the 
normal instrument in England. The high descant (klein zinck) of 
Praetorius was about 18 inches long and had for its lowest note e, but 
he does not show any extension beyond the normal two-octave range 
for this size: his S-shaped cornon was about 40 inches long and had 
as its lowest note d or c. In addition he has, in the treble size, the 
straight cornett and the mute cornett.® 


1 Op. cit., pp. 3536. 
3 Thus Praetorius: the name ‘cornon’ does not occur elsewhere. 


* In Norwich Museum. * Harmonie universelle, v, p. 279. 
* Praetorius, op. cit., "Tabella universalis' (p. 22): text pp. 35 and 36: ‘Schiagraphia’ 
pl. viii 


$ ie. straight, with normal separate mouthpiece: straight, with mouthpiece part of the 
tube. 


THE CORNETT FAMILY 763 


The enthusiasm shown by Mersenne for the cornett, which is 
remarkable even in a book rich in superlatives, was mainly the result 
of the beauty of its dessus; this was, he says, ‘12 pieds’ in length 
precisely,! which is roughly 22 inches.? His diagram of its range shows 
the lowest note as c'; the taille is the same shape as the dessus, but 
has an additional hole in front, operated by a covered key, and its 
length was about 28 or 29 inches.? The basse is shaped like a reversed 
S with the upper limb thrown sharply back; he tells us it is ‘quatre 
pieds de long’* which becomes ‘4, vel 5 pedes longus’ on p. 98 of the 
Latin version, from which a length of 50 inches as a minimum may 
be deduced. Like the taille, the basse had a seventh hole covered by 
a key: it is to be noted that the serpent, for all its great length, had 
only six finger holes until well into the eighteenth century when a key 
was added. 

While the above comparison suggests a rather different usage in 
France from that general elsewhere, there are indications of a con- 
siderable variety of sizes in the concerted piece for five cornetts by 
Henri Le Jeune that he prints on p. 277: 


Premier Dessus A la mi re tout fermé, G re sol tout ouvert. 
Second Dessus (the same) 

Haute-Contre Gre sol tout fermé, F ut fa tout ouvert. 
Taille D la re sol tout fermé, C sol ut tout ouvert. 
Basse G re sol tout fermé, F ut fa tout ouvert. 


Mersenne makes a passing mention of the straight cornett; and he 
associates the thumb hole at the back with Spain,* suggesting that the 
French cornetts did not use the hole which one regards as normal in 
this instrument. 


SERPENT 

The serpent is made of wood, covered with leather, and consists of 
a conical tube nearly eight feet long, expanding to a diameter of about 
six inches at the foot; it is folded several times, ending in almost a 
circle, and its appearance well justifies its name. It is blown with a cup 
mouthpiece and has the six finger-holes in the middle section. Al- 
though a true horn and constructed on principles analogous to those 


1 Op. cit., p. 274. 
з Mersenne’s ‘pied’ is not exactly defined, but it seems to have been not far off the offi- 
cial pre-Revolutionary ‘pied’ of about 12} inches. 
* This length has to be estimated from that of the basse in the engraving on p. 276: 28 
inches is a minimum, assuming a ‘4 pied’ bass. 
4 Op. cit., p. 274. 


764 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


of the cornett, it differs from that family in the relation between the 
length and size of bore, and also in the relative thinness of the wood; 
the resulting tone is consequently not quite that of a true cornett. 
Perhaps we should be more correct to say, with the philosophers, that 
it is a distinction rather than a difference; but it seems to place the 
serpent outside the strict family of cornetts and to justify the separate 
existence to which its truly remarkable capabilities entitle it. 

The origin of the serpent is obscure, but it undoubtedly appeared 
sometime in the late sixteenth century. Most authorities say, without 
reference, that it was invented by a priest of Auxerre about 1590. The 
basis for this seems to be the following passage, printed in 1780: 
*L'Abbé Lebeuf, Histoire d'Auxerre, tome І, page 643, dit que vers 
Pan 1590, un Chanoine d'Auxerre, nomme Edmé Guillaume, trouva 
le secret de tourner un cornet en forme de serpent . . .',! but Lebeuf 
wrote in 1743 and, as well as being late, his authority is weak.? 
Mersenne knew nothing of this, for he writes, in another connexion, 
of ‘les Sacquebutts, qu'on croid estre plus anciennes que les Serpens’.? 
The serpent was unknown to Praetorius and seems to have had little 
or no life in Germany, though an entry in the 1596 inventory of the 
Ambras Castle instruments, now in Vienna, has been quoted against 
that view: *Instrument zu plasen, genannt schlangen, 5 stuckh, als 
ain pasz, 2 tenor, 2 discanten.'* (Wind instruments, called serpents, 
5 items, a bass, 2 tenor, 2 descants.) Schlangen certainly means ‘ser- 
pents’, but in a collection that also contained the tartólde (see p. 748) 
these might be anything. 

France and England were the real homes of the serpent, though 
a few early Italian examples are known. For want of anything better, 
it has become customary to regard the mysterious ' Lysarden' of the 
Hengrave Hall inventory of 1603 as representing either the S-shaped 
tenor cornett or the serpent; but this is only a guess. 

The music that can be produced from a good instrument by an 
accomplished performer is something that must be heard to be 
believed. There is a range of four full octaves, and even higher notes 
can be produced by a real expert; at the bottom there is a rich bass, 
vibrant and booming, with a curious woody quality, while in the top 
register presto passages can be played very softly with an almost 
flute-like purity. 

1 J, B. de Laborde, op. cit., p. 274. 

3 ‘An antiquarian whose name is happily characteristic of his capability' (Gibbon, 
Decline and Fall). 


з Harmonie universelle, liv. v, p. 281. 
* Schlosser, op. cit., p. 13. 


DRUMS 765 


DRUMS 

The small double-headed drum, known as the tabor, that had come 
down from the early Middle Ages, was not discarded in the period 
covered by the present volume but held its place as the associate of 
the galoubet or three-holed vertical flute; when used alone, it was 
slung horizontally and played with the hands alone, or with sticks, 
on both ends. Under Swiss influence, the tabor had developed a much 
larger form in the fifteenth century and this became the big side drum, 
slung vertically and played on one head only. In the sixteenth century 
it was made with a head two feet in diameter,! a size that later times 
found too unwieldy. The famous Swiss association of this large drum 
with the fife was soon copied by other armies, and the English had 
their drums and Dies at least by 1540.? About that date, too, the old 
words tabor and tabrett had become replaced by the Dutch drum and 
players were known as drumslades. The Lord Chamberlain’s records 
show ‘Tabretts’ in the funeral procession of Henry VII (1509),? but 
a ‘drume player’ at the coronation of Edward VI (1547);* and there 
are instances of the use of the word ‘drumslades’ in England soon 
after 1530. These drums had detachable snares and their use was 
almost entirely processional and military. The official march-rhythm 
was reformed by the ill-fated Prince Henry two years before his death 
in 1612, and this version was issued asa Royal Command by Charles I 
in 1632.5 It may be noted that Virdung associated the Netherlands and 
France especially with the use of the small tabor with the galoubet.® 

The modern bass drum does not appear to have come into general 
European use before the eighteenth century, yet something rather like 
it is depicted once or twice in the art of the Middle Ages; it was widely 
used in the East from early times. 

The small single-headed drum with a hemispherical body, known 
as the nakers,’ also appeared in a large form, though this was less a 
development than an importation from the near East, where the effects 
of loud percussion instruments had had a terrifying effect on the 
armies of the early Crusaders.? 

Timpani or kettledrums seem to have been adopted first in Hun- 
gary, though whether because of the close contact with the Turks 

1 This was still the size of military drums when Praetorius wrote in 1618: see 'Schia- 
graphia’, pl. xxiii. The illustrations in Virdung (1511) show that Germany had adopted the 
large Swiss size early. 

з Brit. Mus., Augustus A. iii. 

3 Lafontaine, op. cit., p. 3. 4 Ibid., p. 8. 


5 The original manuscript is reproduced in Hayes, op. cit., p. 59. 
* Op. cit., sig. C.4v. ? See Vol. III, p. 492. $ Ibid., p. 414. 


766 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


or whether an inheritance from far-off Asiatic ancestors is not known. 
Virdung (1511)! and Praetorius (1618)? both show the kettledrums 
(Pauken) in pairs but it is uncertain whether these were in unison or 
whether the later tuning, usually a fourth apart, had been introduced. 
Mersenne,? who seems to regard this type of drum as an eastern 
curiosity, shows two sizes and says they can be used an octave, a fifth, 
orafourth apart; butthis seems to depend on size, for his instruments 
look crude and have no keys. Virdung shows ten keys and Praetorius 
six; clearly no rapid changes could be made and these keys must 
have been mainly, if not only, for keeping the drums up to pitch. 
Kettledrums were essentially military and were used on horseback; 
in 1541 Henry VIII wrote to Vienna asking for a pair so that they 
could be played on horseback ‘after the Hungarian manner’, which 
suggests that this form of drum had not then reached England. When 
played in this way, Virdung says that they sounded very alarming.* 


BELLS 


The rows of bells, struck with a mallet, that are so often depicted 
in art throughout the Middle Ages, fell from favour in the fifteenth 
century and were little, if at all, used after 1500; in their place the 
tunes of the carillon became increasingly popular in Europe, espe- 
cially in France and the Low Countries. Usually the carillon was 
worked by hand from a keyboard? but in the seventeenth century 
clockwork carillons were made in which the tunes were operated 
by pins on a revolving drum. England, however, would have 
none of these things and went on that highly individual road of its 
own, the ringing of changes on a peal of bells. This mathematical 
practice had an enthusiastic following and societies began to be 
formed as early as 1637;* in 1668 that great classic of the science, 
Fabian Stedman's Tintinnalogia, was published. 

Records of travel show that several foreigners were puzzled by this 
English use of bells, but in 1598 one visitor at least was under no 
illusions about it; Paul Hentzner of Brandenburg wrote of the 


1 Op. cit., sig. DI. 

2 Op. cit., ‘Schiagraphia’, pl. xxiii. 

з Harmonicorum Instrumentorum (Paris, 1636), lib. iv. De Campanis [!], p. 165. 

* ‘gar ungeheur': op. cit., sig E. 4v. 

5 Mersenne illustrates the mechanism of his day in Harmonicorum Instrumentorum, 
lib. iv, p. 160. 

* See the elaborate examples in Kircher, op. cit., tom. ii, lib. ix, Iconismus xix. 

? The first was called "The Society of College Youths’. 


BELLS 767 


Londoners of that day: “They are vastly fond of great noises that fill 
the air, such as the firing of cannon, drums and the ringing of bells, 
so that іп London it is common for a number of them when drunk to 
go into some belfrey and ring the bells for hours together." 


CYMBALS 

Of the other percussion instruments little need be said. Cymbals 
had come down from ancient times and have continued little changed 
to our own day, though a small, cup-like variety? that was also in 
general use up to the mid-seventeenth century, if not later, is not seen 
so much. This small type was used in a manner resembling that of 
castanets, which were also familiar in this period.? The triangle, once 
known’ as the ‘stirrup’ (Stegreif),‘ maintained its old form but 
dropped that name; the only difference between it and our modern 
type was the use of a number of loose rings on the horizontal bar, 
which were given up in the eighteenth century, The timbrel—our 
tambourine—had persisted from antiquity and is practically the same 
today. 


MINOR INSTRUMENTS 

There were several very minor instruments hovering in the back- 
ground of our period and although these have no real musical im- 
portance, their names sometimes occur. One example is the mirliton 
or eunuch flute, of which Mersenne gives a detailed description and 
tells of concerted use with four or five of these bogus flutes played 
together.* The mirliton is shaped like a vertical flute, but the player 
hums the tune which is reinforced by a very thin membrane, ‘delice 
comme la peau d'un oignon', stretched over the top of the tube; there 
was a genuine hole just below the membrane and, often, three or four 
dummy ‘holes’ painted lower on the tube. 

Another toy that seems quite ageless is the Jew's harp or Jew's 
trump which, like the mirliton, has no voice of its own. It is found 


1 Quoted from William Brenchley Rye, England as Seen by Foreigners in the Days of 
Elizabeth and James the First (London, 1865). | 

3 Praetorius calls them Schellen; Virdung seems to apply this name to the clappers 
(sig. D. 3"). 

* Mersenne, op. cit., lib. iv, prop. xvi, gives details of all these, 

* See Vol. III, p. 493. 

5 Cf. Praetorius, op. cit, ‘Schiagraphia’, pl. xxii, where it is called Triangel; and 
Mersenne, op. et loc. cit. ` 

* Harmonie universelle, liv. v, p. 230. On this page there is a vague passage which 
suggests that the mirliton was then fairly recent (‘des jeux noveaux’), but it may have a 
more general reference. 


768 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


all over the world at least as far back as the thirteenth century. It is 
depicted among the French enamels on the crozier of William of 
Wykeham or Wickwane of about 1280 and it can be detected, though 
not so clearly, in the fourteenth-century sculpture in Exeter Cathe- 
dral;! it appears unchanged in Virdung (1511), Praetorius (1618), and 
Mersenne (1636). In France it was known as the guimbarde and in 
Germany as the Judenharfe and Maultrommel; the origin of the name 
is a mystery as it had no connexion with the Jewish race. 

One or two instruments, of no musical value in themselves, are 
worth recording as they left their names to organ stops. Both Virdung 
and Agricola (who, indeed, helped himself liberally to Virdung's 
woodcuts) show the Gemshorn.? This is a short natural chamois horn 
with four finger-holes, three in a line and the fourth, nearest to the 
large end of the horn, set a little to one side; there is a fipple notch 
cut just below the large end, which is closed with a block in which 
there appears to be a circular hole for the breath. These writers? also 
show another natural horn, rather longer and with a slight double 
curvature, with four finger-holes, but in this the hole on one side is 
that nearest the small end; the large end is open and a normal cup 
mouthpiece is fitted in the small end. This instrument both writers 
name, rather confusingly, Krumhorn, which is strange as it is shown 
on the same plates as the true krummhorns, to which they also apply 
that name. This is clearly only a rather limited pastoral horn but 
its mechanics are at least more cotnprehensible than those of the 
Gemshorn. The Russpfeif, also found as the name of an organ stop, 
is shown by these two writers as the diminutive recorder already men- 
tioned, with four finger-holes; in fact, in his 1545 edition, Agricola 
drops the name Russpfeif and calls it simply ‘Klein Flótlein mit vier 
lóchern' (small flute with four finger-holes). 

The aeolian harp was thought by Kircher to be a new invention, 
but many centuries before his day St. Dunstan had narrowly escaped 
the charge of sorcery when he made such an instrument and placed 
it in a draughty aperture in a wall. Kircher's instrument is in the nor- 
mal form of wires stretched over a sound-box, like a psaltery, but he 
characteristically proposed various devices of cones and passages to 

1 Galpin, Old English Instruments of Music, p. 268, and Georg Kinsky, Geschichte der 
Musik in Bilder (Leipzig, 1929), p. 51, pl. 1. 

* Virdung, op. cit., sig. B. 4; Agricola, op. cit., edn. 1528, fo. xiv: it is not shown in the 
edition of 1545. 
isas dung, on same page as above; Agricola on the preceding page, and in edition of 


4 ‘Est hoc machinamentum uti novum. . . °, op. cit., tom. ii, p. 352. 
5 Galpin, op. cit., p. 72. - 


MINOR INSTRUMENTS 769 


increase the flow of air. Although not to be compared with Mersenne, 
Kircher had a considerable knowledge of the science and mechanics 
of his age and he showed great ingenuity in devising mechanical 
organs as well as complicated echo-chambers: these curiosities need 
not detain us except to remark that his diagrams for ‘pricking’ the 
cylinders for such instruments anticipate by more than a century the 
elaborate works of Dom Bedos de Celles and Le Pére Engrammelle. 
His diagrams, like those of later writers, are valuable and definitive 
evidence for the interpretation of contemporary notated music, with 
its ornaments. 

Another vain search of the early seventeenth century was for a 
mechanical ‘bowed’ instrument, for which the ancient symphony,? 
later known as the hurdy-gurdy, had pointed the way. The principle 
of these attempts is basically the same: in the instrument, which looks 
rather like a harpsichord, the keys bring the required strings in con- 
tact with the resined edge of a wheel that is kept rotating by pedals. 
A specimen made by the Spaniard, Truchado, in 1625 still exists in 
the Brussels Conservatoire; it is on much the same lines as the 
famous Geigenwerck of Hans Hayden of Nuremberg that Praetorius 
describes. Kircher describes a machine of the same sort, and in 
another he includes a set of organ pipes;* as the pedals had to operate 
both the wheel and the bellows, it must have needed heavy foot-work. 
It is sometimes thought that Henry VIIT’s collection anticipated all 
these, since one entry reads ‘An Instrumente that goethe wt a whele 


withoute playinge uppon . . .’, but, as this is included among the 
virginals, it rather suggests mechanical plucking by means of a 
cylinder. 


One other very old instrument to which mechanism was also 
applied was the xylophone: Virdung (1511), Agricola (1528, 1545), 
and Praetorius (1618) show the wooden pallets or rods much as we 
have them today. The Germans called it the Strohfidel, from the straw 
on which the wood was originally laid; in France it was the claquebois. 
Both Mersenne and Kircher? show a form in which each wooden 
pallet is struck by a wooden block operated by a pivoted lever ending 
in a finger plate; each pallet has its own lever and there is an adjusting 
device apparently to raise or lower the pallets to alter the tone. 
Whether this keyed xylophone had any effective life is not known. 

1 Kircher, op. cit. ii, pp. 312 ff. 
? Sec Vol. III, p. 486. 
з Praetorius, op. cit., p. 67: and ‘Schiagraphia’, pl. iii, 


* Op. cit. ii, pp. 339 ff. 
5 Mersenne, Harmonicorum, p. 163; Kircher, op. cit. i, p. 518. 


770 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


INSTRUMENTAL COMBINATIONS 

It does not fall within the province of this chapter to say anything 
of the music of the instruments that have been described, or even to 
comment on those ‘broken consorts’ of seventeenth-century chamber 
music in which five or six instruments of different kinds were used.! 
It is, however, pertinent to give an example of how the mid-sixteenth 
century grouped its instruments for particular effects in the less inti- 
mate music that was then developing; this is not only valuable 
evidence of the appreciation of instrumental tone-colour, for which 
claims have been made above, but it indicates the foundations of the 
type of orchestra employed in Monteverdi's Orfeo. 

In the mid-sixteenth century there was a type of stage performance 
known as intermedio, given between the acts of comedies? The 
elaborate scenarios of intermedii—usually on mythological subjects— 
were often published; the action and setting of each scene are described 
and the words of the songs are interpolated in their appropriate 
places. The scenario sometimes ends with a list of the groupings of 
instruments that were used in each of the scenes; most unfortunately, 
it has been the habit of authorities to Jump all the instruments to- 
gether in one comprehensive list that tells nothing of their musical 
use.3 One of these entertainments, Francesco d'Ambra's comedy La 
cofanaria, contrived for the wedding of Francesco de’ Medici and 
Johanna of Austria in 1565, was printed at Florence in the following 
year, with a description of the intermedii by Giovambattista Cini, and 
reprinted in 1593.* Cini's intermedii are based on Apuleius's story of 
Cupid and Psyche, and the music of the first, second, and fifth was 
written by Alessandro Striggio, that for the third, fourth, and last by 
Francesco Corteccia.’ 

The following is a translation of the end of the ‘description’: 

In order to satisfy those enquiring musicians who may find this work in 
their hands, it must be explained that, because the hall was of such excep- 


1 See p. 583. з See pp. 787 ff. 

3 Kiesewetter started this practice in his Schicksale und Beschaffenheit des weltlichen 
Gesanges (Leipzig, 1841) and has been followed by many writers since. 

* See O. G. Sonneck, ‘A Description of Alessandro Striggio and Francesco Corteccia's 
Intermedii “Psyche and Amor” 1565', The Musical Antiquary, iii (1911), p. 40, for the 
original text of the descrizione, and the same writer's Miscellaneous Studies in the History 
of Music (New York, 1921), p. 276, for a complete translation by Theodore Baker. 
See also Federico Ghisi, Feste musicali della Firenze Medicea, 1480-1589 (Florence, 
1939). 

5 There is a possibility that the actual music may be recovered as it seems to have been 
in the press in 1565. Analogous but more limited information is available for instru- 
mental usage in Bibbiena's La calandria (1513), Ariosto's I suppositi (1518), and Landi's 
Il commodo (1539) among the earlier intermedii. 


INSTRUMENTAL COMBINATIONS 771 


tional beauty, size, and height, it was necessary to make the concerted 
music very full, and therefore 

At the opening the sweetest harmony that came from the [stage scene of] 
widespread heavens was produced by— 


four double Harpsichords 

four Viole d' Arco 

two Trombones 

two Tenori di Flauti 

a Cornetto muto (soft-toned cornett) 
a transverse Flute (Traversa) 

and two Lutes. 


Thus one sees the remarkable art with which the musicians contrived the 
proper settings of the Chariot and the Hours and the Graces which were to 
be found in their correct places. 

The music of the first two stanzas of Venus's ballata was for eight voices; 
only the singers were on the stage and the accompaniment was off-stage, 
but with considerable difficulty and artifice, by 


two Harpsichords 

four double-bass Viols (Violoni) 
a medium Lute (Leuto Mezano) 

a Cornetto muto 

a Trombone 

and two Recorders (Flauti diritti). 


Cupid's last stanza was sung by five voices also on the stage with the 
accompaniment off-stage of 


two Harpsichords 

a large Lute 

a bass Viol added above the parts (un sotto basso di Viola aggiunto 
sopra le parti) 

a treble Viol (soprano di Viola) also added 

a Recorder (Flauto) similarly added 

four transverse Flutes 

and a Trombone. 


This was during the first intermedio. 

The second was a quartet, sung by four voices on the stage, and played by 
four Lutes 
a Viola d'Arco 
a Lirone (Lyra da gamba); 


and off-stage by 
three Harpsichords 
a large Lute 
a treble Viol (Viola soprano) 


772 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


a contralto transverse Flute (Traversa contr’alto) 

a large tenor Recorder (Flauto grande Tenore) 

a bass Trombone 

a Cornetto muto, which played a fifth part added above. 


In the third intermedio six [instruments] played and the whole of the 
music was on the stage, thus— 


five Storte (krummhorns) 
a Cornetto muto 
and eight voices, doubling the sopranos and basses. 


The music of the fourth intermedio was similarly à 6 and it was performed 
entirely on the stage, the voices doubling all the parts and adding thereto— 


two Trombones 

a Dolzaina (perhaps a fagotto) 
two ordinary Cornetts 

a large Cornett 

and two drums (Tamburi). 


In the fifth intermedio [the music was] à 5, one soprano voice solo was 
accompanied on the stage by— 
four double-bass Viols (Violoni) 
and off-stage by 


a Lirone 
and four Trombones. 


The last was a quartet, very lively and very full (pienissimo), with all 
the voices quadruplicated. And adding thereto— 


two Cornetti muti 

two Trombones 

a Dolzaina 

a Stortina (small krummhorn) 
a Lirone 

a Lyra [da braccio] 

a Ribechino (violin?) 

and two Lutes 


playing in the first Canzonetta, and all singing. 

In the second scene where there was a ballet, eight solo voices sang the 
stanzas, and the Lyra [da braccio] and Lirone played by way of a ritornello 
which refreshed the minds of the audience; but after this, as it were 
refreshing the minds of the audience, one heard with a certain new gladness 
all the performers most joyously singing and playing. 


The above lengthy quotation is merely an illustration of what was 
being done with instruments in combination in the mid-sixteenth 
century. Two points must be made before leaving the subject: one is 


INSTRUMENTAL COMBINATIONS 773 


that there were highly accomplished players on all these instruments, 
and Striggio himself was a virtuoso performer on the /yra da gamba, 
an instrument of extraordinary difficulty; the other is that even now 
we cannot be quite sure of the exact meaning of all the names used. 
Viola d'arco probably meant viol in 1565, but a slight doubt that it 
may have been a loose expression for the newly developed violin 
intrudes; dolzaina certainly meant fagotto in Praetorius's day (1618), 
but was the fagotto so well established in 1565 and may the name not 
refer to some other type? Ribechino ought to mean a treble rebec and 
the setting is just one in which a rebec would be useful, but writers at 
the end of the century use the word in a very ambiguous manner.! 
Violone was a standard name for a double-bass viol later; can we be 
sure that it meant the same at that date? The answer is almost, but 
not quite, certainly that it did. We have still much to learn. 


TABLATURE 

The name ‘tablature’ originally denoted any ‘tabulation’ of vocal 
or instrumental parts in such a way that they could be read and played 
by a soloist (cf. Scheidt's Tabulatura nova)? but it is commonly 
confined to those systems of notation by which the attainment of a 
certain musical result is indicated by a graphical description of the 
manner in which fingers must be placed on an instrument. Tablatures 
were devised for wind instruments such as récorder and oboe, though 
chiefly for instructional purposes. For a certain group of instruments, 
viols, lutes, and their kindred, it is infinitely more appropriate than 
any system of musical notes. Tablature is unambiguous and so free 
from doubts of the sharpening or flattening of notes by musica ficta 
that beset early texts in staff notation. It has no musical meaning until 
the tuning of the strings is defined; it operates entirely by intervals 
and hence is independent of pitch. 

The earliest known ‘tablature’ in this sense of the word is Petrucci’s 
Intabulatura de Lauto. Libro primo,? and it is remarkable that this 
utterly novel concept of notation appears first not tentatively in 
manuscripts, but fully developed in printed books as something in 
general use. It is hard to believe that no manuscripts exist of a date 
before 1507, when Petrucci's first volume appeared, and some will 
surely be found sooner or later. The Venetian lute-tablature was 
followed closely by Virdung's general treatise on instruments in 1511. 
But Virdung's system, though fundamentally the same in principle 


! e.g. Bottrigari, op. cit.; see Hayes, Viols and other Bowed Instruments, pp. 176 ff. 
% See pp. 666-7. 3 See Vol. III, p. 440, 


774 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


as Petrucci’s, yet has so marked a difference in application that one 
can hardly have developed from the other. If tablature had not 
existed earlier, we should have to believe that two men invented this 
completely new type of musical notation not only independently but 
at the same date. The principle of lute-tablature is easily explained. 


Ex. 368 

(i) (ii) 
0 a 
1b 
2 c 
8 d 
4 е 
5f 
6 g 


Let the vertical lines in (i) represent the six double ‘strings’ of a 
lute and let (ii) represent these same strings with the fretted neck 
beneath them. In (ii) the frets have been numbered as they recede from 
the nut, to which the zero sign is given: there is thus a means of 
identifying the intersection of any one string with the line of a fret. 
Suppose now that (i) is turned through a right angle so that the lines 
representing the strings are horizontal: immediately the question 
arises—which line represents the highest string? With the position of 
the lute when held by a player in mind, some answered at once, ‘The 
lowest’; others said ‘Naturally, the topmost line’, and these, too, 
preferred to letter, rather than to number, the frets, calling the nut ‘a’. 


Ex. 369 


In Ex. 369 the lines represent the strings with the highest string at 
the bottom; the numbers under I clearly show that all the strings are 


TABLATURE 775 


plucked together, open; П shows that the strings аге plucked ѕиссез- 
sively, the highest open, the second stopped on the first fret, and so 
on until the sixth stopped on the fifth fret; III shows the second string 
plucked open, then the fourth string stopped on the second fret, 
followed by the third string stopped on the third fret, next the first 
and third strings plucked together, the first open and the other stopped 
on the first fret, followed by the third and fourth plucked open 
together and, finally, the fourth string stopped on the second fret and 
the fifth string stopped on the fourth fret plucked together. Using 
letters instead of numbers, and reversing the order of the lines repre- 
senting the strings, this same set of groups would appear as in Ex. 370. 


Ex.370 


Ex. 369 represents the system adopted by Italy and Spain, while 
England and France used the system shown by Ex. 370. 

It will be apparent that, as they stand, these diagrams have no 
musical meaning, for we do not know the intervals between the open 
strings and there is nothing to indicate the duration of each note. 

The basis of this method of writing music is a graphical identifica- 
tion of each intersection of the lines of strings and frets: clearly the 
result can equally be achieved by applying a different symbol to each 
point over the whole neck, rather than having one symbol common 
throughout the line of each fret. This was the German method, first 
described by Virdung in 1511, by whom its invention is attributed to 
Conrad Paumann, the blind organist of Nuremberg;! Agricola in 
1528 was also well acquainted with this story. The system must have 
been devised when the lute normally had only five courses or ranks, 
but it was verging into the six-rank instrument in Paumann's lifetime. 
It is tempting to guess that this indicates a priority for the German 
system, but there is no definite evidence; nor are we even justified in 
suggesting that the Italian system was an adaptation of a German 
prototype to suit the added strings. 


* Sec Vol. III, p. 428. 


776 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 
Ex.371 


-A-a-b-c-d-e- 
ПТТ! 
-B-f-g-h-i-k- 
га! 
-C-1-m-n-o-p- 
ТТТ 
-D-e-r-s-t-v- 
LLL 11] 
-Е-х-у-2-2-9- 
NENNEN 
-F-a-b-c-d-e- 


In Ex. 371 the lines represent five ranks of the lute with seven frets 
on the finger board: the open strings are numbered, beginning with 
the bass 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5, and the intersections with the frets, again 
beginning from the bass, are lettered a, b, c, d, &c., each fret begin- 
ning from the bass so that they read as do the lines of a printed page. 

The three groups of Ex. 369 will appear, in this German system, 
thus: 

Ex. 372 


5dhmeE |4gn58g 
cza 


Oé OO rä a 


When the sixth string was added, each writer devised his own system 
of symbols and there are at least twenty variations in the century 
following the publication of Virdung’s book: a favourite device was 
that of denoting the open string by 1 and the succeeding frets by capi- 
tal letters A, B, C, D, &c. 

Despite its greater tax upon memory, this system had a decided 
advantage in legibility. 


TUNING 
Tuning can be represented by denoting on which fret each string 
must be stopped that it may sound a unison with that next above it. 


TUNING 777 


The standard intervals of the tuning of lute and viol were: fourth, 
fourth, major third, fourth, fourth. In the three tablature systems 
this is shown thus: 

Ex. 373 
8 2 
rx 


54 1 
eZ E 


When the tuning of the lute became changeable, around the year 
1600, the practice grew of prefacing each piece with its tuning in 
tablature. 

Pitch is undefined and the tablature serves equally well any size of 
instrument tuned with the defined intervals. With the tuning of 
Ex. 373 and assuming the highest string to be tuned to Ss the 
groups I, П, and III of Exs. 369, 370, and 372 will sound: 


The duration of each note was shown by a sign placed above it; 
later, the notes of the ordinary stave were used, but for a long while 
symbols derived from the tails of notes were used: 


Gr 375 
(ii) (iii) 


LEFF EFF ттт 


Only the earlier German tablature repeated a sign for notes of equal 
duration and these were joined so that (ii) became (iii). In all other 
tablatures a sign once placed held good for every succeeding note or 
rest until another sign appeared to change the value. 


) Jo 222. 
EE AE 


778 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


Under the hands of hasty scribes these time-value symbols often 
became sadly corrupted: 


Ex. 377 


LTPP IID 


LC AMI 7475 


The signs were subject to the usual prolongation of value by dots; 
a sign over a blank represents a rest of equivalent duration. 

For a single line of melody this is plain enough; but the music for 
which tablature was needed was seldom simple and normally had 
internal parts that demanded clarification in this notation. Tablature 
was adapted for this by the introduction of bars, but these must not 
be read for accent and rhythm, which often bear little relation to 
such rigid divisions. Printed and carefully written tablature so placed 
the symbols within the bars that their time value was obvious. But 
tablature was often hastily written for those too well versed in this 
type of music to need exact instructions for every part. Dolmetsch 
has summed up the concept of those tablatures thus: ‘If a note or 
chord is to be held whilst other parts are moving, a line is drawn 
under the letter, which shows by its length the duration of the hold. 
These lines are only useful in special cases, for it is a rule that all 
notes must be held until their vibrations naturally die, whenever 
possible, or until their prolongation becomes undesirable for melodic 
or harmonic reasons.” But a study of a typical passage, such as the 
fantasia from Francesco da Milano’s First Book quoted on p. 691 
(Ex. 348, (i)), with its original notation (pl. I (b)), will give a more satis- 
factory understanding of these principles than lengthy explanation. 

As time passed, it became evident that it would be much clearer 
if the signs were placed above, instead of on, the lines and all later 
tablature is written in this manner; but the origin of the lines was a 
diagram of the strings. When the extra strings were added the signs 
were placed outside the base line of the original six: normally only 
the seventh was stopped and the remainder were off the finger-board. 
The vestigial remains of leger lines are seen in the symbols for the 
eighth, ninth, and tenth strings. To avoid confusion the eleventh and 
twelfth strings were shown by the figures 4 and 5, from the number 
of leger lines that should have been used. 


1 The Interpretation of the Music of the XVII and XVII Centuries (2nd ed., London, 
1944), p. 440. 


TUNING 779 
Ex. 378 


In England the letters look a little strange at first sight owing to 
their derivation from the so-called "court hand’. 


af сез v f g Buy f Pm 


Signs for ornaments abound in later texts; and some composers 
were particular to indicate with which fingers a string should be 
plucked, for tone quality, by a system of dots over the symbols. 


GUITAR AND WIND TABLATURES 


At the opening of the seventeenth century the technique of guitar 
playing underwent a marked change: lute-like music was replaced by 
batteries of full chords struck across the whole of the strings. This led 
to a development of tablature for the guitar that transformed its 
whole appearance. In the following hundred and fifty years guitar 
literature became most prolific and rivalled, if it did not exceed, in 
quantity that for the lute itself. The tablature became both varied and 
complex and is the most troublesome of all tablatures to decipher, 
so attenuated did the shorthand of the virtuosi become; it would be 
far beyond the purpose of this chapter to give even the most brief 
description of all the forms.! 

Although the tablature for wind instruments such as the recorder, 
flageolet, and galoubet was intended for instructional purposes, for 
which indeed it is still in use today, a certain amount of music exists in 
it. The principle is exceedingly simple: a column of circles represented 
the finger holes and those stopped were solid black while the open 
holes were left white. A series of such columns represented a series 
of notes and for convenience horizontal lines were ruled through 
them. The first modification was the omission of the open circles 
from the lines: a second, sometimes adopted mixed with circles and 
sometimes in entire substitution, was the use of a short vertical line 
across the horizontal line, instead of a black circle for a stopped hole. 
Half-stopped holes were shown by half the vertical line or half a 


1 On guitar tablature see Johannes Wolf, Handbuch der Notationskunde, ii (Leipzig, 
1919), pp. 157-218. 


780 INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


circle, ‘pinched’ holes by such devices as a circle with a dot in the 
middle. Time-values of the notes, and signs for ornaments, were 
added in the ordinary manner of lute tablature. 

Mersenne's example for a tenor recorder illustrates a mixed sys- 
tem: the top line is the thumb hole at the back of the instrument 
and the almost continuously open state of the bottom hole is indicated 
by the omission of the eighth line except as a leger-line. In his use 
of the eighth hole Mersenne differs slightly from modern fingering. 


KEYBOARD TABLATURES 

So unwieldy do some of the keyboard notations seem that it is hard 
to understand why sixteenth-century executants sometimes preferred 
to play from them rather than from staff notation in score. Yet 
Scheidt, in a note ‘To Organists' prefixed to the first part of his 
Tabulatura nova (Hamburg, 1624), points out that they can trans- 
late his staff-score into ‘the ordinary letter-tablature' (in die gewöhn- 
liche Buchstaben Tabulatur) just as easily as they could transcribe into 
tablature from separate parts. 

The so-called ‘German’ notation for the keyboard ——by no means 
confined to Germany—is the commonest. Its origins can be traced 


KEYBOARD TABLATURES 781 


back to the fourteenth-century Robertsbridge Codex.! It bad a vigor- 
ous life for three or four centuries and was abandoned with reluctance, 
so habituated had players become to its use. It was constructed with 
one line in ordinary staff notation, underneath which the other parts 
were written as separate lines of notes in the ordinary letter—‘a’ to 
*g'—notation, with marks for rests and, as in the lute tablature, for 
time-values. On page 782 are shown the last twelve bars of “О 
haylige, onbeflecte" from Virdung, with a transcription underneath. 

The most elaborate music was written in this form and after about 
1570 many composers wrote all the parts in the alphabet system, 
dispensing with the staff altogether.? 

Spanish writers devised systems based on figures. The method 
advocated by Bermudo in his Declaración of 1555? accepts a range 


extending from = to and numbers each note consecutively 


from the bass, 1 to 42. There should, of course, be 46 units but four 
are missing on account of the ‘short octave’ in the bass, so common 
in keyboards of the period. A line is ruled for each part and the 
numbers of the notes are placed on these lines. 


Bermudo’s system numbered every semitone, but he refers to a 
modification of this system which reduced the quantity of numbers 
to be memorized by numbering only the white notes and introducing 
signs for flats or sharps (which applied also to the ‘short octave’) 
and so on, with numbers from 1 to 27; this extended the range 


up to g= Picchi's Intavolatura of 1620* employs this notation. 


1 See Vol. III, pp. 420 ff., and pl. IV (a). 

* See Wolf's list of published works and manuscripts, op. cit. ii, pp. 32 ff. 
* See p. 641. 

* See p. 646. - 


INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


782 


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TEE 0 ESE 
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ЩИ зо mes ПУ 
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п [| f 2—0 «— £5 
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KEYBOARD TABLATURES 783 


A use of numbers that seems far more practical to our eyes was 
introduced by Henestrosa in his Libro de cifra nueva of 1557! and is 
perhaps best known from its employment by Hernando de Cabezón 
in the edition of his father's Obras de musica which he published in 
1578.1 The seven notes of the diatonic scale are numbered 1 to 7 and 
each octave is distinguished by some modification of the digits: 


© А 
11234587 1234567 


| o ©. 
1234567 10 2 3? 4 
Sharp and flat signs are used for chromatic intervals and, when 
specially needed, the usual lute-tablature signs mark the time-values. 
Each had a line, as in Bermudo’s system, and the works vary from 


two to six parts. 


The system was still used by Francisco Correa de Arauxo in his 
Libro de tientos published at Alcalä in 1626.* 


1 See p. 612. 
4 A sign, 4 or B, at the head of each piece indicates whether ‘4’ is Bk or Bp. 
* Cabezón, Obras de müsica (Madrid, 1578), fo. 84, line 6. * See page 681. 


XIV 
MUSIC AND DRAMA 


By EDWARD J. DENT! 


THE NEW STYLE 


THE creation of opera at the end of the sixteenth century was such 
a complete novelty in the world of music that subsequent historians 
have racked their brains to find some sort of ancestry for it. It is true 
enough that music has been associated with dance and drama from 
the days of remote antiquity; but so far as the arts of the Renaissance 
are concerned, the integration of drama and music by Ottavio 
Rinuccini and Jacopo Peri was something that had never been 
achieved or even tentatively approached before. The full history of 
that achievement will be described in the next chapter, but before 
we discuss the subject of ‘opera before opera’, as it has been called, 
we must form some basic idea of what the fundamental idea of opera 
really was. 

A modern opera-goer, confronted with the scores—and the scores 
only—of Peri’s Euridice, Caccini’s Euridice, and Cavalieri’s Rappre- 
sentazione di Anima e di Corpo (all of the year 1600) would probably 
find them so intolerably dull from a musical point of view that he 
would need some determination and perseverance to read more than 
a few pages of any of them. Few musical works require so much con- 
centrated effort of imagination, auditive, visual, and emotional, to 
bring them to life. For the visual effort there are indeed available a 
few contemporary drawings and prints; the actual words and notes 
are easily readable. What we cannot evoke, and what must have made 
the deepest impression on their first audiences, is the way in which the 
words were declaimed and the music sung—the emotional values of 
actual performance. The key to this will be found in a passage from 
Pietro della Valle's Discorso della musica dell'età nostra (1640)? 


However, all those [singers of the sixteenth century] had hardly any 
other technique of singing apart from trills and florid passages and a good 


1 Revised, with additional matter, by Frederick Sternfeld. 
* Quoted by Angelo Solerti, Le origini del melodramma (Milan, 1903), p. 162. 


THE NEW STYLE 785 


voice-production. As to piano and forte, gradual crescendo and graceful 
diminuendo, expression of feelings, judicious bringing out of the sense of 
the words, of making the voice sound cheerful or melancholy, tender or 
courageous, and of other similar galanterie? which modern singers do 
supremely well—all such things were never so much as talked about in 
those days. 


Della Valle goes on to say that this new style was introduced to Rome 
by Emilio de' Cavalieri. What we may deduce from it is that the madri- 
gal singers of the previous century did no more than sing their words 
and notes, however accurately and intelligently, just as they were 
written, with nothing like the individual personality of a great actor. 
Music in the theatre had been no more than an accessory to spoken 
drama and spectacle. The ‘new music’ was drama itself. 


RENAISSANCE DRAMA 


At this point it may be useful to summarize briefly the history of 
drama during the Renaissance. The religious drama of the Middle 
Ages, the sacra rappresentazione, performed originally by religious 
confraternities on religious occasions, had by this time become so 
elaborate and so little devotional that ecclesiastical authorities some- 
times forbade such works to be acted in public, though they continued 
to be printed. The 'revival of learning' led to the performance of 
the comedies of Plautus and Terence in Latin, followed very soon by 
Italian translations and Italian imitations of them by Ariosto, Aretino, 
Machiavelli, and others. These were acted largely by amateurs, 
chiefly university students, especially at the courts of Ferrara and 
Mantua. A professional theatre began when the itinerant entertainers 
of the streets formed themselves into organized companies known as 
the commedia dell'arte (arte meaning craft or trade) and in English 
as the ‘comedy of masks’.? 

The main characteristic of the mask actors was that they improvised 
their parts, for the simple reason that they were mostly illiterate. 
So far as we can ascertain (for naturally no complete play of theirs 
was ever written down), their dialogue originated in the back-chat, 
naturally in dialect, of local types representing the eternal conflict 
between rich and poor, learned and ignorant, old and young—the 


1 Galanterie is hard to translate exactly; it seems to mean the indefinable manners 
and graces of a singer with a fine intelligence and a distinguished personality. 

! On the Comedy of Masks see Kathleen M. Lea, Italian Popular Comedy, 2 vols. 
(Oxford, 1934; reprinted New York, 1962) and ‘Italy’ in The Oxford Companion to the 
Theatre (ed. Phyllis Hartnoll) (London, 1961); also the introduction to Gozzi's The Blue 
Monster, tr. Edward J. Dent (Cambridge, 1951), and Allardyce Nicoll, The World of 
the Harlequin (Cambridge, 1963). 


786 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


sympathies of the audience being always with the inferior party. 
When they formed companies they took over skeleton plots from the 
‘learned’ comedy and thus came to include a conventional pair of 
young lovers who spoke more or less literary Italian. But it must be 
clearly understood that the commedia dell'arte was not a definite 
play or even a definite type of play; it was simply a system of acting 
based on conventional types of local character, the chief masks being 
Pantalone, the rich old man (Venetian), the Doctor, more often of 
Law than of Medicine (Bolognese), and the servants, knave and fool 
or both (Bergamask), generally called Zanni (zany), Venetian diminu- 
tive of Giovanni (John). Later on we meet with the miles gloriosus 
of Plautus in the shape of a Spanish captain or a German Landsknecht. 

Tragedy plays a comparatively small part in the Italian theatre. 
Modern Italian scholars have said that their countrymen are by 
nature 'anti-tragic'; the tragedy of the Renaissance was too self- 
consciously literary and erudite to have any appeal outside a very 
small circle of highly educated people who were influenced by Seneca. 
Into the history of music it does not enter at all, apart from a few 
madrigals composed as entr'actes; tragic opera is a creation of much 
later date. On the literary side the first operas were derived from the 
favola pastorale or pastoral play, of which literary critics have often 
said that its very language was half-way to music. The classic examples 
of the pastoral are Tasso’s Aminta (1573) and Guarini’s Il pastor fido 
(1598). The first steps towards the pastoral had been taken before the 
close of the fifteenth century: in Angelo Poliziano's Orfeo at Mantua 
(14717, 1480?) and in Nicolo Correggio’s Cefalo at Ferrara (1487), 
both of which works devote some time to instrumental interludes 
and dances. Poliziano's Orfeo is one of the first Italian plays to em- 
ploy the methods of the sacra rappresentazione for secular drama. 
It included a few songs and choruses which were set to music 
long misattributed to one Germi; unfortunately it has not been 
preserved.? 

Music both vocal and instrumental was considered indispensable 
in all the theatrical entertainments of the courts, but although we 
often have copious information about the scenery and the spectacle,* 


* Concerning the influence of Seneca on Cinzio's Orbecche (Ferrara, 1541), with 
musical entr'actes, and Trissino's Sofonisba (Vicenza, 1562), see Heinz Kindermann, 
Theatergeschichte Europas, 5 vols (Salzburg, 1957—62), ii, pp. 64 ff. 

2 See Kindermann, ор. cit. ii, pp. 43 ff.; also D. P. Walker, ed., Les Fêtes du mariage de 
Ferdinand de Médicis et de Christine de Lorraine . . . Intermédes de Pellegrina (Paris, 
1963), p. xi. 

? See Les Fétes de la Renaissance (ed. Jean Jacquot) (Paris, 1956). 


RENAISSANCE DRAMA 787 


details about the music are very scanty and hardly any of the actual 
music has been preserved. Comedies always had incidental music in 
the shape of madrigals as prologues and entr'actes; some of these 
have already been mentioned in Chapter II.1 As their primary pur- 
pose was information about the play, they are extremely simple, in 
order that the words might be clearly heard; later on they sometimes 
show more musical interest and a sense of appropriate choral colour, 
using deep voices and harsh effects for serious situations. None of 
the instrumental music has survived, although it is frequently men- 
tioned in descriptions. Quite early in the century the practice began 
of performing intermedii between the acts; these soon became more 
and more elaborate in scenery and machinery until the poets began to 
complain that their plays were regarded as no more than mere acces- 
sories to the intermedii.? 


THE INTERMEDII 

The intermedii seem to have been mainly tableaux vivants and dumb 
shows with or without dances; the most wonderful and the most 
admired contributions to them were the transformation scenes 
designed by eminent architects and painters. We note in the descrip- 
tions that the musicans were almost invariably concealed; the sudden 
entry of invisible music was a notable factor in the general effect of 
magic and mystery. When the music was instrumental it was distributed 
in different parts of the theatre in groups of different tone-qualities, 
high and low, loud and soft. The large orchestra of Orfeo was 
nothing new. On rare occasions a group of instrumentalists 
would be brought on to the stage in sight of the audience, sometimes 
rising from below on a ‘machine’; in such cases they were always in 
costume, and we may be quite sure that they did not play their parts 
from sheets of music laid out on desks. How they learned and 
rehearsed it we do not know. All these court entertainments were given 
in rooms of palaces, some of which can still be seen, and they were 
all large oblong halls, not theatres with a more or less semicircular 
auditorium. A stage would be erected at one end, generally with steps 
and a slope leading into the central floor; the audience sat in tiers 
ranged along the back and side walls so that no one turned his back 
on the duke and duchess seated on separate raised chairs about one- 
third of the way from the back wall of the audience to the back of the 


1 See pp. 41 and 74. 
* For the comments of Castiglione, Grazzini, and Trissino, see Kindermann, op. cit., 


pp. 70 ff.; also Walker, op. cit., p. xii. 


788 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


stage. Where exactly the invisible musicians were placed is uncertain, 
but we have evidence that the trumpets which announced the arrival 
of gods and heroes were generally on an elevated platform. This 
arrangement had its own acoustic problems, of which the stage direc- 
tors were quite well aware; thus we are told that care must be taken 
about the music so that it should not sound too noisy in a narrow 
room and drown the words, or sound thin and dull in a large space. 
The resonance of these halls must have been very great even when 
they were well filled, and that probably accounts for the simple har- 
monies and slow pace of Monteverdi’s movements for brass. In any 
case it was the generalsonority ofthe music which impressed audiences 
rather than the intricacies of counterpoint. 

The only real theatres in Italy built during the sixteenth century 
were the Teatro Olimpico at Vicenza, begun by Palladio in 1579 and 
completed by his pupil Scamozzi in 1584 (see pl. V), and the theatre at 
Sabbioneta by Scamozzi, 1588-90, both of which are comparatively 
small buildings. 

We have a complete description of the festivities at Florence for 
the marriage of Cosimo I de’ Medici to Eleonora da Toledo in 1539 
which may be summarized here.! 

The bride entered Florence on Sunday, 29 June, by the Porta al 
Prato, while a madrigal by Francesco Corteccia was sung in eight 
parts by a chorus of 24 voices accompanied by 4 cornetti and 4 trom- 
bones, all placed on the top of the gate. This was ‘Ingredere’, followed 
by ‘Sacro e santo Imeneo’ (nine parts). The wedding banquet was on 
the next Sunday morning (6 July), after which a pageant was shown in 
front of the tables, representing Florence, the Tiber, and various towns 
near Florence, with seven madrigals by Corteccia and others. On 
Wednesday evening (9 July) after supper there was a play, Г com- 
modo, by Antonio Landi, with intermedii invented by Giovambattista 
Strozzi. The scenery represented the city of Pisa; the music for the 
prologue and intermedii was by Corteccia; some numbers were for 
solo voices, although printed in four, five, and six parts. (1) ‘Vatten’ 
almo riposo', sung by Aurora to a harpsichord and little organs. (2) 
After Act I, * Guardane almo pastore’, sung by six shepherds, first un- 
accompanied, then repeated with six more shepherds playing storte.? 


1 These festivities have been described fragmentarily by many scholars, beginning with 
Kiesewetter in his Schicksale und Beschaffenheit des weltlichen Gesanges (Leipzig, 1841), 
but the first complete account is that of Federico Ghisi, Feste musicali della Firenze 
Medicea (1480-1589) (Florence, 1939). The intermedii performed at the marriage of 
Francesco de' Medici and Johanna of Austria in 1565 have been described in the previous 
chapter (see pp. 770 ff.). * ie. krummhorns. 


THE INTERMEDII 789 


(3) After Act H, ‘Chi ne l'ha tolt’ ohimè’, sung by three sirens and 
three sea-nymphs to three lutes. (4) After Act III, “О begli anni 
d'oro', sung by Silenus (soprano) with a violone playing all the parts. 
(The singer at that date can hardly have been a castrato but may have 
been a falsetto alto.) (5) After Act IV, *Hor chi mai canterà', sung 
by eight hunting nymphs. (6) At the end of the play, ‘Vatten’, almo 
riposo', sung by Night with four trombones. Finally (7) ‘Bacco, 
Bacco evoé’, sung and danced by four Bacchantes and four Satyrs 
with various instruments all together.! 

The prologue madrigal (no. 1) is so short—two lines of verse only, 
one repeated—that it may perhaps have had more stanzas; it is rather 
in the style of a frottola. The choruses of shepherds and nymphs are in 
the early madrigal style and look rather stiff on paper; but we must 
consider the acoustic conditions and also the visual conditions. The 
general effect may have been more lively and spirited-than the score 
suggests. In any case the arrangement of the madrigals for solo voices 
and contrasted groups of men and women, with different kinds of 
instruments, shows a sense of variety and design. 

The madrigals and even the play were but transitory items in the 
course of perhaps a week's continuous festivities. The first object of 
a princely wedding was to secure the continuance of the dynasty; the 
second was the glorification of the dynasty in the most sumptuous 
way. The bridal pair enjoyed only the barest necessary minimum of 
privacy ; otherwise they were the central figures of continuous publicity. 
One may say that the general idea of the festivities was to surround 
them with a realization of the ‘golden age’, Tasso’s ‘bell’eta dell’oro’. 
From the detailed descriptions—far too long even to summarize 
here—we can see that the vast saloons were transformed by the 
scenic architects into a vision of Arcadia in which all the divinities of 
classical mythology, some on the stage, some sculptured and painted 
on the windowsills, had arrived in person as invited guests to the 
wedding. The whole room, from stage to auditorium, became, thanks 
to the stairs and slopes, one complete unity, as we can see from the 
pictures, and the whole week was a continuous homage. In Monte- 
verdi's Ballo delle ingrate, produced at Mantua in 1608,? Venus calls 
on Pluto to admire what he sees before him, the palace of Mantua 


1 All these Musiche faite nelle nozze were printed at once by Gardano (Venice, 1539). 
Nos. 2 and 5 are printed in full by Ghisi, op. cit.; no. 1 by Einstein, The Italian Madrigal, 
iii (Princeton, 1949), p. 321; see also p. 148, n. 5. On the frottola style of performing a 
madrigal as a solo with accompaniment, see pp. 36 and 125, and Walker, op. cit., p. xii. 

* Reprinted by Torchi, L'arte musicale italiana, vi (Milan, n.d.) and Malipiero, Le 
opere di Claudio Monteverdi, viii (Asolo, 1929). 


790 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


and its distinguished company, a sight far more wonderful than 
ancient Rome or Athens. These lines illuminate the essential difference 
between the intermedii (and similar entertainments) and the first real 
operas; the operas ignored the audience and concentrated all atten- 
tion on the actual drama itself. Homage appeared later on, but only 
after opera had established itself successfully as a court entertainment 
and began to assimilate decorative elements which it had dogmatically 
repudiated in its first ascetic and austere beginnings. 

The earliest stage music, i.e. music integral to the action of a play, 
which has survived! is a scene of religious ritual in Agostino Beccari's 
pastoral // sacrificio (Ferrara, 1554), composed by Alfonso dalla 
Viola; it is a series of versicles and responses sung by a priest of Pan 
and the chorus. There is also a canzone finale at the end of the play. 


Ex. 383 
(Note-values halved) 
G) SACERDOTE 


Tu chai le cor - na ri-guar-dan-tial cie - lo 


Fis - se nel? am-pia fron - te et spa-ci- о - sa вс. 
You that have Pan's horns pointing towards heaven, fixed in your broad 
and aspcious forehead. . . .) 
Ф CHORUS 


(The priest sings two more stanzas in the same style, followed by choral 
responses which are different.) 


g 
2 
> 


с 


1 Printed in full by Solerti in Gli albori del melodramma, i (Milan, 1904), between 
pp. 12 and 13, but in separate parts, with several misprints. 


THE INTERMEDII 791 


(iii) CANZONE FINALE 
Dei Sil-ve - stri, О Dei Sil- ve- stri, s'al-cun 


(O ye woodland gods, if anyone near has been listening to our living 
flames on the coolest shores. . . .) 

Some scholars have called the priest's invocations a *monody', 
seeing in them a precursor of opera. Although they look more like 
what the composer might have heard in some more contemporary 
place of worship, we must note that they were sung by the composer's 
brother Andrea con la lira, with a viola da gamba, on which he must 
surely have harmonized the obvious cadences with upper parts. Solo 
music for a bass voice was on principle regarded mainly as a harmonic 
bass, as indeed often by Purcell and Handel. The three different 
responses are interesting, and they too suggest a religion more modern 
than that of Arcadia. The final chorus may look dull to the reader of 
today, but it follows the rhythm of the words very exactly and indeed 
expressively. It was not meant to be an operatic finale; it is the end of 
a poetic drama. 


792 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


VENETIAN FESTIVE MUSIC 

From 1571, when the victory of Lepanto was celebrated, onwards 
there was a continuous succession of festivities of various kinds, with 
scenic performance and music, both sacred and secular, at Venice.! 
Practically nothing of the music has survived. Under the Doge Marco 
Grimani (1595-1605) the Ducal Palace became 'a continuous theatre 
of musical dramas, performed by the academies’.? 

We cannot call these * operas’; it is evident from the printed librettos 
that they were either oratorios or ‘homages’ of some sort. The great 
occasion was when Henry III of France was entertained at Venice in 
1574 on his way from Poland to Paris. It was after seeing these various 
shows that Henry commanded performances of the same kind in his 
own capital. The so-called Tragedia of Cornelio Frangipani, with 
music by Claudio Merulo, was probably the model for the famous 
Balet comique de la Royne.? The poet called it a ‘tragedy’ because the 
interlocutors are gods and goddesses, but it has nothing tragic or 
even dramatic about it; the characters appeared in costume and no 
doubt made use of gesture and movement, but it is nothing but a series 
of speeches, songs, and choruses in praise of the heroic King of France. 
Nothing of Merulo's music has survived, but the poet tells us that: 
‘Tutti li recitanti hanno cantato in suavissimi concenti, quando soli, 
quando accompagnati; & in fin il coro di Mercurio era di sonatori, 
che haueano quanti var istrumenti che si sonarono giamai’. 

His words are given in the original Italian because the interpreta- 
tion of them is doubtful. Frangipani talks very enthusiastically about 
the whole work, and his phrase ‘as many different instruments as were 
ever played' does not suggest the accuracy of a scientific historian. 
Some numbers, a few solos, a duet and the choruses were certainly 
sung, but the sentence quoted above is no proof that the whole was 
sung; it would rather seem to mean that 'all the actors sang very well' 
when required to do so. Einstein* suggests that as the speeches were 
largely in ottave the actors improvised melody to them on one of the 
standard basses; all this is very conjectural, and even if they did so, 
the result cannot have been anything like the music of Peri's Euridice, 
except possibly the strophic prologue. 


1 See Solerti, ‘Le rappresentazioni musicali di Venezia, 1571-1605’, Rivista musicale 
italiana, ix (1902), p. 503. 

* Quoted by Solerti from Francesco Caffi, Storia della musica sacra nella gia Cappella 
Ducale di San Marco (Venice, 1854-5). 

3 See infra, p. 806. 

* Op. cit. ii, p. 550. 


THE CAMERATA IN AN INTERMEDIO 793 


THE CAMERATA IN AN INTERMEDIO 

In 1589, at the wedding of Ferdinando de’ Medici and Cristina of 
Lorraine in Florence,! there were intermedii on the most magnificent 
scale with music by Marenzio, Malvezzi, Cavalieri, Peri, Caccini, 
Bardi, and Antonio Archilei. Several of these, took part also as 
singers and instrumentalists ; some of them afterwards became famous 
in connexion with the first operas. One of Marenzio's contribu- 
tions was the Combattimento Ф Apolline col serpente? As always, 
the music consisted mainly of madrigals, but on this occasion the 
intermedii were so elaborate that each required four or five madrigals 
as well as an instrumental sinfonia to begin with. The orchestra is 
enumerated in detail? and as usual includes ‘all the instruments that 
were ever played'. Music for the fourth intermedio, the * Comparsa di 
demoni', was composed by Caccini; it is preserved at Florence (Bibl. 
Naz. Magl. XIX. 66) where it was discovered by Federico Ghisi. It was 
sung by a female magician descending on a cloud and accompanying 
herself on the lute: 


(I who would make the moon fall from the heavens for you. . . .) 
while other instruments played off-stage: arch-lyras, basses, viols, 


1 See Solerti, Gli albori, i, p. 42, where full references to sources are given; D. P. 
Walker, ‘La Musique des intermédes florentins de 1589 et l'Humanisme', Les Fétes de la 
Renaissance, p. 133; Federico Ghisi, ‘Un aspect inédit des intermédes de 1589 à la cour 
médicéenne', ibid., p. 145. Scenes from these famous intermedii are reproduced ibid., 
pl. xxxvi (fig. 2) and xxxix (fig. 7); the music has been edited by Walker, Les Fétes du 
mariage (Paris, 1963); long excerpts are printed in Max Schneider, Die Anfänge der 
Basso Continuo (Leipzig, 1918), pp. 116 ff. 

з The text was by Rinuccini and is therefore, as Gustave Reese says, ‘the kernel from 
which the Dafne libretto of 1594 evolved', the libretto composed in turn by Peri, Marco 
da Gagliano, and (in Opitz's translation) by Schütz. 

® See Robert L. Weaver, 'Sixteenth Century Instrumentation', Musical Quarterly, 
xlvii (1961), p. 363. 


794 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


lutes, a violin (un violino), double-harps, trombones (bassi di tromboni), 
and organi di legno. As one would expect, an orchestra accompanying 
a supernatural being who commands the blessed spirits (demons) to 
appear is predominantly composed of strings, with a reinforcement 
of the bass line by trombones. The organo di legno, as we know from 
Monteverdi's Orfeo, was often associated with good or ‘white’ magic. 
The blessed spirits themselves perform a madrigal à 6 to the accom- 
paniment of another ensemble, predominantly strings: harp, chitar- 
rone, 2 arch-lutes, 2 small lutes, 2 lyres, psaltery, sopranino viol (una 
violina), transverse flute, viola bastarda. On the other hand, the 
spirits of the infernal region are clothed in a sound in which trom- 
bones— ‘quattro tromboni’, not ‘bassi di tromboni'—dominate the 
strings; in addition to the five vocal parts, four trombones, four 
viols, and one lyre are prescribed. Again, the instrumentation anti- 
cipates Monteverdi's in the infernal scenes of Orfeo.! 

Monteverdi's masterpiece, performed at Mantua in 1607,? also 
shares with the earlier court interludes the mythological subject mat- 
ter so characteristic of late humanism. In Mantua, the prologue and 
the final act with the ascent of Apollo must have reminded some 
listeners of the Florentine intermedii whose six subdivisions were: I. 
The Harmony of the Spheres; II. The Contest of Muses and Pierides; 
III. The Victory of Apollo over the Serpent; IV. The Appearance of 
good and evil Demons; V. The Deliverance of Arion by the Dolphin; 
VI. The Descent of Apollo [and other deities] with [the spirits of] 
Harmony and Rhythm. 

The descent of Apollo who brings rhythm and harmony to enrich 
and adorn the world (‘per arrichir, per adornar il mondo’) is, of 
course, reminiscent of Jupiter'sdescent onan eagle in the Balet comique 
of 1581, discussed infra. In view of the many intermarriages between 
the houses of Valois, Lorraine and Medici and the great influence of 
Catherine de' Medici, who lived in France from the time of her mar- 
riage in 1533 until her death in 1589, these similarities are more than 
coincidence. The harmony of the spheres which is so elaborately 
represented in the first and sixth of the Florentine intermedii has its 
direct ancestor in the chorus emanating from the voûte dorée accom- 
panying the descent of Jupiter. Similarly, the ballo, an elaborate piece 
of 250 bars which concludes the sixth intermedio, and in which a full 
choir alternates with a concertino of three soloists who sing and dance, 


2 On the polychromatic orchestra of the intermedii, and of early Monteverdi, and the 
monochromatic orchestra of later Venetian opera, see Robert L. Weaver, ‘Orchestra in 
Early Italian Opera’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, xvii (1964), pp. 83- 
89. 2 See pp. 832 ff. 


THE CAMERATA iN AN INTERMEDIO 795 


is reminiscent of the grand balet with which dryads and naiads bring 
the Balet comique to its close. Since both the Intermedii of 1589 and 
the Balet of 1581 were printed, it is not surprising that they were 
imitated in the sumptuous court masques under James I and Charles I. 
A good example is Tempe Restored, enacted in London on 14 Feb- 
ruary, 1632, the general idea and the décor by Inigo Jones, the verse 
by Aurelian Townshend.! There the appearance of ‘Harmony... 
attended by a chorus of music’, succeeded by the appearance of ‘the 
eight spheres . . . seated on a cloud . . . To the music of these spheres 
there appeared two other clouds descending . . . The highest sphere 
represented by Mr. [Nicholas] Laniere', leading to the final stage 
remark, *Pallas and Circe return into the scene with the nymphs and 
chorus; and so concluded the last Intermedium. After which the 
Queen and her Ladies began the revels, with the King and his Lords', 
traces a design obviously indebted to continental models. 
Musically, the intermedii of 1589 are an important milestone in the 
development of the new baroque style, to appear in the Euridice of 
1600 and the Orfeo of 1607. It is true that the proportion of choral 
music is higher than in the early operas. But by and large the texture 
is homophonic and the style al fresco, as one would expect in such 
sumptuous entertainments addressed primarily to courtiers. The same 
is true of purely instrumental pieces: the sinfonia by Marenzio which 
opens the second intermedio anticipates the brevity and homophony 
of Monteverdi's preludes to Orfeo and Poppea; Marenzio's orchestra 
plays the melody twice, first in duple, then in triple time, and thus 
provides Monteverdi and Cavalli with one of their favourite designs. 
The solo arias by Peri, Caccini and Cavalieri with their fanciful 
melismas (printed in full rather than left to the discretion of the per- 
former) are obvious precursors of the Nuove musiche and of Orfeo's 
*Possente spirto' in Monteverdi. Certainly, Peri's aria from the fifth 
intermedio, where the elaborate vocal ornaments are echoed twice 
(ecco con due risposte), is an ancestor of the echo-technique of Monte- 
verdi and the Baroque era in general. Yet, it would be an exaggeration 
to claim that these and other melismas were particularly expressive 
or placed upon the most suitable syllables. To assist the birth of the 
stile nuovo was one thing, to develop it to perfection another. Prob- 
ably the most lasting contribution of the 1589 intermedii to the 
development of music was the prominent employment of ritornello 


ı A. Townshend, Poems and Masks, ed. E. K. Chambers (Oxford, 1912), pp. 88, 90, 
92, 122; Enid Welsford, The Court Masque (Cambridge, 1927), pp. 106, 225; W. W. 
Greg, Bibliography of Printed English Drama, 4 vols. (London, 1939-59), ii, p. 602. 


796 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


and concertato techniques. Malvezzi’s chorus of the blessed spirits 
from the fourth intermedio emphasizes the phrase 'e felice ritorna 
eterno canto' in clear ritornello fashion (bars 27, 33) and sets it off 
from the rest of the music by a conspicuous suspended seventh, 
accompanied at the lower third; what is more, the phrase serves also 
as an effective conclusion. But even more important is the pat- 
terning of the ballo by Cavalieri, which brings the entire work to 
a close. It must be remembered that when the music was printed in 
1591 it was entitled Intermedii et concerti. Obviously, the concertato 
technique which organizes the 21 sub-sections of this ballo applies to 
sonority, vocal and instrumental, as well as to thematic technique. 
Throughout a massive vocal tutti, accompanied by the entire orches- 
tra, is contrasted with a trio of female voices, accompanied by two 
guitars and a tambourine. Thematically the ritornello technique of the 
tutti sections reminds modern listeners of a Vivaldi concerto: the 
entire tutti does not reappear until the end, but whenever the full 
chorus sounds, which happens nine times, apart from the two corner 
sections, it sings fragments of the opening ritornello. Here the music 
comes first, dopo le parole, which is not in conformity with the pre- 
cepts of the Florentine camerata but an apt analogy to the discrepancy 
between theory and practice to be observed later with Gluck and 
Wagner. It is not surprising to read in the printed score of 1591: ‘il 
ballo stesso fü del Sig. Emilio de Cavalieri ele parole furno fatte dopo 
l'aria del ballo', for the metrical complexity of the ballo demands a 
libretto tailored to musical strains, employing lines of 11 syllables 
here, 7 syllables there, and 8 syllables in the opening and closing tutti. 


FESTIVE MUSIC IN GERMANY 

The festivities for the wedding of Duke Wilhelm V of Bavaria with 
Renata of Lorraine in 1568 have already been mentioned in connexion 
with the impromptu ‘comedy of masks’ in which Lassus took part.! 
They lasted from the arrival of the bride on 21 February until 9 March. 
Every day Mass was celebrated and naturally there was a banquet 
every day to the accompaniment of music, as well as masquerades and 
tournaments. Much of the music was by Lassus and a good deal also 
by Annibale Padovano. At one of the banquets the preliminaries were 
introduced with trumpets and drums followed by a battaglia by Pado- 
vano for eight voices with cornetti and trombones;? then came the 


1 See p. 57. 

2 Perhaps the piece published by the Gabrielis in their Dialoghi musicali de div. ecc. 
autori (Venice, 1590) and reprinted by Benvenuti, Istituzioni e monumenti dell'arte 
musicale italiana, i, p. 177. 


FESTIVE MUSIC IN GERMANY 797 


first course with a motet by Lassus, also with brass, this no doubt by 
way of grace; and each successive course had its music, sometimes a 
madrigal with various instruments, sometimes a purely instrumental 
piece. The instruments were grouped in various.ways. It is interesting 
to note that two female composers were represented, Maddalena 
Casulana and Caterina Willaert, daughter of Adrian. On 27 February 
a tragedy on the subject of Samson was presented by the Jesuits, but 
music seems to have been required only in two of the intermedii to 
present the nine Muses and twelve nymphs. 

We note that none of this music was German; the Jesuit play was 
almost certainly in Latin. We note further that none of the music was 
really dramatic. The situation seems to have been much the same 
at the other German courts, at any rate in those which were Catholic 
by religion. The Netherlanders appeared later in Germany than in 
Italy, but by the end of the fifteenth century they were firmly estab- 
lished at Munich, Vienna, and Prague. The musical establishments of 
the princes, which date back well into the fifteenth century and were 
always a source of great pride to their rulers, began as ecclesiastical 
and military bodies. Trumpets and drums are always the mark of 
royalty and indeed were often forbidden to be employed (e.g. at 
weddings) by anyone not of noble birth. The dance music for social 
gatherings was generally wind-music, as we can see from contem- 
porary pictures; if the chapel choir was called in to sing, its repertory 
seems to have been mainly sacred, even on secular occasions. Even 
in the southernmost courts the imitation of Italian pageantry showed 
little appreciation of drama until Italian opera had become a well- 
established form and could be imported with Italian singers (includ- 
ing of course castrati) and Italian scenery. Such accounts of festivities 
as are available give the impression that the German princes, however 
susceptible to the charms of music, were much more interested in 
fighting and feasting. 


JESUIT AND PROTESTANT SCHOOL DRAMAS 

The Germans were always keenly interested in education, and under 
the influence of humanism drama played a very important part in 
schools and universities, both Protestant and Catholic. The Jesuits 
first established themselves in Vienna in 1551 and within four years 
they had started a long series of school plays; for a long time these 
were in Latin, but that did not prevent their becoming highly elaborate 
and indeed vigorously theatrical. They included a certain amount of 


798 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


music, though of a very simple type, and it was not until many years 
later that the Jesuits undertook performances of opera. 

From Vienna the Jesuits spread to Ingolstadt, Munich, and as far 
as Cologne, as well as southwards to Klagenfurt and Gorizia. Their 
playwrights were largely influenced by the Spanish theatre and had 
no hesitation in making use of tragedy, spectacle, and low comedy in 
a single drama. All these plays were performed by amateurs, school- 
boys and university students, acting female parts as well as male; 
they had nocontact with the professional theatre, which seemsto have 
been much more like the early Italian commedia dell'arte in its methods. 
The Protestant schools were no less active in drama, though apparently 
less spectacular, and they very soon began acting their plays in German. 
The subjects treated, both by Protestants and Catholics, were of course 
designed for moral edification and derived from the Old Testament 
and from classical history. It was the systematic practice of the 
humanists to combine classical and Christian mythology whenever 
possible; they saw nothing incongruous in the simultaneous appear- 
ance of the nine Muses and the four Christian virtues. 

Classical prosody was taught by setting such things as the Odes of 
Horace to music,! and the school plays generally ended with a Latin 
chorus in some classical metre, often intended for dancing as well. 
A. good many of these have been preserved. The earliest, for Reuch- 
lin's Scenica Progymnasmata (or Henno), goes back as far as 1497; 
each act ended with a chorus, no doubt sung in unison, in the style 
of plainsong; the composer was Daniel Megel. Later on we find these 
tunes harmonized in three and four parts, sometimes in the style of 
the frottole, which seems to point to a lute accompaniment; in every 
case the music is extremely simple and in the character of a folksong 
or a chorale melody.? 


SCHÜTZ'S DAPHNE 

The first real German opera was the Daphne of Heinrich Schütz, 
performed on 13 April 1627 at Schloss Hartenfels, near Torgau, for 
the marriage of Princess Sophia of Saxony to George II of Hesse- 
Darmstadt? The libretto was a translation by Martin Opitz of the 


1 See Vol. III, pp. 370-1. 

3 For a full account of the plays see Joseph Gregor, Weltgeschichte des Theaters 
(Zürich, 1933), and Kindermann, op. cit. ii, p. 250. Several examples of the music are 
printed in Liliencron, ‘Die Chorgesänge des lateinisch-deutschen Schuldramas im XVI. 
Jahrhundert', Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, vi (1890), p. 309. 

3 On the Saxon court festivities of this period generally, see G. Pietzsch, ‘Dresdener 
Hoffeste vom 16.-18. Jh.', Musik und Bild (Festschrift for Max Seiffert) (Kassel, 1938), 


SCHÜTZ ‘DAPHNE’ 79 


already mentioned Dafne written by Rinuccini for Peri in 1594. The 
music is entirely lost. The work is described in the German libretto 
as Pastoral-Tragödie, and a court diary of the time reports: "den 13 
agirten die Musicanten musicaliter eine Pastoral-Tragi-Comödie von 
der Daphne’. 

Martin Opitz (1597-1639) was a poet of distinction. He was a 
schoolmaster by profession and perhaps influenced by the human- 
istic school plays. But Daphne as a German opera had no successors, 
unless we count a number of works performed later at the court of 
Stuttgart, evidently derived from French models, mixtures of drama, 
singing, and ballet on mythological subjects. None of their music 
has survived and the names of the composers are not mentioned 
either in the manuscripts of the dramas or in the court archives. 
It seems that the actors were professional; one performed in 1673, 
apparently without music, has a dedication signed by Christian 
Janetzky, Pickelháring, which at once suggests an itinerant troupe of 
comedians. In the ballets the performers were mostly amateurs, 
including members of the ducal family. 


SEELEWIG 

The school drama is also the origin of Seelewig, ein geistliches 
Waldgedicht (religious pastoral) words by Philipp Harsdörffer, 
music by Siegmund Theophil Staden,? which was printed at Nuremberg 
in 1644 in a periodical called Frauenzimmergesprüchspiele, apparently 
the first example of a popular German ‘family magazine'.? No per- 
formance of this work has been traced and it seems to have been 
intended for domestic entertainment, though it requires considerable 
resources both vocal and instrumental. Seelewig represents the human 
soul; she is tempted by various other symbolic figures and finally 
saved by Understanding and Conscience, as in Everyman and in 
Cavalieri's Anima e corpo. The background, however, is that of an 
Italian pastoral with nymphs and shepherds; it is all on a very small 
scale. The text, like those of the Stuttgart plays, is mostly in German 
*alexandrines', rhymed couplets of six feet, but rhythmically more like 
the versi martelliani in which Goldoni and other Italian dramatists of 
the eighteenth century sometimes wrote. 
p. 83, and Irmgard Becker-Glauch, Die Bedeutung der Musik für die Dresdener Hoffeste 
(Kassel, 1951). 

* Reprinted by Fitner, Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte, xiii (1881), p. 53; long excerpt 
in Schering, Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen (Leipzig, 1931), p. 236. 


* See Eugen Schmitz, ‘Zur musikgeschichtlichen Bedeutung der Harsdörfferschen 
"Frauenzimmergesprüchspiele" ’, Liliencron-Festschrift (Leipzig, 1910), p. 254. 


800 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


The lines sometimes rhyme internally (third and sixth foot), which 
adds to the monotony, as Staden made little difference between 
recitative and aria; the recitative is too regularly metrical owing to 
the regular rhymes, and the arias, generally strophic with several 
verses, too declamatory to sound like songs, though they are some- 
times genuinely expressive. 


ENGLISH COMEDIANS IN GERMANY 


Mention must also be made of the so-called ‘English Comedians’ 
(Englische Komödianten) who toured Germany from 1592 to the 
middle of the following century and appeared at several ofthe German 
courts. To what extent they were really English is very uncertain; 
several of the actors bore unmistakably English names, and they un- 
doubtedly acted plays of English origin, but German authorities! are 
inclined to suppose that they were mainly young Germans who had 
spent some time in London in the service of the Hansa and had 
visited the London theatres. A collection of their plays (in German) 
was published in 1620, containing strange travesties of Shakespeare 
and other English dramatists with additional matter, obviously 
improvised in the first instance and outrageously filthy; this is sup- 
posed to be due to the influence of the Italian comedians who had 
already appeared in London. The plays were diversified by dancing, 
acrobatics, and music, and they have a certain interest for the history 
of opera because they included Elizabethan ‘jigs’ or comic interludes 
which were in ballad metres and sung to English ballad tunes such as 
‘Brave Lord Willoughby’, and ‘Fortune my foe’;? these perhaps 
anticipate the eighteenth-century ballad operas, English and German. 


RELIGIOUS AND SECULAR DRAMA IN SPAIN 

The Spanish (and Portuguese) drama of the Renaissance originated 
from the liturgical drama of the Middle Ages as in other countries and 
was acted by amateurs. Italian influences soon made their appearance 
through Juan del Encina (1468-1534), who was not only a play- 
wright and actor but a composer of notable eminence. He wrote both 
sacred and secular representaciones or dialogues, the former being 
in the tradition of the medieval religious dramas. Of his secular 
pastorals two are outstanding: Del escudero que se tornó pastor (The 
squire who turned shepherd) and its sequel, De los pastores que se 


1 e.g. Johannes Bolte, Die Singspiele der englischen Komödianten und ihre Nachfolger— 
Deutschland, Holland und Skandinavien (Hamburg and Leipzig, 1893), and J. Tittmann, 
Die Schauspiele der englischen Komoedianten in Deutschland (Leipzig, 1880). 

* Both, significantly, known to Scheidt who wrote on them respectively a Canzon a 5 
CO Nachbar Roland"), Werke, ii-iii, p. 47, and keyboard variations, ibid. vi (2), p. 56. 


801 


RELIGIOUS AND SECULAR DRAMA IN SPAIN 
tornaron palaciegos (The shepherds who turned courtiers). Nearly all 


Encina’s representaciones, sacred or secular, end with a villancico 


composed by Encina himself, sung by all the characters.” The one 


which concludes Los pastores is typical: 


я 
HI 
Lal 


mor vi - |nie. 


let us make a virtue of necessity. 


Let us not resist love, let no one lock it out, for to do so is of no avail.) 


(Let no one close the doors if love comes to knock, for it is of no avail. 


Let us obey love willingly since we must. 


1 Perhaps doubled by instruments: see Ann Livermore, ‘The Spanish Dramatists and 


their Use of Music', Music and Letters, xxv (1944), p. 142. 


802 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


In the middle of the same pastoral the characters sing another villan- 
cico, * Gasajémonos de hucia’, the opening of which has been quoted 
as Ex. 164 in Vol. III.! 

Encina’s rival Lucas Fernändez (1474-1544), professor of music in 
the University of Salamanca, published in 1514 a dialogo para cantar? 
consisting of twenty-two seven-line stanzas all sung to the tune of 
*Quién te hizo, Juan Pastor?’ (There is a three-part setting of this 
tune in the Cancionero de Palacio, attributed to one Badajoz: see 
Angles, Monumentos de la müsica espafiola, v, p. 218.) Fernández also 
wrote a religious Auto de la Pasión, performed in the cathedral at 
Salamanca, which not only ends with a villancico? but has songs 
interpolated in the spoken text. 

The religious drama lasted much longer in Spain than in Italy; the 
autos sacramentales were acted up to 1765. Professional companies 
did not exist until about 1530, and these were travelling companies 
acting in innyards and wherever convenient; the first permanent 
theatres were built about 1580. Music was always an important feature 
and we find an orchestra of strings as soon as the public theatres 
came into being. Yet the music was never more than incidental— 
songs, dances, choruses, but no traces of the declamatory recitative 
which was the foundation-stone of the first Italian operas. 

There is, however, one example at least of a sacred drama which 
was sung all through, the Mystery of Elche representing the Assump- 
tion of the Virgin, which is still performed every year at Elche on 14 
and 15 August. It has sometimes been compared with the Oberam- 
mergau Passion Play but differs in being an annual production and 
in the fact that it is set to continuous music mostly by Encina and 
contemporaries of his.* 

The copy of the play and its music examined by Pedrell is dated 
1639, but the original is traditionally ascribed to 1266, when at the 
end of December an ark is said to have arrived miraculously at Elche 


1 Most of Encina's compositions are preserved in the Cancionero musical de Palacio 
(Madrid, Bibl. Pal. Real, 2-1-5), which was first published by F. A. Barbieri (Madrid, 
1890); new edition by Anglès in Monumentos de la música española, v and x (Barcelona, 
1947, 1951). On Encina see further the article by Anglés in Die Musik in Geschichte und 
Gegenwart, iii, col. 1329; Gilbert Chase, ‘Juan del Encina: Poet and Musician', Music 
and Letters, xx (1939), p. 420; Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, ‘Juan del Encina y los orígenes 
del teatro español’, Estudios de historia literaria de Espafia, i (Madrid, 1901). 

2 In Farsas y églogas al modo y estilo pastoril y castellano (Salamanca, 1514); reprinted 
by the Real Academia Espafiola (Madrid, 1867). 

* Also in the Cancionero de Palacio: see Anglés, Monumentos, x, p. 169. 

* It is described in detail and most of the music printed by Felipe Pedrell, ‘La Festa 
d'Elche', Sammelbände der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, ii, 1900-1, p. 203, and also 
J. B. Trend, A Picture of Modern Spain (London, 1921). 


RELIGIOUS AND SECULAR DRAMA IN SPAIN 803 


by sea, containing an image of the Virgin and the book of the cere- 
monial for the play. Pedrell, on linguistic grounds, concluded that 
whatever the date of the original, the present version is based on one 
of 1566; but this is later than the death of Encina and he most prob- 
ably wrote his music for a version of 1492. The language of the play 
is Catalan. Some of the music is for one voice without harmony, sung 
by the Virgin and other characters; it seems to be a variant of plain- 
song hymns such as ‘Vexilla regis’, which is actually mentioned in 
the book. Pedrell also obtained copies of two other songs sung by the 
Virgin but never written down until his time; they were handed down 
orally and apparently well known to every child in Elche. He was 
unable to conjecture their source, which he seems to have thought 
might be some oriental or Mozarabic liturgy, and he does not seem to 
have noticed that the traditional music is (to some extent at any rate) 
a variation of the already varied plainsong hymn mentioned above. 

Ex. 386 

@ (transposed a fifth higher) 


cor - - 
(Oh sad life of the body!) 
The choruses are in the early madrigal style with very little use of 
imitation, but as they are well contrasted in pitch and grouping of 
voices they would make a good effect in performance as long as the 
whole action was seen. In the following example the Virgin is received 
into Heaven and welcomed by the Trinity: 
Ex. 387 


THE TRINITY 
Vos si - au ben er-ri - ba - da 


804 MUSIC AND DRAMA 
rey-nar e-ter - nal- ment On tan-tost de con- ti- 


-nent Per nos se-reu  có-ro-na - da, 


The staging of the play was elaborate and the machinery probably 
dates from the rebuilding of the church in 1673. 


THE MASCARADE IN FRANCE 

Both French and English writers agree that the mascarades and 
masques were introduced from Italy, but in these two countries the 
course of their development followed very different lines. The funda- 
mental idea was a 'disguising'—a party of gentlemen in fantastic 
costumes and masks would ride in procession to the house of some 
nobleman to be entertained there with dancing and banqueting; in 
the earlier days some form of gaming was always included. In France 
the word for these ‘disguisings’ was momeries. In the fifteenth century 
they became very elaborate on the occasion of royal weddings and 
similar festivities; the masquers generally were brought in on a deco- 
rated car in the shape of a castle or a ship or other device. This led to 
a mock siege or battle. There are numerous descriptions of such 
entertainments and we are told that music played a large part in them, 
but we do not learn the names of any composers. The schemes of 
presentation were chaotic, and it was not until the Italians brought in 
the new spirit of humanism that any consistent or quasi-dramatic 
plan was conceived. Italy gave to France two types of spectacle which 
it is not always easy to distinguish: the mascherate, which are partially 
outdoor shows with a procession and a decorated car, and the 
intermedii, which took place indoors with the accessories of the 
stationary theatre.? It is obvious that music of an elaborate and 
artistic nature could only be performed adequately within doors. 


1 See, for instance, Marlowe, Edward II, Act I, sc. 1, and Ronsard: 
Mascarade et cartels ont prins leur nouriture 
L'un des Italiens, l'autre des vieux Francois. 
2 See Lionel de La Laurencie, Le, Créateurs del'opéra français (Paris, new ed., 1930); 
Howard M. Brown, Music in the French Secular Theater, 1400-1550 (Cambridge, Mass., 
1963); Theatrical Chansons (Cambridge, Mass., 1963). 


THE MASCARADE IN FRANCE 805 


Francis I, after seeing the Italian entertainments in their own country, 
the culture of which at that time was far in advance of his own, 
summoned numerous Italian painters, dancers and musicians to 
Fontainebleau; the records of the actual performances are scanty, but 
the court archives give copious account of the expenditure involved. 
Towards the middle of the century there are abundant descriptions in 
detail, and it is characteristic that both classical and Christian mytho- 
logy are represented simultaneously. The procession of triumphal 
cars is always the main feature, and it is at this time that we find the 
French poets of the court providing words to be recited and sung in 
explanation of the show. As in Italy, all these spectacles are in the 
nature of homages. Catherine de' Medici was an accomplished dancer 
and inventor of dances; her ladies were mostly Italian, and in all 
these entertainments the dancers were drawn from the nobility. The 
most magnificent of her ballets was one given in 1573 in honour of 
the Polish Ambassadors.! Sixteen nymphs representing the provinces 
of France danced a long and intricate ballet designed by Beaujoyeulx, 
who was to function also as the choreographer of the famous Balet 
comique of 1581. Dorat's description of the Ballet Polonais refers to 
a "Dialogus ad numeros musicos Orlandi', indicating that the music 
for the occasion, which included vocal pieces as well, was composed 
by Lassus. Some scholars think that the music survives as a contra- 
factum, others believe it to be lost.? The success of the ballet, which 
Brantóme named ‘le plus beau ballet qui fust jamais faict au monde’, 
is beyond doubt. 


INFLUENCE OF BAIF’S ACADEMY 

In 1570 Jean-Antoine de Baif founded his Académie de Poésie et 
de Musique; one of its objects was to achieve a closer union of music 
and poetry in what he and his friends believed to be the spirit of 
the ancients, chiefly by applying to French poetry the metrical 
rules of the Greek and Latin poets and by setting their verses to music 
with the same regard for classical prosody.? According to Sauval‘ they 
extended their influence to dramatic representation and there were 
no more ‘de Ballets ni de Mascarades que sous la conduite de Baif et 
de Mauduit'. They were also interested in the recovery of classical 


1 Probably represented in one of the Valois tapestries now at the Uffizi: cf. Frances 
Yates, The Valois Tapestries (London, 1959), pp. 67-72, and frontispiece of this volume 
See also pl. VI. 

* See Grove (Sth edition) v, p. 66; Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, viii, p. 256; 
Gustave Reese, Music in the Renaissance (New York, 1954), p. 571; Wolfgang Boetticher, 
Orlando di Lasso (Kassel, 1958), p. 384. 

3 Cf. p. 29. * Antiquités de la ville de Paris, ii (Paris, 1724). 


806 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


dancing based on classical prosody; here it is a matter of uncertainty 
whether the French poets derived this idea from the Italian choreo- 
graphers such as Fabrizio Caroso, who talked much of dactyls and 
spondees in their treatises,! or whether the Italians were borrowers 
from the French. 

In 1572 Henry of Navarre was married to Marguérite de Valois and 
it was hoped that this union would bringabout a reconciliation between 
the Catholics and the Protestants. An elaborate ballet, entitled 
Paradis d’ Amour, for which Ronsard wrote the words, was staged in 
the Salle de Bourbon on 20 August. The scene showed the Elysian 
Fields on the right and Hell on the left with the river Styx flowing 
between them. A number of knights made an assault on the Paradis 
and tried to carry off the nymphs in the garden, but the King (Charles 
IX) and his brothers repulsed them and drove them into Hell. This 
caused some comment, as the defeated knights were represented by 
the King of Navarre and his Huguenot gentlemen. However, Mercury 
and Cupid came down from Heaven, singing and dancing, to har- 
angue the three knights, who then fetched the twelve nymphs down 
to the middle of the hall where they danced for an hour, after which 
they released the other knights from Hell. The ballet ended with a 
display of arms and fireworks. 


“LE BALET COMIQUE DE LA ROYNE’ 

There was a long interval between this ballet and the Balet comique 
de la Royne of 1581, but it has been necessary to discuss it and the 
Ballet Polonais because they anticipate some of the notable features of 
their more famous successor. The Balet comique, which ought more 
properly to be called Circé, was produced on 15 October 1581 after the 
marriage of the Queen's sister Mademoiselle de Vaudemont to the 
Duc de Joyeuse. Queen Louise herself commanded the ballet and 
discussed it beforehand with the choreographer Baldassarino da 
Belgioioso, known in France as Balthasar de Beaujoyeulx, who had 
come to France about 1555 and had been in the service of several 
royal personages. Between the Paradis and the Balet comique the 
new King Henry III had paid his visit to Venice, as described earlier 
in this chapter. 

The leading poets and musicians of the time were so much occupied 
with other commissions that they were unable to collaborate in Circé, 
and it is not certain who did provide either the words or the music. 
It seems probable that the words were by a Sieur de Chesnaye, the 

1 eg. Caroso's Л ballarino (Venice, 1581). 


‘LE BALET COMIQUE DE LA ROYNE' 807 


songs by Lambert de Beaulieu, a bass singer with a very fine voice, 
and the dances by Salmon, a violinist in the King’s service. It is not 
known who composed the choral music.! The title Balet comique was 
as puzzling to contemporaries as it is to us; Beaujoyeulx explains that 
it did not mean ‘comic’ in the modern sense, but that the ballet was 
in the nature of a play, which it is, and in that way a step towards 
opera. 

The stage showed Circe's garden at the back with an enclosure for 
the animals into which she had transformed her victims. A gentle 
slope leads down to the main floor; on the right of the audience is 
the grotto of Pan and opposite to it the voûte dorée, a ‘golden vault’ 
composed of clouds large enough to contain a choir of singers. After 
wind music behind the scenes a gentleman (the only human being who 
appears in the ballet) runs down from the garden, presents himself to 
the King and explains (in spoken verse) how Circe has taken him 
prisoner. He begs the King to attack the enchantress, who appears 
herself in a great rage to look for the fugitive. There follows an entry 
of tritons and sirens, singing, with a car representing a fountain on 
which are Thetis and Glaucus attended by naiads; the naiads were the 
Queen and her ladies, followed by a chorus of tritons with various 
instruments. The procession advances to the middle of the hall; after 
a sung dialogue between Peleus and Thetis the naiads descend and 
dance. Circe reappears and reduces them to immobility; Mercury 
descends in a cloud and releases them, but Circe again immobilizes 
them and Mercury too. After a long spoken monologue she takes 
them all as prisoners into the garden. Satyrs and dryads come to the 
rescue, joined by Pan and the Four Virtues—a strange alliance. 
Minerva enters on a car drawn by a dragon, and summons Jupiter 
who comes down seated on his eagle and accompanied by voices in 
the voáte dorée. They all attack the palace of Circe, take her prisoner 
and hand her over to the King, presenting also Minerva and Mercury. 
The dryads dance and fetch the naiads from the garden to perform the 
grand balet, which is very long, on the floor level. They give presents 
to the King and his party, and the ballet ends with general dancing. 

The novelty of Circé was that it had a definite plot in which speech, 
song, and dance were combined into a connected whole. Performed 
at a concert without the visual spectacle it is a very dull affair, like 
most of these entertainments, whatever their nationality. The spoken 


! The music was published in a not altogether reliable vocal score by Weckerlin in the 
series Chefs d'euvre classiques de l'opéra frangais (Paris, 1881). A facsimile edition has 
been edited by Giacomo Caula (Turin, 1965). 


808 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


verse is heavy and uninteresting; the musical monologues are a mixture 
of recitative and air with neither the charm of melody nor the interest 
of declamation. The choral numbers are homophonic and heavy- 
footed, the dances all harmonized in five parts note against note. 
A few specimens will give an idea of the music; it is unnecessary to 
print the son de la clochette as it has been printed by Burney! and 
Parry? and has since then become well known and popular in modern 
arrangements which considerably alter both the rhythm and the har- 
mony. The Sirens begin, answered by the voüte dorée: 


Ex. 388 
THREE SIRENS 
73 


LZ у SE ER RT TEN ein EI ur 1 
Ts Kee Kee er —i EL ——= а bw? 

07 ЕЕЕ ШРИ ЕНЕ 7 АВНЕ 5 — 

Ш к л EE ER EE EE EE DE ER ER АННЕ 


- |re che- nu, Рё 


Dieux re-con - | nu, Ja le [viel Tri-ton 


ут елт та зт. d i 
т Кыр 


ШР em "mm — o d bog E ET AE E DE 
a reg oF EE 7 NEN 5 


(Six stanzas, after each of which the singers in the poffe dorée reply.) 


1 A General History of Music, ed. Frank Mercer (London, 1935), ii, p. 229. 
? Oxford History of Music (Oxford, 1902), iii, p. 220. 


809 


‘LE BALET COMIQUE DE LA ROYNE' 


Voûte dorée 


ton qui 


Ке 
E 


ay 


grand Roi 


chan-ter d'un 


she tells him 


that it is the Queen of France. These solos are printed without any 


accompaniment and without bar-lines; 


3 


Glaucus asks Thetis who is the nymph at the fountain; 


the singers probably impro- 


vised their own accompaniments on their lutes. Bar-lines have been 


> 


since both Burney 


and Parry seem to have found this music hardly intelligible: 


3 


added here as a rough guide to the modern reader 


d) 


(note values halve 


Ex. 389 
GLAUCUS 


\ 


RP T S LL ELI E ee SE 


Seer! EA 1.4 уч iM 


L 
F 


te de - cois. 


donc Ju- non? Tu 


Nym-phe? Estceu - ne 


GLAUCUS 


MUSIC AND DRAMA 


810 


GLAUCUS 


son nom passe en pou-voir tous les noms 


Et 


-y - se, 


EL EL BL Ce 4 
HL ано 2 В eg ин Ба эп ше ип 


еа” b A A Л л Ка ЫЫ 


AAT ДЕШИНЕР. TI ЮП == к= о — 


WI т il л ee aT 


E 5 el ee ут 1 


- non. 


de Ju 


Lastly, here is the beginning of the first entry of the dancers; 


| " 
4 


| 
Г 
A 
\ 


and the grand balet after the rescue of 


the captives, which had forty geometrical figures, is longer still. The 


3 


There is a great deal more of it 


is full of intricate political and humanistic symbolism, 


and, significantly, the connexions with the earlier entertainments 


whole of Circe 


Medici and her sons (such as the Paradis 


d’Amour and the Ballet Polonais) have been stressed by several 


offered by Catherine de’ 


‘LE BALET COMIQUE DE LA ROYNE’ 811 


scholars.! There was the common endeavour to reach a compromise 
between Huguenots and Catholics, and there were the commonplaces 
of humanist symbolism, such as the harmony of the spheres (perhaps 
audibly symbolized by the choir in the voáte dorée). But, above all, 
there were the poets, composers, and choreographers working in har- 
mony with both Baif's Academy and the traditions of the Valois 
Court. The chief composer of the 1581 festivities was Beaulieu, a pupil 
of Courville. It was the latter who had joined with Baif to found the 
Academy in 1570. It is not surprising, therefore, to find that the choral 
pieces are very much like musique mesurée à l'antique, that is: syllabic, 
homophonic, and with a tendency to differentiate between long and 
short syllables. In this connexion, it is worth pointing out that the 
* divine Orlando', the composer of the Ballet Polonais, has left a speci- 
men of musique mesurée—his composition of * Une puce', first printed 
in the Mélange de Chansons of 1576. When referring to the eloquent 
effects of musique mesurée, the partisans of the Academy invariably 
coupled the name of Lassus with Claude Le Jeune. In their deliberate 
and demonstrative avoidance of polyphony and their careful atten- 
tion to the metrical nature of the libretto, the choruses of the Balet 
comique are of some historical importance. 


LATER BALLETS DE COUR 


Circé set a new fashion, but for a long time its successors were on 
a much less costly scale. At first the tendency was to emphasize the 
literary side of ballet at the expense of the musical, but this vogue was 
short-lived. The mascarades, however, increased in popularity, as they 
did not need so much preparation or so much outlay, and this led to 
a great development of the comic ballet, the ‘noble’ costumes being 
reserved for royal occasions. We see here the anticipations of the 
comédies-ballets of Moliére and Lully.? Between 1601 and 1605 both 
Rinuccini and Caccini spent some time at the French court, and the 
fruits of this visit in Italy may be seen in the Ballo delle ingrate of 
Monteverdi. From about 1608 onwards there was a return to elaborate 
ballets in France with much more employment of singing instead of 
speaking. The most important production was La Délivrance de 


1 See Yates, op. cit., and her earlier book, The French Academies of the Sixteenth 
Century (London, 1947). See also A. Verchaly, ‘Air de Cour et Ballet de Cour', Histoire 
de la musique, ed. Roland-Manuel (Paris, 1960), pp. 1529-60, particularly pp. 1547-8. 

3 Several of these are described in detail by P. Lacroix, Ballets et mascarades de cour de 
Henri IIl à Louis XIV (Geneva, 1868), and Henry Pruniéres, Le Ballet de Cour en 
France (Paris, 1914). A more recent study is Margaret M. McGowan, L'Art du Ballet 
de Cour en France (1581-1643) (Paris, 1963). 


812 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


Renaud in 1617 with music by Guédron, Bataille, Boesset, and Mauduit; 
Mauduit was the last survivor of Baif’s Academy.! Italian influence 
is shown in the choice of a subject from Tasso's Gerusalemme liberata, 
which was followed by a ballet on the Orlando furioso of Ariosto in 
1618 and one on Tancredi in 1619. The young King Louis XIII him- 
self danced in these. La Délivrance was sung all the way through; the 
music does not show any great advance on that of Circé, except that 
the solos are much more in the nature of regular songs, and there is 
none of the rambling quasi-recitative of the earlier ballet. During this 
period Italian influences came in gradually in the development of 
stage machinery; the medieval dispersed scenery of Circé gave way 
(though not all at once) to the proscenium stage with its curtain and 
its successive scenes and transformations. But once again there was 
a sudden reaction, due no doubt to reasons of economy, and after 
about 1620 there were only a succession of ballets à entrées, mainly 
comiç and grotesque, with no particular story, which could be danced 
within a single scene if necessary. These are of some interest as setting 
the example for the late English masques with their endless series of 
anti-masques, but they led the French stage still farther away from 
the idea of opera. 


CONTINENTAL INFLUENCES IN ENGLAND 

The English theatre, like all other forms of culture, owed much to 
France and Italy in the sixteenth century, but it preserved an indivi- 
duality of its own, the reasons for which are not always easy to trace. 
The modern traveller soon discovers that in many aspects of life, some 
quite trivial, the whole continent of Europe seems to present a unity 
as contrasted with England. Our theatres—the buildings and the 
machinery—still preserve characteristics of their own that are quite 
different from such as are common to practically all continental play- 
houses. So faras the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are concerned, 
we must bear in mind that for geographical reasons Italy was less easily 
accessible than France. Our poets and musicians could obtain books 
and scores from Italy, but very few could afford the journey and make 
really professional contacts with their colleagues there. Those who 
did travel were generally amateurs, often keenly appreciative of what 
they saw and heard, but with no opportunity of going behind the 
scenes and obtaining professional knowledge. Professional contacts 
were much easier with Paris, although in many ways Italian culture 
was much more sympathetic to our countrymen than French. We 

1 The whole of this ballet is printed by Ргипіёгеѕ, op. cit., p. 251. 


CONTINENTAL INFLUENCES IN ENGLAND 813 


shall see later on that as regards opera the English willingly absorbed 
the music, because it could be read and studied, but for the stage 
arrangements and dramatic construction they were more dependent 
on France, because they could go over to Paris and see the theatre at 
work with their own eyes. 


THE MASQUE 

The masque, as a court entertainment, was first introduced into 
England in 1513. Hall’s chronicle (1547) records that ‘on the daie of 
the Epiphanie at night the kyng with xi other wer disguised, after the 
manner of Italie, called a maske, a thing not seen afore in Englande’. 
We have already seen that Marlowe and Ronsard acknowledged 
that the masque was of Italian origin. Yet despite Hall’s state- 
ment it is certain that ‘mummings’ and ' disguisings' took place much 
earlier, and the first record of them goes back to 1377.1 What exactly 
was Italian in the masque of 1513 has never been clearly explained; 
it seems possible that the only Italian novelty was the costume. 

The masque developed in England on much the same lines as in 
France, the main idea being always the group of noble masquers in 
strange disguises who went through characteristic dances of their own 
and finally took off their masks and danced the ordinary social dances 
with the ladies of the house where they were received. In England this 
principle is strictly maintained throughout all the masques, even 
down to Cupid and Death of 1653, and the scheme of the masque can 
be understood only if it is borne in mind that, whatever other distrac- 
tions may be presented, the group of noble masquers (sometimes 
ladies) with their formal dance is always the centre of the entertain- 
ment. 

About the early masques we have very little information, but it is 
certain that music played an essential part in them, if only for danc- 
ing. The mere fact that the authors and, as we should say, producers 
of the pageants and ‘interludys’ at the Tudor court were usually 
musicians—Banester and Newark under Henry VII, Redford and the 
younger Cornysh under Henry VIII, Edwards and Richard Farrant 
under Elizabeth I—indicates the importance of the role of music; 


! Complete account in Paul Reyher, Les Masques anglais (Paris, 1909); see also Otto 
Gombosi, 'Some Musical Aspects of the English Court Masque', Journal of the American 
Musicological Society, i (1948), no. 3, p. 3, Denis Stevens, ‘Pièces de théâtre et “pageants” 
à l'époque des Tudor’, Les Fêtes de la Renaissance, i, p. 259, W. J. Lawrence, ‘Notes on a 
Collection of Masque Music', Music and Letters, iii (1922), p. 49, and John P. Cutts, 
‘Jacobean Masque and Stage Music’, ibid. xxv (1954), p. 185, and ‘Le Rôle de la musique 
dans les masques de Ben Jonson et notamment dans Oberon (1610—1611)', Les Fêtes de la 
Renaissance, i, p. 285 (with two of the dances written for Oberon by Robert Johnson and 
two of Ferrabosco's songs). 


814 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


most of them were Masters of the Chapel Royal, the members of 
which could be employed as actors as well as singers. We have stage- 
directions indicating inserted songs: for instance, an interlude by 
Redford ends ‘Here they syng “hey попу nonye” & so go furth sing- 
ing’ and at the end of his Wyt and Science ‘Heere cumeth in fowre 
wyth violes & syng “remembreance” & at the last quere [chorus] all 
make curtsye & so go forth syngyng’. But unfortunately none of the 
songs themselves has been preserved, though no doubt some of 
Cornysh'ssongsin Brit. Mus. Add. 31922 were writtenforhispageants.! 

It was not until the reign of James I that the full texts of masques were 
printed and some at least of the music preserved. By that time the 
masque had evidently been modelled on the Balet comique de la 
Royne, and a standard form evolved, chiefly by Ben Jonson on the 
literary side and Inigo Jones for the spectacle. Inigo Jones studied 
architecture in Italy and returned to England in 1605. Up till then the 
masques had continued the system of dispersed scenery as in Circé; 
Jones introduced the perspective system of Serlio and the architec- 
tural proscenium a few years later in 1612. These innovations borrowed 
from Italy soon led to the predominance of spectacle over poetry; 
after Chloridia (1631) Jonson, finding his name put second to Jones's 
on the title-page, broke entirely with Jones and wrote no more words 
for masques. This was a severe loss to the masque as an artistic achieve- 
ment, for it was the skilful and attractive verse of the poet which had 
given the English masque a distinction of its own far superior to any- 
thing which had been designed in France. After Jonson's retreat the 
masque came more and more under the influence of the French ballet 
de cour; the anti-masques increased so much in number that they 
became the principal attraction and the form lost all coherence. 

A great deal of the music of the masques has survived,? but scattered 
in so many different places that it is impossible to reconstruct any one 
of the masques in its musical entirety. The music was very seldom 
printed in any of the books and descriptions, apart from a few songs. 
We can see from the accounts of expenditure that the musicians were 
paid very little in proportion to the other collaborators, though their 
names have become famous in English musical history for other 
reasons. As with the Italian and French entertainments we must 
regard the masques as complete wholes and on no account as anti- 
cipations of opera, despite the fact that English opera of the Restora- 


1 Denis Stevens, op. cit., p. 261. This manuscript has been edited by John Stevens as 
Musica Britannica, xviii (London, 1962). 

2 The best modern collection is Andrew J. Sabol's Songs and Dances for the Stuart 
Masque (Providence, Rhode Island, 1959). 


THE MASQUE 815 


tion did absorb many ingredients ofthe masque. The musical elements 
were always much the same: instrumental movements accompanying 
the entrance of important characters, songs and duets sung by sub- 
sidiary characters, choruses, often to accompany ceremonial move- 
ments such as processions, and of course large quantities of dance 
music. As in France and Italy, the instrumentalists and sometimes the 
chorus too were dispersed in different places and concealed; this was 
an important factor. We may almost compare this with the lighting 
arrangements of modern opera and ballet. The music was thought of 
not as an organic whole in its own right, but simply as a series of 
patches of musical colour; the groups of strings or brass, even the 
voices, would impress the spectators more by their mere sonorities 
than by the actual notes they played. Concealment added to the effect 
of magic and mystery. 

In Lovers made Men Jonson tells us that ‘the whole Maske was sung 
(after the Italian manner) Stylo recitativo, by Master Nicholas Lanier; 
who ordered and made both the Scene, and the Musicke’ though this 
passage occurs not in the original edition of 1617 but only in that of 
1640.! Unfortunately none of this music has survived, though we have 
an ornamented version of a song, probably Lanier's, from Jonson's 
other masque of 1617, The Vision of Delight.? In any case Lovers made 
Men was exceptional, having been given privately by Lord Hay, and it 
was short and simple in comparison with the court masques. There 
had been a previous Masque in Honour of the Lord Hays marriage 
(1607) written and composed by Thomas Campion, poet and musi- 
cian, of which two songs and three dances have survived,’ as have songs 
from Campion's The Lords Masque (1613) and Masque in honour of 
the Marriage of the Earl of Somerset (1614).* The general scheme of 
the 1607 masque, with its dispersed orchestras, follows the usual con- 
ventions derived from Circé. The music is simple and very attractive; 
the description shows that Campion had a clever sense of theatrical 
effect in the use of his musical resources. The number of musicians 
is given as forty-two, but there must have been a good many more. 


1 McD. Emslie, ‘Nicholas Lanier's Innovations in English Song’, Music and Letters, 
xli (1960), p. 13. 

з Ibid., p. 23. See also Cutts, ‘Ben Jonson's Masque, “The Vision of Delight" ’, Notes 
and Queries, iii. N.s. (1956), p. 64. . 

* Printed by G. E. P. Arkwright in The Old English Edition, i (London, 1889). One is 
printed in The Oxford History of Music, iii, p. 201. The whole masque is described in 
E. J. Dent, Foundations of English Opera (Cambridge, 1928), pp. 21 ff. 

* See Cutts, ‘Jacobean Masque and Stage Music’, p. 194, and F. W. Sternfeld, ‘A 
Song from Campion's Lord's Masque', Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 
xx (1957), p. 373. 


816 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


In the later masques, such as Shirley’s Triumph of Peace (1633)! 
with music by Simon Ives and William Lawes, we find the music much 
more systematically organized. By this time the general technique of 
composition had made great advances, and the masque is held together 
musically by a strong sense of a main key (C major) and its nearly 
related keys.? We see here the declamatory ‘recitative’ style imitated 
from the Italians but very English in its treatment of English words. 
It differs conspicuously from the Italian recitative because the words 
are in rhymed verse, almost always with masculine endings; this gives 
the music much more metrical regularity, as well as a swifter move- 
ment in general, due perhaps to the fact that the English singers were 
not so much inclined to display their voices as the Italians are by 
nature. Lawes also shows much ingenuity and literary sense in avoid- 
ing a cadence and break where the sense of the poetry overruns the 
line and its rhyme. Parry and others have commented on the fact that 
English 'recitative music' always seems to have been written for 
amateurs with more literary intelligence than sonority of voice. But in 
all the masques the poetry is never really dramatic; it never calls for 
vehemence of musical setting and never points the way towards opera. 
This masque ends with the appearance of Amphiluche (Dawn) whose 
song may be printed here; it is very characteristic of Lawes's style, 
though it makes a rather melancholy conclusion to a night of revelry. 


-wel-come Light 


hus I in-vade her sphere, Pro- claim- ing Warre to 
— Ц 


ı Whitelocke's account of this masque is printed in Burney, op. cit. ii, pp. 294 ff. 
* Long extracts from the music are printed in Dent, op. cit., pp. 30-37. 


THE MASQUE 817 


A-zureTrese  Be-cause I 


The Civil War and the Commonwealth put an end to the court 
masques, but there are a number of plays, going down even to 1795, in 
which masques are introduced.! The closure of the theatres by the 
Puritans did not destroy the masque by any means, for it continued in 
a modified form in schools as an educational instrument; the most 
notable example is Cupid and Death (1653 and 1659) with words by 
James Shirley and music by Christopher Gibbons and Matthew 
Locke,? which will be described in Vol. V. 


MUSIC IN THE ENGLISH THEATRE 
From the earliest times music was an essential feature of the English 
theatre, as may be seen from stage-directions and much other evidence. 
Practically none of this music has survived in notes, though a few 
songs sung in plays of Shakespeare and others have been identified,? 
including Richard Farrant’s ‘Alas, ye salt sea gods’ from his Panthea 
and Abradatas (c. 1578), a play with which an instrumental piece by 
Byrd marked ‘Abradate’* may be connected, and songs by Byrd him- 
self.5 In the pre-Shakespearean plays such as Gorboduc (1562) there are 


1 A list is given by Reyher, op. cit., appendix iv. 

* Musica Britannica, ii (London, 1951). 

5 See pp. 196 ff. 

* Of which only two parts survive, one in Tenbury 389, fo. 101, the other in Brit. Mus. 
Add. 29472, fo. 101. 5 See p. 198. 


818 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


many examples of dumb-shows more or less imitated from the Italian 
intermedii and these are always accompanied by music; the stage 
directions frequently specify the instruments employed, as in the 
adaptation of Lodovico Dolce's Giocasta made by George Gascoigne 
and Francis Kinwelmersh (1566) where “before the beginning of the 
first Acte: did sounde a dolefull and straunge noyse of violles, Cythren, 
Bandurion, and such like’. It is difficult to determine to what extent 
Sackville's Gorboduc and Gascoigne's Jocasta were derived from a 
native tradition or, on the other hand, were influenced by Italian 
intermedii and French entremets. The custom of enlivening plays with 
music between the acts was fairly international and was still in vogue 
when Beaumont and Fletcher wrote their Knight of the Burning Pestle 
(before 1613).! The musicians in the Elizabethan theatres were gener- 
ally hidden in a balcony or a music-room over the stage, a position 
which does not strike one as very favourable to the acoustic effect.? 
Sometimes they had to play under the stage for special dramatic 
effect. In Antony and Cleopatra, Act 1v, sc. iii, supernatural strains 
presage that the gods are about to forsake the hero. The famous stage 
direction, ‘Music of the oboes under the stage’, is a reminder that the 
‘hautbois’ of the early seventeenth century was different from the 
modern instrument. A consort of oboes, probably augmented by 
sackbuts, is frequently called for in Elizabethan and Jacobean drama. 
Trumpets, too, were eloquently employed, notably in the duel scene at 
the end of King Lear. Trumpets and drums frequently had to appear 
on the stage for flourishes and marches; funeral marches were often 
played by muffled drums alone. Trumpets and drums have always stood 
apart, socially as well as musically, from other instruments, and this 
in all countries, because of their association with royalty and cere- 
monial occasions. Music, whenever employed, is nearly always men- 
tioned as ‘above’ or ‘within’, and one wonders how the players can 
have had light enough to read their notes; very probably they played 
from memory and played whatever they had in their repertory. Songs 
would probably have been accompanied on the lute, or even on the 
regals, and sometimes by the singer himself. Most of the songs seem 
to have been sung by boys, and they take no further part in the play. 
A part with many songs, such as the Clown in Twelfth Night, would 
have depended on the engagement of some special singing actor, and 


1 Onthetradition of instrumental interludes in blank-verse tragedy and the symbolism 
associated with various families of instruments, see Sternfeld, Music in Shakespearean 
Tragedy (London, 1963), pp. 2-4, 216-17. 

2 A good general survey of the whole field is given by John Stevens, ‘Music of the 
Elizabethan Stage’, in Shakespeare in Music, ed. Phyllis Hartnoll (London, 1964). 


MUSIC IN THE ENGLISH THEATRE 819 


actors who could sing seem to have been as rare in those days as they 
are now. The extant text of Twelfth Night may have been revised as 
late as 1606, by which time Shakespeare's company had acquired as 
a regular member Robert Armin, an adult clown equally adept at 
acting and singing. 

Those who sing on the stage are in most cases supposed to be 
drunk, mad, or supernatural;! music is not regarded as a ‘normal’ 
way of expressing oneself. Old Merrythought, in The Knight of the 
Burning Pestle, who sings on every possible occasion is certainly an 
eccentric. Here we are faced with the problem of the accompaniment; 
it is inconceivable that Old Merrythought played the lute to every one 
of his sometimes quite fragmentary songs. Audiences of those days 
must have been quite accustomed to hearing songs without any 
accompaniment, and even Handel's operas and oratorios sometimes 
show long stretches of quite unaccompanied melody, even if violins 
play in unison with the voice. The solo songs in the Balet comique of 
1581 were published without accompaniment. In any event, Merry- 
thought's repertoire reaches far and wide. He knows his popular 
ballads, as does Ophelia;? his catches, such as “Three merry men’ and 
‘Troll the bowl’ rival those of Toby and Feste in Twelfth Night; nor 
is he ignorant of the melodies of lute ayres, as he hums Morley and 
Rosseter, among others. 

The Elizabethans certainly had a strong sense of the value of un- 
seen music as a background for romantic and highly emotional effects, 
such as the return to life of Hermione in The Winter's Tale, but we 
have no record of music being specially composed for such occasions; 
incidental music must have been anything that was available at the 
moment. 

There was, however, a short period and a specialized environment 
when stage music became very nearly operatic. From the beginning 
of Elizabeth I's reign to 1585 plays were regularly acted under her 
immediate patronage by the boys of the Chapel Royal, the Chapel 
at Windsor, and St. Paul's; their usual theatre was the Blackfriars. 
The style of their plays can be judged from the play of Pyramus and 
Thisbe in A Midsummer Night's Dream, which is a parody of their 
alliterative doggerel verse. The history of the boy players had been 
known for a long time, but their music was first discovered by G. E. P. 

1 Cf. Sternfeld, ‘The Use of Song in Shakespeare's Tragedies’, Proceedings of the 
Royal Musical Association, \xxxvi (1959-60), p. 45. 

2 Concerning his ‘As you came from Walsingham’, and the use made of the famous 


lyric by Raleigh and Beaumont, see Sternfeld, Songs from Shakespeare’s Tragedies 
(London, 1964), s.v. ‘How should I your true love know’. 


820 MUSIC AND DRAMA 


Arkwright in 1914.2 Several of these songs are anonymous, but others 
(as we have already seen) are ascribed to Richard Farrant, Robert 
Parsons, and William Byrd. Most of them have contrapuntal accom- 
paniments for four viols,? like Byrd's Songs of Sadness and Piety. In the 
plays they are generally associated with death scenes at the end of the 
play, and are often extremely poignant and genuinely dramatic. They 
are not incidental songs like Shakespeare's, but are sung by principal 
characters at the climax of the dramatic action, as the expression of 
some deeply felt personal emotion. We can thus regard them as 
definitely operatic in spirit, and if circumstances had been more 
favourable they might eventually have led to real English opera. The 
boy companies suffered from a variety of setbacks, unfortunately. 
Their main patronage was that of the Court, and in the last decade of 
the sixteenth century they were not acting at Court or in any theatre, 
for that matter. When they resumed their dramatic activities around 
1600—probably the time from which the passage about the ‘little 
eyases' in Hamlet dates—they soon lost their best theatre, the Black- 
friars, and they never recovered from the closing of the theatres in 
1642. It was not until 1689 that Purcell’s Dido exhibited in full per- 
fection what these Elizabethan composers were anticipating. 


! ‘Elizabethan Choirboy Plays and their Music’, Proceedings of the Musical Associa- 
tion, xl (1913-14), p. 117, and ‘Early Elizabethan Stage Music’, The Musical Antiquary, 
i (1909), p. 30, and iv (1913), p. 112. 

* See Philip Brett, ‘The English Consort Song, 1570-1625’, Proceedings of the Royal 
Musical Association, \xxxviii (1961-2), p. 73. 


XV 
EARLY ITALIAN OPERA 


By SIMON TOWNELEY 


ARCHITECTURE AND STAGE-DESIGN 


The Italian historian Sismondi considered that ‘the rise of the 
opera may, perhaps, be considered as the only literary event of the 
seventeenth century of which Italy can justly boast’,! while Evelyn, 
a contemporary witness of the early Venetian operas, was amazed 
more at the scenery than at anything else, although he was struck by 
the new recitative music.? It is important, then, to judge early opera 
with no preconceived views as to what an opera should be. The 
libretto and the production in the early days had an even more vital 
part to play than the music; if the history of early opera seems to 
pay undue attention to the two former, it is because of their greater 
importance to the contemporary audience. 

Vitruvius is not usually connected with the development of opera. 
But the eager acceptance of his books on architecture by the Renais- 
sance public had a marked effect on its history. His works were the 
source to which producers of stage entertainment looked for guidance, 
and the three sets to be found in Serlio's Secondo Libro d'Archi- 
tettura (Paris, 1545)? are the basis for the early opera productions as 
they had been for the masques, comedies, and dramatic entertain- 
ments generally. Sebastiano Serlio collated the various interpretations 
of Vitruvius; his book containing rules for the stage was at once 
translated into French by Jehan Martin under his own supervision; it 
was followed by a Dutch translation, in turn put into English in 1611. 
The deus ex machina of classical drama was the point of departure for 
the elaborate machines characteristic of opera during the seventeenth 
century. In fact, the little Vitruvius and his contemporaries say of. 
classical music is a reminder to us of the relative unimportance of 
music in early opera. For, during the seventeenth century, the balance 
between poet, designer, machine-maker, and musician shifted until 

1 Historical View of the Literature of the South of Europe, trs. Roscoe (London, 1833), 


ii, p. 289. 2 Memoirs of John Evelyn, ed. W. Bray (London, 1819), i, pp. 203 ff. 
? See pl. VII. 


822 EARLY ITALIAN OPERA 


the composer had exclusive right to command in the opera seria of the 
eighteenth century. 

The permanent theatre was a novelty in 1600. The Teatro Olimpico 
at Vicenza, perhaps the most perfect theatre still existing and in use, 
opened only in 1585; its remarkable perspective made from fixed sets! 
was an inspiration to future designers in the countless opera-houses 
that sprang up like mushrooms in many Italian towns from 1637 
onwards. It was natural, therefore, that at the opening of each new 
theatre public interest should be concentrated on the building itself, 
the inventions of the designers and machine-makers, rather than on the 
music. The intermedii had instilled into the audiences a taste for the 
exotic, the sumptuous, and the ingenious; but these performances 
were, as a rule, part of the entertainment for some special event con- 
nected with court life for which no expense was too great. The splen- 
dour of their presentation left its mark on the production of later 
operas. But the music must be traced to another source, although 
composers had reason to be grateful to the scene-makers and engi- 
neers upon whose skill they largely depended for the enthusiasm of 
the audience. 


THE FLORENTINE CAMERATA 

The initial interest in the dramma per musica shown by a group— 
or, rather, two groups—of Florentine antiquarians and cognoscenti? 
resulted in the composition of the first operas. These men were con- 
vinced that Greek drama had been set to music and declaimed; their 
aim was to discover exactly how this was done. They did not re- 
discover Greek music, but they were convinced that the lines were 
sung to some kind of monody, and they intended to experiment. In 
a letter to the theorist G. B. Doni in 1634, Pietro de' Bardi describes 
his father's experiments *to extract the essence of the Greek, the 
Latin, and the more modern writers, and by this means to become 
a thorough master of the theory of every sort of music. . . . Besides 
restoring ancient music in so far as so obscure a subject permitted, 
one of the chief aims of the academy was to improve modern music.” 

Experiments in monody, which was to become the essential musical 
technique for opera, continued alongside the search for means to 
infuse greater expression into the polyphonic idiom. Caccini (c. 1545- 
1618) urged what he calls ‘una nobile sprezzatura'4 in declaiming the 


1 See pl. V. 2 See p. 151. 

3 Oliver Strunk, Source Readings in Music History (New York, 1950), p. 363; original 
text in Angelo Solerti, Le origini del melodramma (Turin, 1903), p. 143. 

* See p. 157. 


THE FLORENTINE CAMERATA 823 


poetry he sets, while Peri (1561-1633) describes his search after what 
was soon to be called recitative music thus: 

I judged that the ancient Greeks and Romans (who, in the opinion 
of many, sang their tragedies throughout in representing them upon 
the stage) had used a harmony surpassing that of ordinary speech, 
but falling so far below the melody of song as to take an intermediate 
form. ... And I considered that the kind of speech that the ancients 
assigned to singing and that they called ‘diastematica’ (that is, sustained 
or suspended) could in part be hastened and made to take an inter- 
mediate course, lying between the slow and suspended movements of 
song and the swift and rapid movements of speech, and that it could be 
adapted to my purpose. .. .! 

Many composers during the sixteenth century had inserted short 
monodies into longer polyphonic pieces written to accompany 
dramatic performances: of particular significance in the early history 
of opera were the entertainments given in Venice? to celebrate the 
victory of Lepanto in 1571, for the visit of Henry III on his way from 
Poland to assume the French crown in 1574, and annually from 1578 
on the feasts of St. Stephen, St. Mark, and the Ascension. The music 
for these entertainments is lost, but it is clear from the texts that 
*these pieces differ from the later operas only in that they are not yet 
so called. They anticipate every conceivable type of opera: there are 
mythological and Christian-mythological scenes . . . allegories, pas- 
torals, and burlesques.” This is perhaps overstating the case, since the 
essence of the dramma in musica was only partly present. À work that 
contains only a few lines of monody can scarcely be considered more 
than a forerunner of opera. Merulo's music for Frangipani's Tragedia 
has been mentioned in the previous chapter;* it must have been 
similar to that written by Andrea Gabrieli for the Italian translation 
of Oedipus Rex* with which the Teatro Olimpico at Vicenza opened in 
1585. These performances had precedents in such works as Cinzio's 
tragedy Orbecche (1541) and Beccari’s pastoral H sacrificio (1554) ;® 
in both these cases the music was by Alfonso della Viola. Such enter- 
tainments played their part in the foundations of opera. They show 
that the Camerata had no monopoly, not even priority, in the experi- 
ments, But their work had a difference. The earlier pieces were simply 
plays set to music as an additional attraction; in theirs, the music 
was to imitate speech so that the language of drama and the gamut 
of human emotions should be reflected in the accents of the singers. 


ı Foreword to Euridice translated by Strunk, op. cit., p. 373. 3 See p. 792. 

з Alfred Einstein, The Italian Madrigal (Princeton, 1949), ii, p. 549. * See p. 792. 

5 See Leo Schrade, La Représentation d'Edipo Tiranno au Teatro Olimpico (Paris, 
1960), which contains Gabrieli's choruses. 6 See pp. 790-1. 


824 EARLY ITALIAN OPERA 


DAFNE 

Various texts were used by members of the Camerata in the search 
for an effective declamatory style: Ugolino’s lament from the Inferno 
and part of the Lamentations in the Holy Week services, both set by 
Galilei,! are examples. But the first poem to be used as a libretto was 
La Dafne by Rinuccini.? Peri set it. (Practically all his score is 
lost.) The first performance of the opera took place in Florence 
at the Palazzo Corsi during the Carnival of 1597 in the presence of 
a distinguished audience. ‘II piacere e lo stupore che partorì negli 
animi degl'uditori questo nuovo spettacolo non si puó esprimere, 
basta solo che per molte volte ch'ella s'é recitata, ha generato la stessa 
ammirazione e lo stesso diletto.'? The work was performed in a small 
room with few instruments and little change of scenery. But Peri had 
taken considerable pains to compose in the new style, setting the poem 
in the ‘“ Greek manner”, making the words stand out more than in 
ordinary speech, but less regularly than in music’. 

Peri's setting of La Dafne now ranks as the first recorded opera. 
But from the confused contemporary accounts of it and of the 
events leading up to its composition? it is clear that other versions 
were being prepared some years before. Emilio de' Cavalieri had 
written music for a semi-dramatic piece, J/ giuoco della cieca, and after 
a performance of this in 1594—5 it had been suggested that Peri might 
try his hand at something similar. It was then that the dilettante 
Jacopo Corsi and the poet Ottavio Rinuccini considered that the 
Dafne poem might be suitable. Corsi himself wrote music for parts 
of it; in fact it is possible that parts of his setting were used in the 
first 1597 performance, for, by a curious chance, although most of 
Peri’s score is lost,’ some fragments bearing the heading ‘del Sr. Jacopo 
Corsi’ are now to be found in the Library of the Conservatoire in 
Brussels. They include an aria for Apollo ‘Non curi la mia piant”, 
and the final chorus, ‘Bella ninfa fuggitiva’.® 


1 See pp. 153-4. 

2 Printed by Solerti, Gli albori del melodramma (three vols., Milan, 1905), ii, p. 75. 

3 Marco da Gagliano, preface to his own setting of the same libretto (1608). 

4 See О. G. Sonneck, ‘ “Dafne”, the First Opera: a chronological study’, Sammel- 
bände der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, ху (1913-14), p. 102, and William V. Porter, 
‘Peri and Corsi’s Dafne: some new discoveries and observations’, Journal of the 
American Musicological Society, xviii (1965), p. 170. 

5 The prologue and a canzonetta, ‘Chi da lacci d'amor’, have been found by Federico 
Ghisi, who published them in Alle fonti della monodia (Milan, 1940), 48. 

6 Facsimile in Wotquenne, Catalogue de la Bibliothèque du Conservatoire Royal de 
Musique (Brussels, 1901), Annexe 1 between pp. 46-47; transcribed in Max Schneider, 
Die Anfänge des Basso Continuo (Leipzig, 1918), p. 109, and earlier by Hortense Panum, 
Musikalisches Wochenblatt, xix (1888), p. 346. 


DAFNE 825 


Ex. 392 
(1) ARIA D'APOLLO 


Sian del vi - vo sme- ral - doe-ter - ni 


(Let not my plant be touched by flame or frost, let it be evergreen like the 
emerald, let the wrath of heaven never injure it.) 


Gi) CORO FINALE 


r. Oe LL 

K-B.8;: 2 oa A^ КӨШ —9— „ә ` 11|}. > —„——ы 

WE [Lm E —LU-—J—R— = л —  —HJ—41— м ——-4 
пгго Ы 3 


no - bil ve- lo go-di pur pian-ta no-vel- la ca- sta e bel - la 


(Beautiful, fugitive nymph, free from and deprived of your mortal, noble 
veil, enjoying now your new chaste and beautiful life as a plant....) 


As mentioned on pp. 798-9, a partial translation of Rinuccini's text pro- 
vided the libretto for the first German opera: Schütz's Daphne. (Inci- 
dentally, this was not—as is commonly supposed—the first opera to be 
produced outside Italy, a distinction which belongs to an Andromeda 


826 EARLY ITALIAN OPERA 


performed at Salzburg in 1618, perhaps that by the Bolognese 
composer Giacobbi, given originally during the Carnival of 1610 at 
Bologna ‘per disporto delle sue bellissime Dame VM 


PERI'S AND CACCINI'S EURIDICE 

A number of people must have seen La Dafne before the turn of the 
century. There are several recorded performances with slight varia- 
tions to the score, and it is likely that there were more. Thus, many 
distinguished patrons of music visiting Florence, such as the Duke of 
Parma and the French courtiers who had come to Florence for the 
betrothal of Maria de' Medici to Henry IV of France in 1600, had an 
opportunity to carry away impressions of the new art to other parts 
of Europe. They may even have heard a second setting of this 
work by Caccini, but this score, too, is lost. However, both com- 
posers set a further libretto by Rinuccini;? his Z'Euridice—with a 
happy ending—-was chosen as the text for the opera written specially 
to celebrate the great wedding in 1600 and both their scores are 
extant.? Peri's work was heard for the first time on 6 October 1600, 
and can thus claim to be the first extant opera, although, according 
to the preface to his score published in 1601, parts of Caccini's music 
also were used for that particular performance. Actually Caccini had 
to wait until 1602 for a complete hearing of his own work. 

Rubens was present at the marriage ceremony and has left a pic- 
ture* of the scene which might, in an idle moment, give cause for 
speculation. He came over from Mantua in the Duke's suite, for the 
Duchess was Maria de' Medici's sister and she appears behind her in 
the picture. Monteverdi was also employed by the Duke of Mantua 
and one wonders whether they were both in the audience at the per- 
formances of the opera; but if they were, neither (so far as we know) 
left any indication of the impression that these events made on him. 

Both Peri and Caccini treat the story of Euridice in the same way. 
There is no overture and little purely instrumental music. Peri tells us 
that his orchestra played behind the scenes and consisted of 'gentle- 
men illustrious by noble blood and excellence in music: Signor Jacopo 
Corsi. . . played a gravicembalo; Signor Don Grazia Montalvo, a 
theorbo; Messer Giovan Battista dal Violino, a lira grande; and 


1 Alfred Loewenberg, Annals of Opera (Cambridge, 1943). 

з In Solerti, Gli albori, ii, p. 115. 

* Modern edition of Peri's by Torchi, L'arte musicale in Italia, vi (Milan, n.d.); 
miniature score of original text (Milan, n.d.); facsimile of first edition (Rome, 1934). 
Incomplete edition of Caccini's Euridice in Robert Eitner, Publikation álterer prak- 
tischer und theoretischer Musikwerk (Leipzig, 1881); miniature score of original text 
(Milan, n.d.) * In the Marquess of Cholmondeley's collection. 


PERI'S AND CACCINI'S EURIDICE 827 


Messer Giovanni Lapi, a large Іше’! He included, it seems, no 
sustaining instrument for the bass. Theorbos, however, continued 
to be popular instruments in opera orchestras throughout the cen- 
tury, and their large necks were the subject of complaint from the 
stalls of the Venetian opera houses where the orchestra had taken its 
modern place before the stage, for these large necks obscured the 
view. Peri himself took the part of Orpheus and the celebrated Vit- 
toria Archilei that of Euridice. Peri comments on her musicianship 
and beauty of voice. But it is clear that the scores that have come 
down to us from this time give only a bare outline of the sounds heard 
by a contemporary audience. For ‘this lady’, he says, ‘who has always 
made my compositions seem worthy of her singing, adorns them, not 
only with those groups and those long windings of the voice, simple 
and double, which the liveliness of her talent can invent at any 
moment (more to comply with the usage of our times than because 
she considers the beauty and force of her singing to lie in them), but 
also with those elegances and graces that cannot be written or, if 
written, cannot be learned from writing’. 

Of the two composers Grout considers Peri to be ‘perhaps some- 
what more forceful in tragic expression, whereas Caccini is more 
tuneful, excels in elegiac moods and gives more occasion for virtuoso 
singing’.? But there is often little difference between their settings of 
the same words; consider, for instance, the opening of the Prologue 
in each: 


Ex. 393 
G) PERI 


ı Foreword to Euridice, trans. Strunk, op. cit., p. 375. 
* A Short History of Opera (London, 1947) p. 52. 


828 EARLY ITALIAN OPERA 
Gi) CACCINI 


(I that desire the deep sighs and weeping, have a face now full of agony, 
now of threats.) 
Both are at their best, naturally, in their settings of Orfeo’s lament, 
“Non piango e non sospiro’, which have more than once been quoted 
in parallel:! Peri’s the better calculated for dramatic effect, Caccini's 
the more melodious. Neither score is entirely recitative; there are a 
few rudimentary strophic arias, mostly at the ends of scenes; there is 
some showy coloratura in Caccini; and there are unison or note- 
against-note choruses, some of them intended to be danced to, Even 
imitative counterpoint is not entirely absent, witness this little trio for 
two nymphs and a shepherd in Peri's score: 


Ex. 394 
Ben noc-chier co - stan- - te efor- te 


co- stan- іе efor- te Sa 


Ben noc - chier co - stan - te e for - te 


Sa scher-nir 


Sa scher - nir ma-ri-no sde - gno 


1 Hugo Riemann, Handbuch der Musikgeschichte, ii. 2 (Leipzig, 1912), p. 189; Dénes 
Bartha, A zenetörtenet antolögidja (Budapest, 1948), p. 100. 


PERTS AND CACCINT’S EURIDICE 829 


though the polyphony forecasts that of the trio sonata more than it 
reminds one of the madrigalists. Setting the same words for two 
voices with instrumental bass, Caccini actually arrives at the primi- 
tive trio-sonata layout.! 


Ex.395 
Ben nocchier co- stan-t’e for - - - te saschernir ma - ri-no 


D 
m — KT oo oo ene ee 
nt ЖЕ п 007: ШАШЫН ERA. AMA. дыла 
Leg ИГ Hi 
ar LAr M OR ge 


(A Strong and experienced pilot can scorn the wrath of the sea.) 


Caccini was principally a song writer and, even in his own day, as 
a writer of operas he did not compare with Peri. But curiously enough, 
in spite of the great success of both Dafne and Euridice, Peri did not 
continue with work in the new genre. He wrote other operas, notably 
Tetide for Mantua in 1608, and Adone in 1620 for the same court. 
But neither was performed. He also wrote the part of Clori in Marco 
da Gagliano's 'favola . . . rappresentata in musica’, Flora. But his 
time was spent largely in composing music for the ballets and similar 
entertainments demanded from him as ‘principale direttore della 
musica e dei musici! at the Medici court. Caccini, on the other hand, 
was really better known in Europe at large for his attractive songs. 
Yet his Euridice was in fact the first opera to be printed, although it 
had to wait until 1602 for a performance. His first opera seen on the 
stage was // rapimento di Cefalo, written, like so many things, for the 
great wedding festivities of 1600 in Florence and produced three 
days after Peri’s Euridice. Actually three other composers had a 
share in the score, although Caccini made no reference to them 
when he published parts of the music in Le Nuove musiche. In passing, 
it is worth mentioning that this libretto was translated into French 
by Chrétien des Croix in 1608. Le Ravissement de Céfale is the first 
known instance of a libretto being translated; it was dedicated to the 

1 Cf. Ex. 252 on p. 575. 


830 EARLY ITALIAN OPERA 


newly born son of the marriage for which the original had been 
written. 


MARCO DA GAGLIANO 

The third name of importance among the Florentine composers is 
that of Marco da Gagliano (c. 1575-1642). He was of a younger 
generation than Caccini and Peri, and his first opera,! once again a 
setting of Rinuccini's Dafne, was not written until 1607 and was first 
performed, not in Florence, where it was repeated in 1610, but in 
Mantua in January 1608. However, the preface to it as well as his 
letters provide us with interesting details, not only of his own but of 
many other early productions.? He was against the pointless addition 
of * gruppi, trilli, passaggi ed esclamazioni’ by the singers. ‘I do not 
propose to deprive myself of these adornments, but I wish them to 
be used in the proper time and place’, as, for instance, in ‘Non curi 
la mia pianta" 3 


1 Partial reprint in Eitner, op. cit.; excerpt in Schering, Geschichte der Musik in Bei- 
spielen (Leipzig, 1931), p. 198, though Gagliano says part of it, Apollo's ‘Pur giacque 
estinto', was composed by another master. 

2 See Emil Vogel, ‘Marco da Gagliano. Zur Geschichte des florentiner Musiklebens 
von 1570-1650’, Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, v (1889), pp. 396 ff. and 509 
ff.; the letters and preface, etc. are printed in full at the end, pp. 550 ff. The preface is also 
printed in Solerti, Le origini, p. 78. 

* For a translation of the text see p. 825. 


MARCO DA GAGLIANO 831 


“where a good singer can deploy all the graces that the song demands, 
which Francesco Rasi’s voice displays to the full’ (dove риф il 
buon cantore spiegar tutte quelle maggiori leggiadrie, che richiegga 
il canto, le quali tutte s'udirono dalla voce del Sig. Francesco Rasi’). 
(In comparing Gagliano's setting with Corsi's, Ex. 392, one should 
remember tbat Corsi may have expected his Apollo to improvise 
ornamentation.) But where the story does not need it, says Gagliano, 
it is much better to leave out ornaments altogether and instead to 
pronounce the syllables distinctly (‘scolpir le sillabe’) so as to make 
the words clearly understood. The preface also gives detailed sug- 
gestions for stage-production. For instance, Apollo's *Non curi', 
quoted above, is preceded—and closed—by three chords which are 
used *to make it appear in the theatre that Apollo's lyre gives forth 
some more than ordinary melody'. When he clasps his lyre to his 
breast, *which he should do with a fine attitude', four players upon 
the viol, *whether a braccio or gamba matters little", placed nearby 
where the audience cannot see them, ‘watch Apollo and when he puts 
his bow to his lyre they are to sound the three notes written, taking 
care to bow equally so that it sounds like a single bow: this deception 
cannot be recognised, except by the fancy of some particularly atten- 
tive person, and causes no little pleasure'. 

Gagliano's later works include two operas on sacred themes for 
performance in Florence in 1625 and 1626: La Regina Sant’ Orsola 
and Istoria di ludit. His last opera, La Flora, o vero Il Natal de’ fiori, 
was written for the wedding festivities of Margherita de’ Medici to the 
Duke of Parma in 1628. The part of Clori in La Flora was composed 
by Peri, who had already contributed to Gagliano's I! Medoro in 
1619. Incidentally, Andrea Salvadori's text for Medoro, based on an 
episode from Orlando furioso, was used in 1626 by the celebrated 
group of players known as ‘I Comici? and performed presumably as 
a straight play: an indication that text was more important than 
music at the time. 

The historical importance of the Camerata is so great that it is 


1 Five excerpts printed in Hugo Goldschmidt, Studien zur Geschichte der italienischen 
Oper im 17. Jahrhundert, і (Leipzig, 1901), pp. 180 ff. 


832 EARLY ITALIAN OPERA 


almost beside the point to assess the aesthetic value of these early 
operas. They certainly enjoyed a succes d’estime at the time, though 
they were not often repeated and their success cannot be compared 
even in terms of contemporary popularity with that enjoyed by Monte- 
verdi's Orfeo or Arianna. Peri understands the drama but Caccini's 
melody is sweeter. Gagliano was a better composer than either, and 
his Dafne surpassed theirs, as Peri handsomely acknowledged,! but 
it had the misfortune to be produced at Mantua between two operas 
by a far greater master: the Orfeo and Arianna of Monteverdi. 


MONTEVERDI 

Monteverdi had gone to Mantua about 1590. With the Duke he had 
an opportunity of seeing Europe. We have already speculated on the 
possibility of his presence at the performance of Euridice in 1600. 
Be that as it may, Peri’s score was published in 1601 and Monteverdi 
was certainly conversant with the new developments. He did not work 
on an opera until 1607, doubtless because there was no occasion for 
him to do so. But by then he was clear in his own mind that the 
hearing of an opera must be for the audience an experience. A success- 
ful work should involve the listener also in the feelings and emotions 
of the story. He chose for his first work a text on the Orpheus legend 
by Alessandro Striggio, altering it to produce a happy ending, and 
the first performance was given privately some time during the 1607 
Carnival by the Accademia deg" ‘Invaghiti at Mantua; it was re- 
peated ‘in the hall of the Duchess’s apartment’ in the Palace 
(see pl. VIII) on 24 February and again on 1 March 1607. These 
productions were followed by performances in other towns. The 
score was printed at Venice in 1609 and 1615,? though only eight 
copies altogether are known to survive. On hearing the work, a con- 
temporary remarked that the music served the poetry so fittingly that 
it could not be replaced by any better composition. And today few 
would dispute the opinion that Monteverdi’s Orfeo is a dramatic work 
of the highest quality, the first example of an opera with an appeal 
beyond that for the historian. 

It is not merely that Monteverdi uses the new Florentine type of 
recitative with far more musical power and flexibility than Peri, 
Caccini, or Gagliano; he combines it much more richly and skilfully 

! Vogel, op. cit., p. 426, n. 4. 

* A facsimile of the first edition was published by Adolf Sandberger (Augsburg, 1927). 
There are a number of modern editions, beginning with Eitner's of 1881. Orfeo is printed 


as vol. xi of Malipiero's complete edition of Monteverdi's works, and Malipiero had pre- 
viously published a vocal score (London, 1923). 


MONTEVERDI 833 


with the other resources of contemporary music: madrigal-like 
choruses such as ‘Lasciate i monti’ in the First Act, strophic solos 
of the most varied kinds—Orfeo’s simple, lilting ‘Vi ricordo o bosch’ - 
ombrosi’ in Act П, the great virtuoso piece ' Possente spirto’ (with 
concertante accompaniment for pairs of instrumental virtuosi) with 
which he softens Charon's heart in Act III, the triumphant ‘Qual 
honor' with its marching basso ostinato to which he brings back 
Euridice from the underworld in Act IV!—and an extraordinarily 
large and varied orchestra? employed not only in purely instrumental 
sinfonie and ritornelli? but in accompanying combinations carefully 
planned to emphasize the mood and character of the situation: for 
instance, the sudden change of colour—the entrance of the organo di 
legno—when Orpheus fatally turns round. However, these combina- 
tions are usually of continuo instruments, not concertante instruments. 
As an illustration of Monteverdi's (and Striggio's) dramatic insight 
one instance must suffice: Orfeo's reception of the news of Euridice's 
death. As Schrade says,* ‘Orfeo is silent throughout the report; it is 
the Pastori who first react to the “amara novella". This holding 
Orfeo back from any spontaneous reaction to the story makes the 
sudden shock convincing; he was totally unaware and is now stunned. 
It is as though he had not even heard what the Messagiera recited at 
great length. For after the report has been sung and the two Pastori 
have expressed their reactions, Orfeo continues from the last words 
he heard, “La tua diletta sposa è morta”, and begins with “То se’ 
morta, se' morta mia vita", his final song of the act, in which he bids 
farewell to earth, sky and sun.' And there is nothing in the parallel 
laments of Peri and Caccini to compare with its final bars: 


Ex. 397 


— 
А Wi I ii I och abo 4 
fa. E CLM ELL А A 
LSK ZE `G Aë т 00 Р НН: 


(Farewell, earth; farewell heaven and sun. Farewell.) 


1 The whole of this scene—' Qual honor’, the preceding chorus, and the tragic sequel 
—is recorded in The History of Music in Sound, iv. 

* See particularly J. A. Westrup, ‘Monteverdi and the Orchestra’, Music and Letters, 
xxi (1940), p. 230, and Paul Collaer, *L'orchestre di Claudio Monteverdi', Musica, ii 
(Florence, 1943), p. 86. 

з See Alfred Heuss, ‘Die Instrumental-Stücke des “Orfeo” ', Sammelbände der 
internationalen Musikgesellschaft, iv (1902-3), p. 175. 

* Leo Schrade, Monteverdi: Creator of Modern Music (New York, 1950), p. 233. The 


834 EARLY ITALIAN OPERA 


Another famous lament is all that survives of Monteverdi’s second 
opera, Arianna, which—like Marco da Gagliano’s Dafne—was com- 
posed for the wedding of Francesco Gonzaga, the heir to the Duchy, 
the following year on a libretto by Rinuccini.! Arianna was famous 
in Italy for many years. The first performance was an outstanding 
success in spite of the death of the great singer Caterina Martinelli 
who had been cast for the title role; his rival Gagliano tells us in the 
preface to Dafne that the whole audience was visibly moved to tears. 

The orchestra in Arianna was still placed behind the scenes, and 
as in Orfeo, the orchestration is said to have been such that the timbre 
and quality of the instruments underlined every nuance of the text. 
But all that is left of the score is Ariadne's lament ‘Lasciatemi 
morire? which served as a model for laments in countless operas. 
A five-part arrangement of it was published in the Sixth Book of 
madrigals (Venice, 1614) and this version, adapted to religious words 
as a ‘Pianta della Madonna’, appeared again later in the composer's 
life (Selva morale, Venice, 1640). 

These marriage festivities called for quantities of music. Much of 
it was written for ballets such as Monteverdi's Ballo delle ingrate? 
performed a week after Arianna and including a touching farewell to 
sky and sun and stars, akin to Orfeo's; these were dramatic enter- 
tainments in a sense, but not operas. Another dramatic work of 
Monteverdi’s must be mentioned here, though it is not an opera: // 
Combattimento di Tancredi e Clorinda,* a setting of a passage in Tasso’s 
Gerusalemme liberata (Canto XII, v. 52-68) performed in the Palazzo 
Mocenigo, Venice, in 1624. The preface to the first edition describes 
the method of performance: Tancred, mounted on a hobby-horse, and 
Clorinda are to act and to sing the direct speech, while Tasso's narra- 
tive passages are to be sung by ‘il Testo' who standsapart. Theorch- 
estra consists of four viole da brazzo, with written-out parts, in addition 
to the harpsichord and contrabasso da gamba playing the continuo, and 


literature on Monteverdi's stage-works is considerable; the most exhaustive study is 
Anna Amalie Abert's Claudio Monteverdi und das musikalischeDrama (Lippstadt, 1954); 
the English reader may be referred to the relevant chapters in Schrade's book, in 
H. F. Redlich, Claudio Monteverdi: Life and Works (tr. Kathleen Dale) (London, 1952), 
and in Denis Arnold, Monteverdi (London, 1963). 

1 Printed by Solerti, Gli albori, ii, p. 147. 

3 One of the surviving versions was printed by Emil Vogel, Vierteljahrsschrift für 
Musikwissenschaft, iii (1887), p. 443. On the variant readings, see Westrup, *Monte- 
verdi's “Lamento d'Arianna” ', Music Review, i (1940), р. 144. 

* Reprinted in Torchi, op. cit. vi, and Malipiero's complete edition, viii. 

* Originally published in the Eighth Book of madrigals (1638); modern editions by 
Torchi, op. cit., vi, Malipiero (London, 1931), and complete edition, viii, Denis Stevens 
(London, 1962), and others. 


MONTEVERDI 835 


sometimes it has frankly descriptive passages: the "motto del cavallo’ 
(the movement of Tancred’s horse) and the sword-play of the duel, 
sometimes using tremolo (rapid note-repetition) and pizzicato. 

On the other hand, the several real operas that Monteverdi wrote 
subsequently are mostly lost. Luckily we are left with two great works: 
Il Ritorno d'Ulisse in patria and L'Incoronazione di Poppea, written 
in the last years of his life in Venice. These, unlike Orfeo, were 
entirely free from the influence of the Camerata and written in the 
style that was evolving from the new experiment in public opera that 
is associated with Venice from 1637 onwards; they will be discussed 
in the next volume. On the other hand, we must consider here the 
flowering of another branch of the Camerata’s activity, not in Flo- 
rence, Mantua, or Venice, but in Rome. 


CAVALIERI'S RAPPRESENTAZIONE 

The Oratorian movement founded in Rome by St. Philip Neri! had 
naturally made full use of those century-old aids to popular devotion, 
the /audi spirituali? and called into being a great quantity of new 
laudi: notably the two volumes by Giovanni Animuccia (1563 and 
1570), the five compiled by Francisco Soto (1583-98), and Giovenale 
Ancina's Tempio armonico della Beatissima Vergine (1599). The great 
majority of these newly composed or arranged Oratorian laudi main- 
tain the tradition of extreme simplicity, more or less popular melody 
supported by note-against-note counterpoint, but occasionally other 
elements begin to intrude: on the one hand, livelier polyphony with 
points of imitation? on the other the element of dialogue. This may 
or may not have been a distant reflection of the now decadent 
rappresentazioni sacre or, as Alaleona suggests,* of the madrigal 
comedy; but such pieces as the ‘Dialogo di Christo e della Samari- 
tana’ and ‘ Dialogo del Figliuol Prodigo' from G. F. Anerio’s 
Teatro armonico spirituale (1619)° are unquestionably the prototypes 
of the form which took its name from the place where they were given: 
the *oratorio'. They consist of alternations of narrative or reflective 
choruses, usually in six parts with organ continuo, with monodic 
dialogue; Christ and the father are basses, the Samaritan woman and 
the Prodigal sopranos. And the monodic passages are not so very 
different from those of the Florentines; the Prodigal’s first solo is 
essentially a miniature 'recitative and air’: 


! See p. 363. * See Vols. II, pp. 266 ff., and III, pp. 389-90. 

* See the examples printed by Domenico Alaleona, Storia dell'oratorio musicale in 
Italia (Milan, 1945), pp. 66 tf. 

4 ibid., p. 81. 5 Printed ibid., pp. 260 and 270. 


836 EARLY ITALIAN OPERA 


che piü non vo 


PH ai 
LH HS — EE OE E |< a ey Am ` 0—1 — 
HH Resch ed nn de e H 


(Give me my portion so that I shall no longer be subject to you while I am 
young, but shall be content and wealthy, and enjoy a peaceful happy life.) 


while his second one has Caccini-like colorature on ‘allegri’ and 
* ridendo’. The way for quasi-dramatic laudi must have been paved 
by the performance in the Oratorio della Vallicella in February 1600 
of a dramatic work by a former member of the Camerata, a work 
that was neither /aude—though its text by Agostino Manni was 
essentially an elaboration of an older laude text incorporated in it 
(Act I, scene iv: ‘Anima mia, che pensi? . . .")—nor an oratorio: 
Emilio de’ Cavalieri's Rappresentazione di Anima e di Corpo.! 
Cavalieri (c. 1550-1602) was a Roman. But from 1588 till 1596 he 


1 Facsimile of the original edition (Rome, 1600), edited by F. Mantica (Rome, 1912); 
modern editions by F. Vatielli (Leipzig, 1906) and in 7 classici della musica italiana, x 
(Milan, 1919); extended excerpts in Goldschmidt, op. cit., p. 153; Schering, op. cit., 
p. 168; Davison and Apel, op. cit. ii, p. 2. 


CAVALIERI'S RAPPRESENTAZIONE 837 


held the post of Inspector-General of Art and Artists in Florence, 
was a leading member of the Bardi circle and, as we have seen in the 
previous chapter,! had collaborated with them in composing for the 
wedding festivities of 1589; his music for Г giuoco della cieca and its 
role as a precursor of Dafne have already been mentioned. Bianca 
Becherini? has suggested that his Rappresentazione is indebted to the 
tradition of the Florentine sacre rappresentazioni. In his preface? to 
the original edition Alessandro Guidotti gives the composer's full 
instructions as to how he intended the Rappresentazione to be per- 
formed. The theatre or hall should not seat more than a thousand 
spectators, the actors on the stage should be beautifully dressed, and 
the orchestra should be placed behind the scenes. Its size and com- 
position could be adapted to suit the needs of each performance. 
He suggests ‘una lira doppia, un clavicembalo, un Chitarrone, o 
Teorba', an ensemble similar to that used by the Camerata in other 
performances. And here likewise no mention is made of any sustain- 
ing instruments, except that he adds as optional*un Organo soavecon 
Chitarrone' and two flutes (tibie all'antica) for the finale. A violin, 
he suggests, might double the voice. In the preface he explains 
the shorthand method he has used to indicate the required harmonies, 
a practice later to develop into the figured bass. The participants in 
the drama are allegorical personifications of Time, Life, the World, 
Pleasure, the Intellect, the Soul, and the Body. Its purpose is didactic, 
conforming to the ideas of the Counter-Reformation, whereby the 
senses are used as a means to achieve moral and ethical ends. The 
recitative is punctuated by many cadences which give the music a 
monotony found in most of the early works in stile rappresentativo. 
Unlike his contemporaries, but like the later opera composers in 
Venice, Cavalieri divides the work into three acts. And he suggests 
that intermedii should intersperse them—a practice which a century 
later helped in the creation of opera buffa. 


LATER ROMAN OPERAS 
Cavalieri died in Rome in 1602, but works of this kind continued 
to be written. One of his successors, Stefano Landi (c. 1590-c. 1655), 
developed the genre into an elaborate entertainment needing hun- 
dreds of actors and singers, sumptuous architectural scenery, scores 
of machines, and an audience with sufficient patience to sit through 


1 See pp. 795-6. 

2 ‘La musica nelle “Sacre rappresentazioni” Fiorentine’, Rivista musicale italiana, liii 
(1951), p. 193, particularly pp. 233 ff. 

* Reprinted by Solerti, Le origini, p. 1. 


838 EARLY ITALIAN OPERA 


a series of loosely connected tableaux illustrating the life of a saint or 
a biblical story, lasting sometimes as much as eight or nine hours. 
But Roman opera did not develop quickly. The dramma pastorale, 
Eumelio (1606), of Agostino Agazzari (1578-1640) was only a ‘school 
drama' composed for the pupils of the Seminario Romano but 
interesting in that it contains instances of melodically varied strophes 
over a repeated bass in opera earlier than Monteverdi's Orfeo.! And 
even this was an isolated work. The heyday of Roman opera opened 
in 1619 with Landi's "pastoral tragi-comedy' La morte d'Orfeo. 
(Orpheus has always been a popular operatic subject; the monodist 
Domenico Belli produced a Pianto d'Orfeo or Orfeo dolente, five 
intermedii for Tasso’s Aminta, at Florence in 1616.)? The chief pro- 
ductions of its earlier period were Domenico Mazzocchi's La catena 
d' Adone (based on an episode from Giambattista Marino's epic Adone) 
(1626), Landi's Sant'Alessio (1632), and Michel Angelo Rossi's 
Erminia sul Giordano (on Cantos VI and VII of Gerusalemme liberata) 
(1633). The two last were performed in the palace of the Barberini, 
a family which was then reaching the zenith of its influence in Rome. 
Maffei Barberini ruled as Pope Urban VIII from 1623 to 1642, and 
his three nephews, Cardinals Francesco and Antonio, and Don 
Taddeo, Prefect of Rome, built a theatre in the Palazzo Barberini in 
which a series of such entertainments was inaugurated with Sant? 
Alessio, a dramma musicale by Giulio Rospigliosi, later Pope Clement 
IX. The sets for Erminia? were designed by Bernini. 

Musically these operas are characterized by a number of features 
that were to become increasingly important in the later history of 
opera. The treatment of recitative tends to become sometimes more 
melodious, sometimes more perfunctory, with a good deal of simple 
note-repetition (such as, indeed, one finds even in Monteverdi's 
Combattimento) and consequent speeding-up of the pace. Mazzocchi 
significantly speaks in the preface to his Catena* of ‘arias . . . to relieve 
the tedium of the recitative', and he gives his audience a number of 
short melodious pieces such as the song Adonis sings before he goes 
to sleep in the enchanted wood or the one the enchantress Falsirena 
sings to him when he wakes: 


! On Emilio, see Ambros-Leichtentritt, Geschichte der Musik, iv (Leipzig, 1909), 
pp. 383 ff.; Goldschmidt, op. cit., pp. 6 ff.; A. A. Abert, op. cit., pp. 164 ff. 

з See Antonio Tirabassi, ‘The Oldest Opera: Belli's Orfeo dolente’, Musical Quarterly, 
xxv (1939), p. 26, though the claim implied in the title was easily refuted by Alfred 
Loewenberg, ibid. xxvi (1940), pp. 315-17. 3 See pl. IX. 

* There isa description of this opera in Goldschmidt, op. cit., pp. 8ff. with long 
excerpts from the music, pp. 155 ff. See also Stuart Reiner, * Vi sono molt’ altre mezz’ 
Arie...', in Studies in Music History (ed. Harold Powers) (Princeton, 1968), p. 241. 


839 


te Al bel se 


man 


i- vin 


а 


Ki 
9 
Вв 
E 
v 
© 


as in this passage from 


3 


- di fe-sto 


go 


-sto 


в 
a 
M 


E 


d 
È 
СЕ) 

EN. 


LATER ROMAN OPERAS 


-di fe 


ret - taa 
go 
di, fe- 


de l'au- 


Go-di, go 


(Let the loving gentle breezes smile on your beautiful, serene, divine counte- 
-so 


nance.) 


homophonic when they are dances but often characterized by a lighter 


texture of decidedly harmonic counterpoint 


Mazzocchi's choruses also are numerous and melodious, more or less 


a chorus (without continuo) which occurs twice in Act I: 


(Enjoy your happiness) 


840 EARLY ITALIAN OPERA 


Landi had anticipated all these features in his Morte d’Orfeo,! even 
the dotted rhythms of choral coloratura in his chorus of shepherds at 
the end of his First Act. And Charon’s strophic song, ‘Bevi, bevi’, 
is perhaps the earliest of all buffo arias. This note of humour is 
typical of Landi; humorous touches and episodes relieve the tedium 
of Sant’ Alessio?—not only the duet of the two pages, ‘Poca voglia 
di far bene" 3 but also perhaps such points as Demonio's low Es in 
Act II, scene viii, and Act III, scene 1. There are not many arias in 
Sant’ Alessio but the score is notable for its vocal ensembles and also 
for its orchestral pieces, the sinfonia per introduzione del prologo (slow 
introduction followed by a contrapuntal canzone) and the canzone- 
like sinfonia* before Act I. 

Rossi's Erminia is on similar lines. Tancred's short aria from 
Act II may be quoted as an example of Rossi's melodic style: 


Ex. 401 
ARIA A UNA VOCE SOLA 


Nin- fe, Vez- zo-set-te 


(O valleys, O woods, O nymphs, O noble nymphs, sweet sirens, tell me where 
is my love.) 


1 Excerpts in Goldschmidt, op. cit., p. 188; Charon’s 'Bevi, Беу? is recorded in The 
History of Music in Sound, iv. Landi's operas are described in Goldschmidt, p. 39. 

2 Excerpts in Torchi, op. cit. v, p. 43, and Goldschmidt, op. cit., p. 202. See also 
Ambros-Leichtentritt, op. cit., p. 496, and Abert, op. cit., p. 176. 

* Also reprinted in Davison and Apel, op. cit. ii, p. 50. 

* In Goldschmidt, op. cit., p. 252, and Davison and Apel, op. cit. ii, p. 47. 

5 Description in Goldschmidt, op. cit., p. 64, and excerpts, p. 258. See also Ambros- 
Leichtentritt, op. cit., p. 508, and Abert, op. cit., p. 180. 


LATER ROMAN OPERAS 841 


but the best of the music is to be found in the ensembles. The preface 
contains vivid descriptions of the first performance. A brief extract 
gives a picture of the kind of thing an audience enjoyed. ‘I piacevoli 
inganni delle macchinee delle volubili scene, impercettibilmente fecero 
apparire, hora annichilarsi una gran rupe e comparirse una grotta, 
et un йитте... hora da non sa qual voragine di Averno far sortita 
piacevolmente horribile i Demonii in compagnia di Furie, le quali 
insieme danzando et assise poscia in carri infernali per l'aria se ne 
sparissero. (The pleasant deceptions of the machines and of the 
changing scenes imperceptibly made now a great cliff seem to dis- 
appear and a grotto to appear, and a river . . now from some vortex 
of Avernus to emerge in pleasing horror Demons in company with 
Furies, dancing together, who, seated afterwards in infernal chariots, 
disappeared through the air.) Armida, the pagan enchantress, sends 
Furies to plague the encamped Christians with a hailstorm at which 
‘oscura il cielo e cade horribil piogge con grandine, e con vento’ 
(the sky darkens and horrid rain falls, with hail and wind): 


Ex. 402 
TUTTE TRE, LE FURIE 
Si, sù, spie-ghia — - -, mo d vo - 


(Come, come, let us fly.) 


842 EARLY ITALIAN OPERA 


The wind machine, the tin sheet for thunder and rain, the dipping 
lights, the emphasis on the bizarre and extravagant are, even in these 
early days, the sine qua non of opera production. The effects may have 
been crude, but from all accounts the stage designers, architects, 
and machine-makers were skilled and imaginative workmen-artists. 
Indeed, the descriptions of the scenic marvels in librettos and diaries 
are not figments of the imagination. One of the best known artists, 
Niccolo Sabbatini, gives advice for most conceivable possibilities in 
his guide to making scenery and machinery for the theatre.! 


THE AESTHETICS OF OPERA 

It must be emphasized that, in spite of such exceptions as Monte-. 
verdi, composers, like the public, cared little for the dramatic and 
poetic qualities of a libretto, provided that it contained a sufficient 
number of improbable situations and occasions for the use of 
wonderful machines. That is not to say that the poem went unread. 
In fact each libretto was devoured like some salacious French novel. 
For it stood not on its poetry, construction, or depiction of character, 
but on the number, varietv, and oddness of the situations. Monte- 
verdi almost alone saw that a phrase of music was able to create 
character and that by changes of harmony the listener could be swept 
up into the action on the stage. At this date we seldom meet with 
views such as those he expressed in a well-known letter to Alessandro 
Striggio, in which heobjects to Scipione Agnelli's libretto Peleoe Theti 
on the grounds that the characters are not sufficiently real. Orpheus 
and Arianna are real, he says, and for them he could write moving 
music. But for the *winds' and such like he cannot find the inspira- 
tion or interest to compose.? In fact Monteverdi's operas are entirely 
different from the lavish productions of the Roman school. He was 
interested in the dramma per musica; they enjoyed a wonderful dis- 
play for which a series of connected tableaux gave greater scope. 

It cannot be said that by 1630 the opera had crystallized into its 
classical shape. The aims of the Camerata had been achieved. It had 
been found possible to set a whole poem in stile rappresentativo. 
The declamatory style had been successful and the music was able to 
enhance the meaning of the text. But these operas are, on the whole, 
monotonous; the form is loose and discursive. Looking back, we can 


1 La pratica di fabricar scene e machine ne’ teatri (Ravenna, 1638; German transla- 
tion, Weimar, 1926; French translation, Neuchátel, 1942). 

з Letter of 9 December 1616: cf. Pruniéres La Vie et l'Œuvre de Claudio Monteverdi 
(Paris, 1926), letter XIV; Domenico de’ Paoli, Claudio Monteverdi (Milan, 1945), p. 210. 


THE AESTHETICS OF OPERA 843 


see that this difficulty was to be overcome by the formal use of recita- 
tive and aria: the recitativo secco that carried forward the action, and 
the aria, the point of repose, the catharsis, as it were, in which the 
musician released his melodic invention. An audience seems to need 
this contrast; nature demands that where there is tension there must 
be a release also. But it needed many performances to countless 
audiences before the balance could be achieved. The insatiable de- 
mand for opera in the public theatres enabled poets to invent libretti 
divided into scenes with lines in blank verse culminating in short 
lyrical stanzas, which the composer could turn as he wished, to suit the 
free outpourings of his melodic invention. The early opera writers at 
Florence, Rome, and Mantua scarcely touched on the problems that 
were to confront the singers, producers, and architects during the rest 
of the century. However, they had laid the foundations of an artistic 
medium that would absorb the skill and inspiration of musicians and 
poets exclusively until well into the eighteenth century ‘di maniera 
che’, as Marco da Gagliano! himself wrote, ‘con l'intelletto, vien lu- 
singato in uno stesso tempo ogni sentimento piü nobile dalle piü 
dilettevoli arti ch'abbia ritrovato l'ingegno umano' (So that, beside 
the intellect, at the same time every fine feeling is flattered by the most 
delightful arts invented by the human mind). The early opera com- 
posers did not rediscover Greek drama, but they began to develop 
a form the significance of which has not been exceeded in the history 
of music. 


1 Preface to Dafne. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 
Edited by JOHN D. BERGSAGEL 


GENERAL 


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APEL, WILLI: The Notation of Polyphonic Music, 900-1600. 4th ed. (Cambridge, 
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music examples. 

EISENRING, GEORG: Zur Geschichte des mehrstimmigen Proprium Missae bis um 
1560 (Düsseldorf, 1913). 

FERAND, ERNST: Die Improvisation in der Musik (Zürich, 1938). 

—— Die Improvisation in Beispielen aus neun Jahrhunderten abendländischer 
Musik (Cologne, 1956). 

GRour, DoNALD J.: A History of Western Music (New York, 1960). 

Haas, ROBERT: Aufführungspraxis der Musik (Potsdam, 1931). 

—— Die Musik des Barocks (Potsdam, 1928). 

HANDSCHIN, Jacques: Musikgeschichte im Überblick (Lucerne, 1948). 
HAWKINS, SIR JOHN: A General History of the Science and Practice of Music 
(1776). 2nd ed., 2 vols. (London, 1853), reprinted (New York, 1963). 
HUIZINGA, JOHAN: ‘The Problem of the Renaissance’, Men and Ideas (London, 

1960). 

ILLiNG, CArL-HEINZ: Zur Technik der Magnificat-Komposition des 16. Jahrhun- 

derts (Wolfenbüttel and Berlin, 1936). 


846 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


КАРЕ, Отто: Die ältere Passionkomposition bis zum Jahre 1631 (Gütersloh, 1893). 

КАНІ, WILLE: ‘Das Geschichtsbewußtsein in der Musikanschauung der 
italienischen Renaissance und des deutschen Humanismus’, Hans Albrecht 
in Memoriam (Kassel, 1962). 

Kınsky, GEORG: A History of Music in Pictures (London, 1930). 

KROYER, THEODOR: ‘Von der Musica Reservata', Festschrift für Heinrich Wölf- 
Ліп (Dresden, 1934), 

LARUE, JAN, ed.: Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music. A Birthday Offering 
to Gustave Reese (New York, 1966; London, 1967). 

LEICHTENTRITT, HuGo: Geschichte der Motette (Leipzig, 1908). 

LESURE, FRANGOIS, ed.: La Renaissance dans les provinces du Nord (Paris, 1956). 

—— Repertoire international des sources musicales, i. Recueils imprimés, XVI’- 
XVII siècles, i: Liste chronologique (Munich and Duisburg, 1960). 

LiPPHARDT, WALTHER: Die Geschichte des mehrstimmigen Proprium Missae 
(Heidelberg, 1950). 

LowiNskv, EDWARD E.: ‘The Concept of Physical and Musical Space in the 
Renaissance’, Papers of the American Musicological Society for 1941 (New 
York, 1946). 

—— ‘Early Scores in Manuscript’, Journal of the American Musicological 
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—— ‘The Medici Codex: A Document of Music, Art and Politics in the Re- 
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—— Nicola Vicentino: L'antica musica, ridotta alla moderna prattica (1555). 
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—  Tonality and Atonality in Sixteenth-Century Music (Berkeley, California, 1916). 

MEIER, BERNHARD :*Reservata-Probleme. Ein Bericht’, Acta Musicologica, xxx 
(1958). 

MENDEL, ARTHUR: ‘Pitch in the 16th and Early 17th Centuries’, Musical Quar- 
terly, xxiv (1948). 

MERSENNE, MARIN: Harmonie Universelle (1636). Facs. ed., 3 vols. (Paris, 1963). 

MILLER, CLEMENT A.: “The “Dodecachordon”: Its Origins and Influence on 
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—— ed.: Heinrich Glareanus: Dodecachordon, 2 vols. (American Institute of 
Musicology, 1965). 

MULLER-BLATTAU, J.: Das Verhältnis von Wort und Ton in der Geschichte der 
Musik (Stuttgart, 1952). 

PALISCA, CLAUDE V.: ‘Scientific Empiricism in Musical Thought’, Seventeenth 
Century Science and the Arts (Princeton, 1961). 

Pirro, ANDRE: Histoire de la musique de la ën du XIV* siècle à la fin du XVI 
(Paris, 1940). 

REESE, GUsTAVE: Music in the Renaissance. Rev. ed. (New York, 1959). 

RIEMANN, HuGo: Geschichte der Musiktheorie im IX-XIX Jahrhundert. 2nd ed. 
(Leipzig, 1921). English translation by Raymond Haggh (Lincoln, Nebraska, 
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— — Handbuch der Musikgeschichte. 2nd ed., vol. ii, 1 and 2 (Leipzig, 1920). 

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WAGNER, PETER: ‘Aus der Musik-Geschichte des deutschen Humanismus’, 
Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, iii (1920-1). 

—— Geschichte der Messe, i (Leipzig, 1913). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 847 
WALKER, D. P.: "Musical Humanism in the 16th and early 17th Centuries', 


WOLF, JOHANNES: Geschichte der Musik in allgemeinverständlicher Form. 3 vols. 
2nd ed. (Leipzig, 1934). 

Worr, R. E.: ‘The Aesthetic Problem of the “Renaissance” ', Revue belge de 
musicologie, ix (1955). 

Wo rr, Н. CHR.: ‘Die geistlichen Oden des Georg Tranoscius und die Oden- 
komposition des Humanismus', Die Musikforschung, vi (1953). 


CHAPTER I 


THE FRENCH POLYPHONIC CHANSON 

(i) Sources 

ALBRECHT, Hans: Das Chorwerk, xv. Johannes Lupi: Zehn weltliche Lieder zu 
vier Stimmen (Wolfenbüttel, 1932); Ixi. Zwölf französische Lieder aus 
Jacques Moderne: Le Parangon des chansons (Wolfenbüttel, 1957). 

BERNET KEMPERS, K. PH.: Corpus mensurabilis musicae, iv. Jacobus Clemens non 
Papa: Opera Omnia, x, xi. Chansons (American Institute of Musicology, 1962, 
1965). 

BESSELER, HEINRICH: Das Chorwerk, xiii. Orlando di Lasso, Madrigale und 
Chansons (Wolfenbüttel, 1931). 

BOETTICHER, WOLFGANG: Orlando di Lasso: Sämtliche Werke. Neue Reihe, i 
(Kassel and Basle, 1956). 

CAUCHIE, MAURICE: Quinze chansons françaises du ХУТ siècle (Paris, 1926). 

——— Trente chansons de Clément Janequin (Paris, 1928). 

COMMER, FRANZ: Collectio operum musicorum Batavorum saeculi XVI, xii (Berlin, 
1858). 

EITNER, ROBERT: Publikation älterer praktischer und theoretischer Musik- 
werke. Jg. 27 (Bd. xxiii). 60 Chansons (Leipzig, 1899). 

EXPERT, Henry: Florilège du concert vocal de la Renaissance, i-vi and viii 
(Paris, 1928-9). 

—— La Fleur des musiciens de P. de Ronsard (Paris, 1923). 

—— Les Mattres musiciens de la Renaissance francaise, iii, v, vii, x, xii-xix (Paris, 
1896-1904). 

—— Les Monuments de la musique francaise au temps de la Renaissance, i, iii, 
iv-v (Paris, 1924-6). 

HELM, E. B.: Smith College Music Archives, v. The Chansons of J. Arcadelt, i 
(Northampton, Mass., 1942). 

LESURE, F. et al.: Anthologie de la chanson parisienne au XVE siècle (Monaco, 
1953). 

Mairy, L., LA LAURENCIE, L. DE, and THIBAULT, G.: Chansons au luth et airs 
de cour francais du XVF siécle (Paris, 1934). 

MALDEGHEM, R. van: Trésor musical. Musique profane, 29 vols. (Brussels, 1865- 
93). See annotated index by Gustave Reese in Music Library Association, 
Notes (Washington, D.C.), ser. 2, vol. vi (December, 1948). 

SANDBERGER, A.: Orlando di Lasso: Sámmtliche Werke, xii, xiv, xvi (Leipzig, 
1894-1927). 

Seay, ALBERT: Das Chorwerk, Ixxiii. Clément Janequin: Zehn Chansons 
(Wolfenbüttel, 1959); Ixxxii. Pierre Certon: Zehn Chansons (Wolfenbüttel, 

1962). 

SEIFFERT, Max: J. P. Sweelinck: Werken, vii-ix (The Hague and Leipzig, 1899- 
1900). 

VAN DOORSLAER, G.: Philippe de Monte: Opera, xx. Collectio decem carminum 
gallicorum alias Chansons frangaises (Malines, 1932). 


848 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


WALKER, D. P.: Claude Le Jeune: Airs, i (1608) (American Institute of Musi- 
cology, 1951). 


(ii) Books and Articles 


BARTHA Dénes: ‘Probleme der Chansongeschichte im 16. Jahrhundert’, Zeit- 
schrift für Musikwissenschaft, xiii (1931). 

BERNET KEMPERS, K. PH.: ‘Die wallonische und die französische Chanson in 
der ersten Hálfte des 16. Jahrhunderts', International Society for Musical 
Research: First Congress (Liége, 1930) Report (Burnham, 1931). 

BERNSTEIN, LAWRENCE F.: “Claude Gervaise as Chanson Composer’, Journal of 
the American Musicological Society, xviii (1965). 

BOETTICHER, WOLFGANG: ‘Die französische Chansonkomposition Orlando di 
Lassos’, Bericht über den internationalen musikwissenschaftlichen Kongress 
Wien, Mozartjahr 1956 (1959). 

— Orlando di Lasso und seine Zeit (Kassel and Basle, 1958). 

BRENET, MICHEL: Musique et musiciens de la vieille France (Paris, 1911). 

Brown, Howarp: ‘The Chanson rustique: Popular Elements in the 15th, and 
16th-century Chanson’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, xii 
(1959). 

CAUCHIE, MAURICE: ‘Clément Janequin: recherches sur sa famille et sur lui-même’, 
Revue de musicologie, iv (1923). 

—— ‘Documents pour servir à une biographie de Guillaume Costeley’, Revue de 
musicologie, vii (1926). 

— ‘Les Chansons à trois voix de Pierre Cléreau’, Revue de musicologie, viii 
(1927). 

—— ‘Les deux plus anciens recueils de chansons polyphoniques imprimés en 
France', Revue de musicologie, v (1924). 

Dnoz, E.: *Les Chansons de Nicolas de la Grotte', Revue de musicologie, viii 
(1927). 

—— ‘Guillaume Boni de Saint-Flour en Auvergne, musicien de Ronsard’, 
Mélanges offerts à M. Abel Lefranc (Paris, 1936). 

ErrNER, ROBERT: *Jacob Arcadelt', Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte, xix (1887). 

GLÄSEL, RUDOLF: Zur Geschichte der Battaglia (Diss. Leipzig, 1931). 

HAAR, JAMES, ed.: Chanson and Madrigal, 1480-1530 (Cambridge, Mass., 1964). 

Нем, E. B.: “The Sixteenth-Century French Chanson’, Proceedings of the 
Music Teachers National Association, xxxvi (1942). 

HERTZMANN, ERICH: Adrian Willaert in der weltlichen Vokalmusik seiner Zeit 
(Leipzig, 1931). 

— — ‘Trends in the Development of the Chanson in the early 16th Century’, 
Papers of the American Musicological Society, 1940 (1946). 

JACQUOT, JEAN, ed.: Fétes et cérémonies au temps de Charles Quint (Paris, 1960). 

—— Musique et poésie au XVE siècle (Paris, 1954). 

Laroy, L.: ‘La Chanson au XVI* siècle’, Revue musicale, i (1901). 

Lesure, Francois: ‘Autour de Clément Marot et de ses musiciens’, Revue de 
musicologie, xxxiii (1951). 

— ‘Les Chansons à trois voix de Clément Janequin’, Revue de musicologie, 
xliv (1959). 

— ‘Clément Janequin: Recherches sur sa vie et ses oeuvres’, Musica Disciplina, 
v (1951). 

—— ‘Pierre Attaingnant: notes et documents’, Musica Disciplina, iii (1949). 

—— Poets and Musicians of the French Renaissance (New York, 1955). 

LEVRON, JACQUES: Clément Janequin, musicien de la Renaissance (Grenoble and 
Paris, 1948). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 849 


Levy, KENNETHJ.: *Susanneun jour”. The History ofa 16th-Century Chanson’ 
Annales musicologiques, i (1953). 

—— ‘Costeley’s Chromatic Chanson’, Annales musicologiques, iii (1955). 

MASSON, PAUL-MARIE: ‘L’Humanisme musical en France au ХУГ siècle: Essai 
sur la musique “ mesurée à 1 antique "", R.].M.: Revue musicale mensuelle, 
iii (1907). 

Morgay, R.: ‘L’Avenément du lyrisme au temps de la Renaissance’, Humanisme 
et Renaissance, iii (Paris, 1936). 

OEBEL, M.: Beiträge zu einer Monographie über Jean de Castro (Bonn, 1928). 

PARKINSON, J. A.: ‘A Chanson by Claudin de Sermisy’, Music and Letters, xxxix 
(1958). 

POULAILLE, H.: La Fleur des chansons d'amour au XVE siècle (Paris, 1943). 

QUITTARD, HENRI: '*L'Hortus Musarum" de 1552-53 et les arrangements de 
pieces polyphoniques pour voix seule et luth', Sammelbände der inter- 
nationalen Musikgesellschaft, viii (1906—7). 

SCHMIDT-GÖRG, J.: Nicolas Gombert, Kapellmeister Karls V: Leben und Werk 
(Bonn, 1938). 

SEAY, ALBERT: ‘Poetry and Music in the French Chanson of the Renaissance’, 
The Consort, No. 20 (1963). 

SILLIMAN, A. C.: ‘“Responce” and “Replique” in Chansons published by 
Tylman Susato, 1543-1550’, Revue belge de musicologie, xvi (1962). 

THIBAULT, G.: ‘Les Amours de P. de Ronsard, mises en musique par Jean de 
Maletty (1578)', Mélanges de musicologie offerts à M. Lionel de la Laurencie 
(Paris, 1933). 

—— and PERCEAU, L.: Bibliographie des poésies de P. de Ronsard mises en 
musique au XVF siécle (Paris, 1941). 

TIERSOT, JULIEN: ‘Ronsard et la musique de son temps’, Sammelbände der inter- 
nationalen Musikgesellschaft, iv (1902-3). 

TROTTER, ROBERT MOORE: “The Chansons of Thomas Crecquillon: Texts and 
Forms', Revue belge de musicologie, xiv (1960). 

VAN DEN BORREN, CHARLES: Orlande de Lassus (Paris, 1920). 

—— ‘Quelques notes sur les chansons françaises et les madrigaux italiens de 
J. P. Sweelinck’, Gedenkboek aangeboden aan Dr. D. F. Scheurleer (The 

Hague, 1925). . 

Roland de Lassus (Brussels, 1943). 

VAN DEN SIGTENHORST MEYER, B.: De vocale Muziek van Jan P. Sweelinck (The 
Hague, 1948). ` 

VAN DOORSLAER, G.: La Vie et les euvres de Philippe de Monte (Brussels, 1921). 

VERCHALY, ANDRE: ‘Desportes et la musique’, Annales musicologiques, ii (1954). 

WALKER, D. P.: ‘The Aims of Baif's Académie de Poésie et de Musique’, 
Journal of Renaissance and Baroque Music, i (1946). 

—— ‘The Influence of Musique mesurée à l'antique, particularly on the Airs de 
cour of the early Seventeenth Century', Musica Disciplina, ii (1948). 

—— ‘Musical Humanism in the 16th and early 17th Centuries’, Music Review, 
ii (1941) and iii (1942). 

—— ‘Some Aspects and Problems of Musique mesurée à l'antique', Musica 
Disciplina, iv (1950). 

and Lesure, F.: ‘Claude Le Jeune and Musique mesurée’, Musica Disciplina, 
iii (1949). 

WAUTERS, E.: Jean Guyot de Chátelet, musicien de la Renaissance: sa vie et son 
«uvre (Brussels, 1944). 

YATES, F. A.: The French Academies of the Sixteenth Century (London, 
1947). 


850 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


CHAPTER II 


THE SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MADRIGAL 

(i) Sources 

ANGLÈS, Шош: Monumentos de la musica española, iv. Vásquez, Recopilación de 
Sonetos y Villancicos, 1560 (Barcelona, 1946). 

ARKWRIGHT, G. E. P.: Old English Edition, xi-xii. Ferrabosco, Madrigals from 
* Musica Transalpina’ (London, 1894). 

ARNOLD, Dents: Luca Marenzio: Ten Madrigals for mixed voices (London, 1966). 

AROCA, D. J.: Cancionéro musical y poético del siglo XVII (Madrid, 1916). 

BENVENUTI, G.: Istituzioni e monumenti dell'arte musicale italiana, i (Milan, 
1931). 

Волісн, D. H.: Thomas Morley: Two-part canzonets (Oxford, 1950). 

CASIMIRI, R.: С. P. da Palestrina: Le opere complete, ix and xxix (Rome, 1940 
and 1957). 

EINSTEIN, ALFRED: The Golden Age of the Madrigal (New York, 1942). 

—— The Italian Madrigal, iii (Princeton, 1949). 

—— Publikationen älterer Musik, iv, vi. Luca Marenzio: Sämtliche Werke, 
i, ii (Leipzig, 1929 and 1931). 

ENGEL, Hans: Anthology of Music, iii. The Sixteenth-Century Part Song in Italy, 
France, England and Spain (Cologne, 1961). 

—— Marenzio, Villanellen (Kassel, 1928). 

FELLOWES, E. H.: The Collected Vocal Works of William Byrd, xii-xvi (London, 
1948-9). | 

— The English Madrigal School, 36 vols. (London, 1914-24); revised edition, 
The English Madrigalists, by Thurston Dart and others (1958- A 

HABERL, F. X.: Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrinas Werke, xxviii and xxix (Leipzig, 
1883 and 1884). 

HERMANN, W.: Gastoldis Balletti a tre voci, 3 vols. (Berlin, 1927). 

HERTZMANN, ERICH: Das Chorwerk, уйй. Adrian Willaert und andere Meister, 
Volkstümliche italienische Lieder (Wolfenbüttel, 1930). 

HESELTINE, Рнпір: Whythorne, Eleven * Songes of fower and five voyces’ (London, 
1927). 

D’INDY, VINCENT: Salomone Rossi (Ebreo), Choix de 22 madrigaux (Paris, 1877). 

KAUFMANN, HENRY W.: Corpus mensurabilis musicae, xxvi. Nicola Vicentino: 
Collected Works (American Institute of Musicology, 1963). 

MACCLINTOCK, CAROL: Corpus mensurabilis musicae, xxiv. Giaches de Wert: 
Opera Omnia, i-iii (American Institute of Musicology, 1961- A 

MALDEGHEM, R. van: Trésor musical. Musique profane, 29 vols. (Brussels, 
1865-93). 

MALIPIERO, G. F.: Tutte le opere di Claudio Monteverdi, i-x (Vienna, 1926-9). 

MEIER, BERNHARD: Das Chorwerk, lviii. Jakob Arcadelt und andere Meister, 
Sechs italienische Madrigale (Wolfenbüttel, 1956). 

— — Das Chorwerk, \xxxviii. Giovan Nasco und andere Meister, Fünf (Petrarca) 
Madrigale (Wolfenbüttel, 1962). 

MITJANA, RAFAEL: Cancionero de Uppsala (Uppsala, 1909). New edition by Jesús 
Bal y Gay (Mexico, 1944). 

MOMPELLIO, F.: L. Marenzio, Madrigali a 5 e 6 v. (Milan, 1953). 

Noske, Fnrrs: Monumenta Musica Neerlandica, v. Cornelis Thymanszoon Pad- 
brue. Nederlandse madrigalen (Amsterdam, 1962). 

PEDRELL, F., and ANGLPs, H.: Els Madrigals i la Missa de Difunts d'En Brudieu 


(Barcelona, 1921). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 851 


PizzETTI, I.: I classici della musica italiana, xiv. Gesualdo da Venosa, Madrigali 
(Milan, 1919). 

QUEROL GAVALDÁ, MIGUEL: Romances y letras a tres vozes (Barcelona, 1956). 

SANDBERGER, ADOLF: Orlando di Lasso: Sämtliche Werke, ii, iv, vi, viii, x 
(Leipzig, 1895-9). 

SMITH, G. P.: Smith College Music Archives, vi. The Madrigals of Cipriano de 
Rore for 3 and 4 voices (Northampton, Mass., 1943). 

SQUIRE, BARCLAY: Ausgewählte Madrigale, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1903-13). 

THERSTAPPEN, J.: Das Chorwerk, xxxiv, xxxvii, xli. Orlando Lasso, Busstränen des 
Heiligen Petrus (Wolfenbüttel, 1935—6). 

Torc, Luici: L'arte musicale in Italia, i, ii (Milan, 1897- ). 

VAN DOORSLAER, G.: Philippi de Monte Opera, vi, xix, xxv (Bruges, 1927-39). 

VATIELLI, FRANCESCO: Madrigali di Carlo Gesualdo, Principe di Venosa (Rome, 
1942). 

VERGILI, L.: Madrigalisti italiani, i- (Rome, 1952-  ). 

WEISMANN, W.: Gesualdo da Venosa, Sechs Madrigale (Leipzig, 1931). 

——— Gesualdo di Venosa, Madrigale, i-vi (Leipzig and Hamburg, 1957-62). 

WioRA, WALTER: Das Chorwerk, v. Adrian Willaert und andere Meister, 
Italienische Madrigale (Wolfenbüttel, 1930). 


(ii) Books and Articles 


ARNOLD, Denis: ‘Thomas Weelkes and the Madrigal’, Music and Letters, xxxi 
(1950). 

——- ‘Croce and the English Madrigal’, Music and Letters, xxxv (1954). 

——— ‘Gastoldi and the English Ballett’, Monthly Musical Record, \xxxvi (1956). 

——— ‘“Seconda Pratica": a Background to Monteverdi's Madrigals’, Music 
and Letters, xxxviii (1957). . 

—— Marenzio (London, 1965). 

BOETTICHER, W.: Orlando di Lasso und seine Zeit (Kassel and Basle, 1958). 

—— ‘Über einige neue Werke aus Orlando di Lassos mittlerer Madrigal- 
und Motettenkomposition (1567-1569)’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, xxii 
(1965). 

BoNroux, G.: La Chanson en Angleterre au temps d' Elisabeth (Oxford, 1936). 

Brown, Davip: ‘William Byrd's 1588 Volume’, Music and Letters, xxxviii (1957). 

CARAPETYAN, ARMEN: ‘The Concept of the “Imitazione della natura" in the 
Sixteenth Century’, Journal of Renaissance and Baroque Music, i (1946). 

—— ‘The “Musica Nova" of Adriano Willaert’, Journal of Renaissance and 
Baroque Music, i (1946). 

CzsaRI, G.: Die Entstehung des Madrigals іт 16. Jahrhundert (Cremona, 1908). 
Revised as ‘Le origini del madrigale cinquecentesco', Rivista musicale 
italiana, xix (1912). 

CIMBRO, A.: ‘I madrigali di Cl. Monteverdi’, Musica, ii (Florence, 1943). 

CLERCX, SUZANNE: ‘Jean de Macque et l'évolution du madrigalisme à la fin 
du ХУГ siècle’, Festschrift für Schmidt-Görg (Bonn, 1957). 

CoLLET, ROBERT: ‘John Wilbye: Some Aspects of his Music’, The Score, no. 4 

1951). 

EA Zu A.: Le relazioni storiche della poesia e della musica italiana 
(Turin, 1936). 

DENT, E. J.: ‘Notes on the “Amfiparnasso” of Orazio Vecchi’, Sammelbände der 
internationalen Musikgesellschaft, xii (1911). 

—— ‘The “Laudi spirituali" in the XVIth and XVIIth Centuries’, Proceedings 
of the Musical Association, xliii (1917). 


852 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Dent, E. J.: ‘William Byrd and the Madrigal’, Festschrift für Johannes Wolf 
(Berlin, 1929). 

——— ‘The Musical Form of the Madrigal’, Music and Letters, xi (1930). 

Dom ELLINOR: Marc'Antonio Ingegneri als Madrigalkomponist (Hanover, 
1936). 

EINSTEIN, ALFRED: ‘Claudio Merulos Ausgabe der Madrigale des Verdelot’, 
Sammelbände der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, viii (1907). 

—— ‘Augenmusik im Madrigal’, Zeitschrift der internationalen Musikgesell- 
schaft, xiv (1912). 

——- *Die Parodie in der Villanella', Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, ii (1920). 

—— ‘Dante im Madrigal’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, iii (1921). 

—— ‘Filippo di Monte als Madrigalkomponist', International Society for Musical 
Research. First Congress (Liege, 1930) Report (Burnham, 1931). 

— ‘Italian Madrigal Verse, 1500-1600’, Proceedings of the Musical Association, 
Ixiii (1937). 

— — ‘Narrative Rhythm in the Madrigal’, Musical Quarterly, xxix (1943). 

—— ‘The Elizabethan Madrigal and "Musica Transalpina” ', Music and Letters, 
xxv (1944). 

— — ‘Bibliography of Italian Secular Vocal Music’ (a revision of Vogel's book, 
q.v.), Music Library Association Notes, ii-v (1945-8). 

——— The Italian Madrigal, 3 vols. (Princeton, 1949). 

Errner, ROBERT: ‘Adrian Willaert’, Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte, xix (1887). 

— — ‘Jacob Arcadelt', Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte, xix (1887). 

— — ‘Cipriano de Rore’, Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte, xxi (1889). 

ENGEL, Hans: ‘Marenzios Madrigale’, Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, vii 
(1935). 

— — *Marenzios Madrigale und ihre dichterischen Grundlagen’, Acta Musico- 
logica, viii (1936) and ix (1937). 

— — *Die Entstehung des italienischen Madrigals und die Niederländer’, Kon- 
gress-Bericht: Utrecht 1952 (Amsterdam, 1953). 

—-— Luca Marenzio (Florence, 1957). 

— — ‘Werden und Wesen des Madrigals', Kongress-Bericht Köln 1958 (Kassel 
and Basle, 1959). 

FELLERER, К. G.: “Beziehungen zwischen geistlicher und weitlicher Musik im 
16. Jahrhundert', International Musicological Society, Report of the Eighth 
Congress, New York, 1961, 2 vols. (Kassel, 1961—2). 

FELLOWES, E. H.: English Madrigal Composers (Oxford, 1921). 

— English Madrigal Verse (Oxford, 1920). 

Orlando Gibbons and his Family (London, 2nd. ed. 1951). 

—— William Byrd (London, 2nd. ed. 1948). 

FERAND, E.: ‘Die *Motetti, Madrigali et Canzoni Francese. .. . Diminuiti . . ." 
des Giovanni Bassano (1591)’, Festschrift Helmuth Osthoff zum 65. Geburts- 
tag (Tutzing, 1961). 

——— ** Anchor che col partire": Die Schicksale eines berühmten Madrigals’, 
Festschrift Karl Gustav Fellerer (Ratisbon, 1962). 

von FICKER, RUDOLF: “Beiträge zur Chromatik des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts’, 
Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, ii (Leipzig and Vienna, 1914). 

Frey, HERMAN-WALTHER: *Michelagniolo und die Komponisten seiner Mad- 
rigale’, Acta Musicologica, xxiv (1952). 

Gatutco, CLaupio: Un canzoniere musicale italiano del cinquecento (Florence, 
1961). 

GEROLD, THÉODORE: L’ Art du chant en France au ХУІ siècle (Strasbourg, 1921). 

GLÄSEL, RUDOLF: Zur Geschichte der Battaglia (Diss. Leipzig, 1931). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 853 


Gray, C.; and HESELTINE, P.: Carlo Gesualdo, Prince of Venosa: Musician and 
Murderer (Oxford, 1926). 

HAAR, JAMES: ‘The “Note Меге” Madrigal’, Journal of the American Musico- 
logical Society, xviii (1965). 

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HERTZMANN, ERICH: Adrian Willaert in der weltlichen Vokalmusik seiner Zeit 
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HEURICH, HuGo: John Wilbye in seinen Madrigalen (Augsburg, 1931). 

Heuss, ALFRED: ‘Ein Beitrag zu dem Thema: Monteverdi als Charakteristiker in 
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Hor, J. C.: ‘Cipriano de Rore’, Festschrift für Karl Nef (Zürich and Leipzig, 
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——- Horatio Vecchis weltliche Werke (Strasbourg, 1934). 

Horsey, IMOGENE: ‘Improvised Embellishment in the Performance of Re- 
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HUBER, K.: Ivo de Vento (Munich, 1917). 

KAUFMANN, HENRY W.: Nicola Vicentino (1511—1576): Life and Works (American 
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KEINER, F.: Die Madrigale des Gesualdo di Venosa (Leipzig, 1914). 

KERMAN, JOSEPH: ‘Elizabethan Anthologies of Italian Madrigals’, Journal of the 
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— ‘Master Alfonso and the English Madrigal’, Musical Quarterly, xxxviii 
(1952). 

—— ‘Morley and the “Triumphs of Oriana” ', Music and Letters, xxxiv (1953). 

—— The Elizabethan Madrigal (New York, 1962). 

KinkeLpey, Отто: * Luzzasco Luzzaschis Solo-Madrigale mit Klavierbegleitung’, 
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Кім, EDITH: Studien zur Geschichte des italienischen Liedmadrigals im XVI. 
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KLEFISCH, W.: Arcadelt als Madrigalist (Cologne, 1938). 

Kroyer, THEODOR: Die Anfänge der Chromatik im italienischen Madrigal des 
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LEICHTENTRITT, HuGo: ‘Claudio Monteverdi als Madrigalkomponist', Sammel- 
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МҮТЈАМА, RAFAEL: Estudios sobre algunos músicos españoles del siglo XVI 
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OBERTELLO, ALFREDO: Madrigali italiani in Inghilterra (Milan, 1949). 

PALISCA, CLAUDE V.: ‘Vicenzo Galilei and some Links between "Pseudo- 
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854 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


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SCHRADE, LEO: Monteverdi, Creator of Modern Music (New York, 1950). 

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WEISMANN, WILHELM: ‘Die Madrigale des Carlo Gesualdo’, Deutsches Jahrbuch 
der Musikwissenschaft, v (1960). 

WESTRUP, J. A.: ‘Monteverdi and the Madrigal’, The Score, no. 1 (1949). 


^5 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 855 


ZIMMERMAN, FRANKLIN B.: ‘Italian and English Traits in the Music of Thomas 
Morley’, Anuario musical, xiv (1959). 


CHAPTER III 


GERMAN POLYPHONIC SECULAR SONG 


(i) Sources 

AMELN, KONRAD: Leonhard Lechner-Werke. Vorabdruck aus vol. v, Italienische 
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BLUME, FRIEDRICH: Das Chorwerk, li. Lambert de Sayve und Michael Praetorius, 
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EITNER, ROBERT, ERK, LUDWIG, and KADE, Отто: Publikation älterer praktischer 
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Gedichte zu Johann Ott’s Liedersammlung von 1544 (Berlin, 1876). 

ErrNER, ROBERT: Ibid., viii. Heinrich und Hermann Finck, Auswahl von geistlichen 
und weltlichen Liedern, Hymnen und Motetten (Leipzig, 1879); xxix. Georg 
Forster, Der Zweite Teil der kurtzweiligen guten frischen teutschen Liedlein 
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ENGEL, Hans: Paul Kugelmann, Sieben teutsche Liedlein, 1558 (Kassel, 
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FELLERER, KARL Gustav: Das Chorwerk, lxxv. Anton Gosswin, Newe teutsche 
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GEERING, ARNOLD, and ALTWEGG, WILHELM: Das Erbe deutscher Musik, Reichs- 
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(Wolfenbüttel, 1938-40); ibid. iii (Sämtliche Werke, v), (Wolfenbüttel, 
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GERBER, RUDOLF: Das Erbe deutscher Musik, xxix. Johann Jeep, Studenten- 
gärtlein (Wolfenbüttel, 1958). 

GOEDEKE, KARL: Grundriß zur Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung, ii (Dresden, 
1886). 

GRUSNICK, BRUNO: Das Chorwerk, xxxviii. Melchior Franck, Musikalische 
Bergreihen ( Wolfenbüttel, 1936). 

GUDEWILL, K.: Das Chorwerk, liii, Melchior Franck, Drei Quodlibets (Wolfen- 
büttel, 1956); Ixiii. Zehn weltliche Lieder aus Georg Forster: Frische teutsche 
Liedlein HI-V (Wolfenbüttel, 1957). 

——- and Heıske, WiLHELM: Das Erbe deutscher Musik, Reichsdenkmale, xx. 
Georg Forster, Frische teutsche Liedlein (1539—56), i. Ein Außzug guter alter 
und neuer teutscher Liedlein, 1539 (Wolfenbüttel, 1942). 


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LILIENCRON, RocHUS VON: Deutsches Leben im Volkslied um 1530 (Berlin, 
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MARRIAGE, M. ELIZABETH: Georg Forsters Frische Teutsche Liedlein in fünf 
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Nr. 203-6 (Halle, 1903). 

MARTIN, Uwe: Leonhard Lechner-Werke, iii. Newe teutsche Lieder mit vier und 
fünf Stimmen, 1577 (Kassel, 1954). 

Moser, HANS ЈОАСНІМ: Gassenhawerlin und Reutterliedlein zu Franckenfurt am 
Meyn, bei Christian Egenolf 1535. Facs. ed. (Augsburg, 1927). 

Corydon, das ist: Geschichte des mehrstimmigen Generalbafliedes und des 

Quodlibets im deutschen Barock, ii (Brunswick, 1933). 

Nowak, корор: Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, xxxvii, 2. Das deutsche 
Gesellschaftslied in Österreich von 1480-1550 (Vienna, 1930). 

OSTHOFF, HELMUTH: Jacob Regnart, Deutsche Lieder mit fünf Stimmen vom Jahre 
1580 (Kassel, 1928). 

——— Das Musikwerk, x. Das deutsche Chorlied vom 16. Jahrhundert bis zur 
Gegenwart (Cologne, n.d.). 

PIERSIG, Fritz: Reutterische und Jegerische Liedlein durch M. Caspar Othmayr 
mit vier Stimmen componirt, Nürnberg 1549, 2 vols. (Wolfenbüttel, 1928-33). 

PRÜFER, ARTHUR: Johann Hermann Scheins Werke, i. Venuskränzlein, Wittenberg 
1609 und Banchetto musicale, Leipzig 1617; ii. Musica boscareccia oder 
Waldliederlein, 3 Teile, 1621-1628; iii. Diletti pastorali (Hirtenlust), Leipzig 
1624 und Studentenschmau à 5, Leipzig 1626 (Leipzig, 1901 ff.). 

REICHERT, GEORG: Das Erbe deutscher Musik, Sonderreihe iii. Erasmus Widmann, 
Ausgewählte Werke (Mainz, 1959). 

Sachs, Hans, and PFALZ, ANTON: Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, Ixxxvii. 
Nicolaus Zangius, Geistliche und weltliche Gesänge (Vienna, 1951). 

SANDBERGER, ADOLF: Orlando di Lasso: Sämtliche Werke, xviii, xx. Komposi- 
tionen mit deutschem Text (Leipzig, 1909-10). 

SCHMID, ERNST FRITZ: Leonhard Lechner, Newe teutsche Lieder mit fünff und 
vier Stimmen, 1582 (Augsburg, 1926). 

—— Leonhard Lechner-Werke, ix. Neue lustige teutsche Lieder nach Art der 
Welschen Canzonen mit vier Stimmen, 1586-88 (Kassel, 1958). 

SCHMITZ, EUGEN: Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Bayern, viii, 1. Johann Staden, 
Ausgewählte Werke, ii (Leipzig, 1907). 

SCHWARTZ, RUDOLF: Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Bayern, v, 2. Werke Hans 
Leo Hasslers, ii. Canzonette von 1590 und Neue teutsche Gesang von 1596 
(Leipzig, 1904). 

—— Ibid., xi, 1. Werke Hans Leo Hasslers, iii. Madrigale zu 5,6,7 und 8 Stimmen 
von 1596 (Leipzig, 1910). 

Spitra, РНПІРР: Heinrich Schütz, Sámmtliche Werke, ix. Italiänische Madrigale 
(Leipzig, 1890); xv. Gesammelte Motetten, Concerte, Madrigale und Arien 
(Leipzig, 1893). 

SrANGL, KURT: Das Erbe deutscher Musik, Sonderreihe i. Christoph Demantius, 
Neue Teutsche Weltliche Lieder, 1595. Convivalium Concentuum Farrago, 
1609 (Kassel, 1954). 

VETTER, WALTHER: Das frühdeutsche Lied, ii (Münster, 1928). 

ZELLE, FRIEDRICH: Publikation älterer praktischer und theoretischer Musikwerke, 
xv. Hans Leo Hassler, Lustgarten Neuer Teutscher Gesäng, Nürnberg 1601 
(Leipzig, 1887). 

ZENCK, HERMANN: Das Erbe deutscher Musik, Landschaftsdenkmale Nieder- 
sachsen, i. Johannes Schultz, Musikalischer Lüstgarte, 1622 (Wolfenbüttel, 
1937). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 857 
(ii) Books and Articles 


ABERT, HERMANN: *Entstehung und Wurzeln des begleiteten deutschen Solo- 
liedes’, Gesammelte Schriften und Vorträge, ed. F. Blume (Halle, 1929). 

ALBRECHT, HANS: Caspar Othmayr. Leben und Werk (Kassel, 1950). 

BAUMANN, A.: Das deutsche Lied und seine Bearbeitung in den frühen Orgeltabu- 
laturen (Kassel, 1934). 

Вена, Lupwic: Die deutschen Gesänge Orlando di Lassos (Diss. Würzburg, 
1935). 

BIENENFELD, Exsa: ‘Wolfgang Schmeltzl, sein Liederbuch (1544) und das Quod- 
libet des 16. Jahrhunderts’, Sammelbände der internationalen Musikgesell- 
schaft, vi (1904). 

DAHMEN, ELISABETH: Die Wandlungen des weltlichen deutschen Liedstils im 
Zeitraum des 16. Jahrhunderts (Botropp i. W., 1934). 

ErrwER, ROBERT: ‘Das ältere deutsche mehrstimmige Lied und seine Meister’, 
Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte, xxv-xxvi (1893-4). 

——— ‘Das deutsche Lied im mehrstimmigen Tonsätze aus der ersten Hälfte des 
16. Jahrhunderts’, ibid., xxxvii (1905). 

ENGEL, Hans: ‘Etliche Teutsche Liedlein geistlich und weltlich. Paul Kugelmanns 
Königsberger Sammlung von 1558, ein Spätling deutschen Gesellschafts- 
liedes’, Ostpreußische Musik (Königsberg, 1937). 

GEERING, ARNOLD: ‘Die Vokalmusik in der Schweiz zur Zeit der Reformation’, 
Schweizerisches Jahrbuch für Musikwissenschaft, vi (1933). 

——— ‘Textierung und Besetzung in Senfls Liedern’, Archiv für Musikforschung, iv 
(1939). 

GUDEWILL, Kunr: ‘Die deutschen Liedersammiungen des 15. und 16. Jahrbun- 
derts als Zeugnisse bürgerlicher Musikkultur’, Deutsche Musikkultur, vii 
(1942-3). 

—— ‘Zur Frage der Formstrukturen deutscher Liedtenores’, Die Musikfor- 
schung, i (1948). 

—— ‘Identifizierungen von anonymen und mehrfach zugewiesenen Kom- 
positionen in deutschen Liederdrucken aus der 1. Hälfte des 16. Jahrhun- 
derts’, Fontes Artis Musicae, iv (1957). 

—— “Beziehungen zwischen Modus und Melodiebildung in deutschen Lied- 
tenores’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, xv (1958). 

—— ‘Ursprünge und nationale Aspekte des Quodlibets’, International Musico- 
logical Society: Report ofthe Eighth Congress New York 1961, vol. 1 (Kassel, 
1961). 

KALLENBACH, Hans: Georg Forsters Frische teutsche Liedlein (Diss. Gießen, 
1931). 

Moser, HANS JoACHIM: ‘Renaissancelyrik deutscher Musiker um 1500’, Deutsche 
Vierteljahrsschrift fiir Litteraturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte, v (1927). 

— — ‘Hans Ott's erstes Liederbuch’, Acta Musicologica, vii (1935). 

—— ‘Das Chorlied zwischen Senfl und Hassler’, Jahrbuch der Musikbibliothek 
Peters (1928). 

——— Corydon, das ist: Geschichte des mehrstimmigen Generalbafliedes und des 
Quodlibets im deutschen Barock, i (Brunswick, 1933). 

MULLER, GUNTHER: Geschichte des deutschen Liedes vom Zeitalter des Barock 
bis zur Gegenwart (Munich, 1925). 

Nowak, LEoPoLD: ‘Das deutsche Gesellschaftslied in Österreich von 1480 bis 
1550’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, xvii (1930). 

OBRIST, ALovs: Melchior Franck. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der weltlichen Com- 
position in Deutschland in der Zeit vor dem dreißigjährigen Kriege (Diss. 
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858 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


OSTHOFF, HELMUTH: Die Niederländer und das deutsche Lied (1400-1640) (Berlin, 
1938). 

PRÜFER, ARTHUR: Johann Hermann Schein und das weltliche deutsche Lied des 17. 
Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1908). 

RADECKE, ERNST: ‘Das deutsche weltliche Lied in der Lautenmusik des 16. 
Jahrhunderts’, Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, vii (1891). 

REICHERT, GEORG: Erasmus Widmann (1572-1634). Leben, Wirken und Werke 
eines württembergisch-fränkischen Musikers (Stuttgart, 1951). 

REICHMANN, G.: Johann Eccards weltliche Werke (Diss. Heidelberg, 1923). 

REINHARDT, CARL PHILIPP: Die Heidelberger Liedmeister des 16. Jahrhunderts 
(Kassel, 1939). 

ROSENBERG, HERBERT: ‘Frottola und deutsches Lied um 1500’, Acta Musico- 
logica, xviii-xix (1946-7). 

SCHWARTZ, Ruporr: ‘Hans Leo Hassler unter dem Einfluß der italienischen 
Madrigalisten’, Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, ix (1893). 

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aus dem Jahre 1544’, Bericht über den internationalen musikwissenschaft- 
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URSPRUNG, Отто: ‘Der Weg von den Gelegenheitsgesángen und dem Chorlied 
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wissenschaft, vi (1924). 

VELTEN, RUDOLF: Das ältere deutsche Gesellschaftslied unter dem Einfluß der 
italienischen Musik (Heidelberg, 1914). 

VETTER, WALTHER: Das frühdeutsche Lied. Ausgewählte Kapitel aus der Entwick- 
lungsgeschichte und Ästhetik des ein- und mehrstimmigen Kunstliedes im 17. 
Jahrhundert, i (Münster, 1928). 

Wiora, WALTER: Europäische Volksmusik und abendländische Tonkunst (Kassel, 
1957). 


CHAPTER IV 
SOLO SONG AND CANTATA 
(i) Sources 
BRUGER, H. D.: Alte Lautenkunst aus drei Jahrhunderten, i (Berlin and Leipzig, 
1923). 


—— Schule des Lautenspiels, i (Wolfenbüttel, 1925). 

Cun zsorri, Oscar: Lautenspieler des XVI. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, [1891]. 

FERAND, ERNEST T.: Improvisation in Nine Centuries of Western Music (Cologne, 
1961). 

Noske, Frits: The Solo Song outside German-speaking Countries (Cologne, 1958). 


(ii) Books and Articles 

FERAND, ERNEST: Die Improvisation in der Musik (Zürich, 1938). 

Конм, Max: Die Verzierungs-Kunst in der Gesangs-Musik des 16-17. Jahr- 
hunderts (1535-1650) (Leipzig, 1902). 

LA LAURENCIE, LIONEL DE: Les Luthistes (Paris, 1928). 

STEVENS, Denis, ed.: A History of Song (London, 1960). 

Wo r, JoHANNES: Handbuch der Notationskunde, ii (Leipzig, 1919). 


SPAIN 


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(Madrid, 1923). 

Mon»uy, G.: Les Luthistes espagnols du ХУТ siècle, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1902). 

PEDRELL, FELIPE: Cancionero musical popular español, iii (Barcelona, 1920). 

PujoL, EMILIO: Monumentos de la música española, iii. Luys de Narvaez: Los seys 
libros del Delphin de musica (Barcelona, 1945); vii. Alonso Mudarra: Tres 
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SCHRADE, LEO: Publikationen älterer Musik . . . der deutschen Musikgesellschaft, 
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VILLALBA MuNoz, Luis DE: Diez canciones españolas de los siglos XV y XVI 
(Madrid, n.d.). 


(ii) Books and Articles 

BAL, J.: *Fuenllana and the Transcription of Spanish Lute-music', Acta Musico- 
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PEDRELL, FELIPE: Catälech de la Biblioteca Musical de Diputació de Barcelona, 
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QUEROL GAVALDA, MIGUEL: ‘Importance historique et nationale du romance’, 
Musique et poésie au XVI* siécle (Paris, 1954). 

RIEMANN, Huco: ‘Das Lautenwerk des Miguel de Fuenllana (1554)', Monats- 
hefte für Musikgeschichte, xxvii (1895). 

ROBERTS, JoHN: ‘Some Notes on the Music of the Vihuelistas', The Lute Society 
Journal, vii (1965). 

ST. AMOUR, SISTER M. P.: A Study of the Villancico up to Lope de Vega (Washing- 
ton, D.C., 1940). 

TREND, J. B.: Luis Milan and the Vihuelistas (London), 1925). 

—— The Music of Spanish History to 1600 ([London], 1926). 

ViNDEL, FRANCISCO: Solaces bibliográficos (Madrid, 1942) (for the chapter 
‘Libros espaíioles sobre la vihuela y ghitarra de los siglos XVI al XVIII’). 


ITALY 
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BEDFORD, HERBERT: Giulio Caccini: ‘Deh, dove son fuggiti’ (London, 1924). 
BENVENUTI, GIACOMO: 35 arie di vari autori del secolo XVII (Milan, 1922). 
— — Andrea Falconieri: 17 arie a una voce (Milan, 1921). 
—— Carlo Milanuzzi: 22 arie a una voce (Milan, 1922). 
BOGHEN, F.: Girolamo Frescobaldi: Primo libro d'arie musicali (Rome, 1933). 
BONAVENTURA, ARNALDO: Ariette di Francesca Caccini e Barbara Strozzi (Rome, 
1930). 
Caccini, GIULIO: Le nuove musiche. Facs. ed. (Rome, 1934). 
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CHILESOTTI, O.: Biblioteca di rarità musicali, iii. Giovanni Stefani: Affetti amorosi 
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FELLER, M.: “The New Style of Giulio Caccini', Kongress-Bericht Köln 1958 
(Kassel and Basle, 1959). 

GEVAERT, F. A.: Les Gloires d'Italie, 2 vols. (Paris, [1868]). 

GorwaALs, V., and KEPPLER, P.: Smith College Music Archives, xiii. Paolo 
Quagliati: La sfera armoniosa and Il carro di fedeltà d’ Amore (Northampton, 
Mass., 1957). 

JEPPESEN, KNUD: La Flora, 3 vols. (Copenhagen, 1949). 

MACCLINTOCK, C.: The Wellesley Edition, viii. The Bottegari Lutebook (Wellesley, 
Mass., 1965). 

MALIPIERO, G. F.: Claudio Monteverdi: Tutte le opere, vii, ix-x ([Bologna], 
1928, n.d.). 

MANTICA, F.: Prime fioriture del melodramma italiano, ii. Giulio Caccini: Le 
nuove musiche. Facs. ed. (Rome, 1930). 


— — Piccolo album di musica antica (Milan, n.d.). 

PERINELLO, C.: Raccolta nazionale delle musiche italiane, ix-xii. Giulio Caccini : 
Le nuove musiche (Milan, 1919). 

Ricci, Virrorio: Antiche gemme italiane (Milan, [1910?). 

SPOHR, H.: Musikalische Denkmäler, iv. Girolamo Frescobaldi: Arie musicali 
(Mainz, 1960). 

WALKER, D. P. et al.: Les Fétes du Mariage de Ferdinand de Medicis et de Christine 
de Lorraine, Florence, 1589, i. Musique des Intermédes de ‘La Pellegrina’ 
(Paris, 1963). 


(ii) Books and Articles 


ARNOLD, Denis: Monteverdi (London, 1963). 

ARNOLD, F. T.: The Art of Accompaniment from a Thorough-Bass (Oxford, 1931). 

BONAVENTURA, ARNALDO: ‘Di un'opera di Girolamo Frescobaldi stampata a 
Firenze', Ferrara a Girolamo Frescobaldi, ed. N. Bennati (Ferrara, 1908). 

Boyer, FERDINAND: ‘Giulio Caccini à la cour d’Henri IV (1604-1605) d'aprés 
des lettres inédites', Revue musicale, vii (1926). 

BRIDGMAN, МАМЕ: ‘Giovanni Camillo Maffei et sa lettre sur le chant’, Revue 
de musicologie, xxxviii (1956). 

CALCATERRA, CARLO: Poesia e canto (Bologna, 1951). 

CHILESOTTI, Oscar: ‘Canzonette del seicento con la chitarra', Rivista musicale 
italiana, xvi (1909). 

DENT, EDwARD J.: ‘Italian Chamber Cantatas’, Musical Antiquary, ii (1910-11). 

Dont, G. B. : Compendio del trattato de’ generi e de’ modi della musica (Rome, 1635). 

— — De’ trattati di musica, ed. А. F. Gori, ii (Florence, 1763). 

EnrıcHs, ALFRED: Giulio Caccini (Leipzig, 1908). 

EINSTEIN, ALFRED: ‘Die Arie di Ruggiero', Sammelbände der internationalen 
Musikgesellschaft, xiii (1911-12). 

—— ‘Ein Emissär der Monodie in Deutschland: Francesco Rasi’, Festschrift für 
Johannes Wolf (Berlin, 1929). 

—— The Italian Madrigal, 3 vols. (Princeton, 1949). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 861 


—— ‘Orlando Furioso and La Gerusalemme Liberata as set to music during the 
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FORTUNE, NIGEL: ‘Continuo Instruments in Italian Monodies’, Galpin Society 

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—— ‘A Florentine Manuscript and its Place in Italian Song’, Acta Musicologica, 
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—— ‘Italian Secular Monody from 1600 to 1635: an Introductory Survey’, 
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GALILEI, VINCENZO: Dialogo della musica antica e moderna (Venice, 1581). 
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GANDOLFI, RICCARDO: ' Alcune considerazioni intorno alla riforma melodram- 
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—— Feste musicali della Firenze medicea (1480-1589) (Florence, 1939). 

GOLDSCHMIDT, Huco: Die italienische Gesangsmethode des XVII. Jahrhunderts 
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GoMmßosı, Отто: ‘Italia, patria del basso ostinato’, Rassegna musicale, vii (1934). 

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LEICHTENTRITT, Huco: ‘Der monodische Kammermusikstil in Italien bis gegen 
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MACCLINTOCK, CAROL: ‘A Court Musician's Songbook: Modena MS. C311’, 
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—— ‘The Monodies of Francesco Rasi’, abstract in Journal of the American 
Musicological Society, ix (1956). 

—— ‘The Monodies of Francesco Rasi’, ibid., xiv (1961). 

MARCHAL, ROBERT: ‘Giulio Caccini', Revue musicale, vi (1925). 

MARTIN, HENRIETTE: ‘La “Camerata” du Comte Bardi et la musique fiorentine 
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MASERA, M. G.: 'La famiglia Caccini alla corte di Maria de' Medici', Rassegna 
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Maze, Nancy: ‘Tenbury MS. 1018: a Key to Caccini* s Art of Embellishment', 
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MOMPELLIO, FEDERICO: Sigismondo d’India (Milan, 1956). 

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Netty, PAUL: ‘Uber ein handschriftliches Sammelwerk von Gesängen italie- 
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862 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


PALiscA, CLAUDE V.: Girolamo Mei, Letters on Ancient and Modern Music to 
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PaoLi, DOMENICO ре’: Claudio Monteverdi (Milan, 1945). 

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the Florentine Camerata’, Musical Quarterly, xl (1954). 

——— ‘Tragédie et comédie dans la Camerata fiorentina’, Musique et poésie au 
XVE siècle (Paris, 1954). 

Porter, W. V.: ‘Peri and Corsi’s Dafne: some new discoveries and observations’, 
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PRUNIERES, HENRY: ‘The Italian Cantata of the ХУШ Century’, Music and 
Letters, vii (1926). 

Monteverdi: his life and work. Trans. M. D. Mackie (London, 1926). 

КАСЕК, JAN: Stilprobleme der italienischen Monodie (Prague, 1965). 

RepLich, HANS FERDINAND: Claudio Monteverdi (London, 1952). 

Ronga, Luici: Gerolamo Frescobaldi (Turin, 1930). 

SCHERING, ARNOLD: ‘Zur Geschichte des begleiteten Sologesanges im 16. Jahr- 
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SCHNEIDER, Max: Die Anfänge des Basso Continuo und seiner Bezifferung (Leipzig, 
1918). 

ScHRADE, Leo: Monteverdi: Creator of Modern Music (London, 1951). 

SOLERTI, ANGELO: Musica, ballo e drammatica alla corte medicea, 1600-1637 
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— — Le origini del melodramma (Turin, 1903). 

——— ‘Un viaggio in Francia di Giulio Caccini (1604-1605)’, Rivista musicale 
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VogEL, Emit: Bibliothek der gedruckten weltlichen Vocalmusik Italiens aus den 
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WILLETTS, PAMELA J.: ‘A Neglected Source of Monody and Madrigal’, Music 
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WOTQUENNE, ALFRED: ‘Notice sur le manuscrit 704 (ancien 8750) de la Biblio- 
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GERMANY 
(i) Sources 
PRÜFER, A.: Johann Hermann Scheins Sämtliche Werke, ii (Leipzig, 1904). 
(ii) Books and Articles 
BUCKEN, ERNST: Das deutsche Lied (Hamburg, 1939). 
Erste, ALFRED: ‘Ein unbekannter Druck aus der Frühzeit der deutschen 
Monodie’, Sammelbände der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, xiii (1911-12). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 863 


KRETZSCHMAR, HERMANN: Geschichte des neuen deutschen Liedes, i (Leipzig, 1911). 

MÜLLER, GÜNTHER: Geschichte des deutschen Liedes (Munich, 1925). 

PRÜFER, ARTHUR: Johann Hermann Schein und das weltliche deutsche Lied des 
17. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1908). 

Stevens, D.: ‘German Lute-songs of the early sixteenth century’, Besseler 
Festschrift (Leipzig, 1961). 

Tuomas, R. HINTON: Poetry and Song in the German Baroque (Oxford, 1963). 

URSPRUNG, OTTO: ‘Der Weg von den Gelegenheitsgesängen und dem Chorlied über 
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VoLKMANN, Hans: ‘Johann Nauwachs Leben’, Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 
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FRANCE 

(i) Sources 

CHILESOTTI, O: Biblioteca di rarità musicali, vii. J. B. Besard: Airs de court... 
dal ‘Thesaurus Harmonicus’ (Milan, [1914]). 

Expert, HENRY: La Fleur des musiciens de P. de Ronsard (Paris, 1923). 

La LAURENCIE, L. DE, MAIRY, A., and THIBAULT, G.: Chansons au luth et airs de 
cour francais du EES siècle, Publications de la Société Française de Musi- 
cologie, iii-iv (misprinted iv-v) (Paris, 1934). 

MORCOURT, В. DE: Guillaume Morlaye: Psaumes de Pierre Certon réduits pour 
chant et luth. Introduction historique par F. Lesure (Paris, 1957). 

VERCHALY, ANDRÉ: Airs de cour pour voix et luth (1603-1643) (Paris, 1961). 
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(ii) Books and Articles 

ARNHEIM, AMALIE: ‘Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des einstimmigen weltlichen 
Kunstliedes in Frankreich im 17. Jahrhundert’, Sammelbände der inter- 
nationalen Musikgesellschaft, x (1908—9). 

CHILESOTTI, Oscar: ‘Gli airs de cour di Besard’, Atti del Congresso Internazionale 
di Scienze Storiche, viii for 1903 (1905). 

DODGE, JANET: ‘Les Airs de cour d'Adrian le Roy’, Mercure musical et bulletin 
de la S.I.M., iii (1907). 

FRISSARD, CLAUDE: ‘A propos d'un recueil de “chansons” de Jehan Charda- 
voine', Revue de musicologie, xxx (1948). 

GEROLD, THÉODORE: L’ Art du chant en France au ХУП siècle (Strasbourg, 1921). 

KÖRTE, OSWALD: Laute und Lautenmusik bis zur Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts 
(Leipzig, 1901). 

LE Roy, ADRIAN: Instruction de partir toute musique facilement en tablature de 
luth (lost). Translated into English ‘by F. Ke. Gentleman’ as A briefe and 
plaine Instruction to set all Musicke of eight divers tunes in Tableture for the 
Lute (London, 1574). Translation of second part only ‘by J. Alford Londenor’ 
as A briefe and easye instruction to learne the tableture to conducte and dispose 
thy hande unto the Lute (London, 1568). 

Levy, KENNETH JAY: ‘ Vaudeville, vers mesuré et airs de cour’, Musique et poésie 
au XVI? siècle (Paris, 1954). 

MERSENNE, MARIN: Harmonie universelle, ii (Paris, 1636). Facs. ed. and translation 
by Roger Chapman (The Hague, 1957). 

MORCOURT, RICHARD DE: ‘Adrian le Roy et les psaumes pour luth’, Annales 
musicologiques, iii (1955). 


864 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


PRUNIERES, HENRY: ‘Ronsard et les fétes de cour’, Revue musicale, numéro 
spécial: Ronsard et la musique (May, 1924). 

QUITTARD, HENRI: ‘L’ Hortus Musarum de 1552-53 et les arrangements de pieces 
polyphoniques pour voix seule et luth', Sammelbände der internationalen 
Musikgesellschaft, viii (1906—7). 

TIERSOT, JULIEN: ‘Ronsard et la musique de son temps’, Sammelbände der 
internationalen Musikgesellschaft, iv (1902-3). 

VERCHALY, ANDRE: ‘Les Airs italiens mis en tablature de luth dans les recueils 
francais du début du ХУП siècle’, Revue de musicologie, xxxv (1953). 

— —-'Gabriel Bataille et son œuvre personnelle pour chant et luth’, ibid. xxix (1947). 

—— ‘La tablature dans les recueils français pour chant et luth (1603-1643), Le 
Luth et sa musique (Paris, 1958). 

— — ‘Poésie et air de cour en France jusqu'à 1620’, Musique et poésie au XVI* 
siécle (Paris, 1954). 

WALKER, D. P.: ‘The Influence of musique mesurée à l'antique, particularly on the 
airs de cour of the early seventeenth century', Musica Disciplina, ii (1948). 

WOTQUENNE, ALFRED: ‘Etude sur L' Hortus Musarum de Pierre Phalése’, Revue 
des bibliothéques et archives de Belgique, i (1903). 


ENGLAND 


(i) Sources (Separate editions of songs edited by E. H. Fellowes in The English 
School of Lutenist Song Writers are not listed here.) 

“AUDEN, W. H., KALLMAN, C., and GREENBERG, N.: Ап Elizabethan Song Book 
(London, 1957). 

Cooper, GERALD M.: Robert Dowland: Two Songs [by Caccini] from A Musical 
Banquet. (Tudor Edition of Old Music, Series B, 2) (London, 1924). 

—— Three Songs [by Thomas Bateson, Thomas Greaves, and Richard Nichol- 
son]. (Tudor Edition of Old Music, Series B, 1) (London, 1924). 

DART, T.: William Byrd: ‘Out of the Orient Crystal Skies’ (London, 1960). 

DODGE, JANET: Twelve Elizabethan Songs, 1601-1610 (London, 1902). 

DOLMETSCH, ARNOLD: Select English Songs and Dialogues of the 16th and 17th 
Centuries, 2 vols. (London, 1898-1912). 

Dupré, D.: John Dowland: Six Songs (arr. for voice and guitar) (London, 1954). 

FeLLowss, E. H.: William Byrd: The Collected Vocal Works, xv (London, 1948). 

John Dowland: Fifty Songs, 2 vols. (London, 1925). 

— The English Madrigal School, 36 vols. (London, 1913-24). A few volumes 
in the revised edition by T. Dart and others as The English Madrigalists 
contain a few solo songs with strings. 

—— The English School of Lutenist Song Writers, 32 vols. (London, 1920-32). 
Revised edition by T. Dart and others as The English Lute-Songs (1959- ) 
includes additional volumes of songs by Giovanni Coperario and others. 

—— Danr, T., and FoRTUNE, N.: Musica Britannica, vi. John Dowland: Ayres 
for four voices (London, 2nd ed. 1963). 

OBOUSSIER, P.: Anon.: * Miserere my Maker’ (London, 1954). 

POTTER, FRANK HUNTER: Reliquary of English Song (New York, [1915]. 

SABOL, ANDREW J.: Songs and Dances for the Stuart Masque: an Edition of 
Sixty-three Items of Music for the English Court Masque from 1604 to 1641, 
with an Introductory Essay (Providence, Rhode Island, 1959). 

Souris, ANDRÉ, and JACQUOT, JEAN: Poémes de Donne, Herbert et Crashaw mis 
en musique par leurs contemporains. Transcription et réalisation par A. 
Souris. Introduction par J. Jacquot (Paris, 1961). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 865 


WARLOCK, PETER: The First (Second, Third) Book of Elizabethan Songs that were 
Originally Composed for One Voice to Sing and Four Stringed Instruments to 
Accompany (London, 1926). 

——— Giovanni Coperario: ‘How like a golden dream’ (London, 1929). 

—— Two Songs from A Pilgrim’s Solace (London, 1923). 

—— and WirsoN, Pump: English Ayres, Elizabethan and Jacobean, 6 vols. 
(London, 1927-31). 


(ii) Books and Articles 


[ARKWRIGHT, С. E. P.]: ‘Early Elizabethan Stage Music’, Musical Antiquary, i 
(1909-10) and iv (1912-13). 

—— ‘Elizabethan Choirboy Plays and their Music’, Proceedings of the Musical 
Association, хі (1913-14). 

— ‘Robert Douland's Musicall Banquet, 1610°, Musical Antiquary, i (1909-10). 

BoNTOUX, GERMAINE: La Chanson en Angleterre au temps d' Elisabeth (Oxford, 
1936). 

Boyp, Morrison Comecys: Elizabethan Music and Musical Criticism. (Phila- 
delphia, 2nd. ed., 1962). 

BRETT, Pump: ‘The English Consort Song, 1570-1625’, Proceedings of the 
Royal Musical Association, \xxxviii (1961-2). 

—— and DART, THURSTON: ‘Songs by William Byrd in Manuscripts at Harvard’, 
Harvard Library Bulletin, xiv (1960). 

Brown, Davip: ‘William Byrd’s 1588 volume’, Music and Letters, xxxviii (1957). 

Cutts, JoHN P.: ‘Early Seventeenth-century lyrics at St. Michael's College, 
Tenbury’, Music and Letters, xxxvii (1956). 

—— ‘A Reconstruction of the Willow Song’, Journal of the American Musicologi- 
cal Society, x (1957). 

—— Seventeenth-Century Songs and Lyrics (Columbia, Missouri, 1959). 

—— ‘Songs Vnto the Violl and Lute’, Musica Disciplina, xvi (1962). 

DART, THURSTON: ‘Rôle de la danse dans Г“ ауге” anglais’, Musique et poésie 
au XVI siècle (Paris, 1954). 

DOWLING, MARGARET: ‘The Printing of John Dowland's Second Booke of Songs 
or Ayres', The Library, Ath. series, xii (1932-3). 

DUCKLES, VINCENT: ‘Florid Embellishment in English Song of the Late 16th and 
Early 17th Centuries', Annales musicologiques, v (1957). 

—— ‘The Gamble Manuscript as a Source of continuo Song in England’, Journal 
of the American Musicological Society, i (1948). 

—— ‘The Lyrics of John Donne as Set by his Contemporaries’, Seventh Inter- 
national Musicological Congress, Cologne: Bericht (Kassel, 1959). 

EMsur, McD.: ‘Nicholas Lanier's Innovations in English Song’, Music and 
Letters, xli (1960). 

FELLOWES, EDMUND H.: English Madrigal Verse, 1588-1632 (Oxford, 2nd ed. 1929). 

—— ‘The Songs of Dowland’, Proceedings of the Musical Association, lvi 
(1929-30). 

—— ‘The Text of the Song-books of Robert Jones’, Music and Letters, viii (1927). 

—— William Byrd (London, 2nd ed. 1948). 

FORTUNE, NiGEL: 'Philip Rosseter and his Songs', 7he Lute Society Journal, 
vii (1965). 

GREER, DAvip: ‘The Lute Songs of Thomas Morley’, The Lute Society Journal, 
viii (1966). 

—— “Ҹа if a Day"'—an Examination of the Words and Music’, Music and 
Letters, xliii (1962). 

Jupp, Percy: ‘The Songs of John Danyel', Music and Letters, xvii (1936). 


866 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


KASTENDIECK, M. M.: England's Musical Poet: Thomas Campion (New York, 
1936). 
KERMAN, ЈОЅЕРН: The Elizabethan Madrigal: a Comparative Study (American 
Musicological Society: Studies and Documents, iv) (New York, 1962). 
MANNING, Rosemary J.: ‘Lachrymae: a Study of Dowland’, Music and Letters, 
xxv (1944). 

MELLERS, WILFRID: Harmonious Meeting (London, 1963). 

OBOUSSIER, PHILIPPE: ‘Turpyn’s Book of Lute-songs’, Music and Letters, xxxiv 
(1953). 

OLSHAUSEN, UrnicH: Das Lautenbegleitete Sololied in England um 1600 (Frank- 
furt/M., 1963). 

PATTISON, BRUCE: Music and Poetry of the English Renaissance (London, 1948). 

—— ‘Philip Rosseter, Poet and Musician’, Musical Times, lxxii (1931). 

—— ‘Sir Philip Sidney and Music’, Music and Letters, xv (1934). 

PouLTon, Diana: ‘Dowland’s Songs and their Instrumental Forms’, Monthly 
Musical Record, \xxxi (1951). 

—— ‘John Dowland, Doctor of Musick’, The Consort, xx (1963). 

—— ‘Was John Dowland a Singer?’ The Lute Society Journal, vii (1965). 

Raynor, HENRY: ‘Framed to the Life of the Words’, Music Review, xix (1958). 

SPINK, Ian: ‘Angelo Notari and his “Prime Musiche Nuove’’’, Monthly Musical 
Record, \xxxvii (1957). 

—— ‘English Cavalier Songs, 1620-1660’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical 
Association, 1xxxvi (1959-60). 

STERNFELD, F. W.: Music in Shakespearean Tragedy (London, 1963). 

STEVENS, DENIS: ‘La Chanson anglaise avant l'école madrigaliste’, Musique et 
poésie au XVI" siècle (Paris, 1954). 

—— ‘Plays and Pageants in Tudor Times’, Monthly Musical Record, Ixxxvii 
(1957). 

— ‘Tudor Part-songs’, Musical Times, xcvi (1955). 

STEVENS, JOHN: Music and Poetry at the Early Tudor Court (London, 1961). 

WARLOCK, PETER: The English Ayre (London, 1926). 

English Ayres, Elizabethan and Jacobean (London, 1932). 

— — Thomas Whythorne: An Unknown Elizabethan Composer (London, 1925). 

WHYTHORNE, THOMAS: Autobiography, ей. J. M. Osborn (Oxford, 1961). 

WOODFILL, WALTER L.: Musicians in English Society (Princeton, 1953). 


CHAPTER V 
LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT-I 


(a) THE FRANCO-FLEMINGS IN THE NORTH 


(i) Sources 

BERNET KEMPERS, К. PH.: Corpus mensurabilis musicae, iv. Jacobus Clemens non 
Papa: Opera Omnia (American Institute of Musicology, 1951- ). 

LENAERTS, R. B.: Monumenta Musicae Belgicae, ix. Nederlandse Polyfonie uit 
Spaanse Bronnen (Antwerp, 1963). 

MALDEGHEM, R. VAN: Tresor musical. Musique sacrée, 29 vols. (Brussels, 1865- 
93). See annotated index by Gustave Reese in Music Library Association 
Notes (Washington, D.C.), ser. 2, vol. vi (December, 1948). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 867 


MEIER, BERNHARD: Das Chorwerk, lxxii. Jacobus Clemens non Papa: Drei 
Motetten (Wolfenbüttel, 1959). 

MERRITT, A. TILLMAN: Quatorzieme Livre de motets composés par Pierre de Manchi- 
court, parus chez Pierre d' Attaingnant (1539) (Monaco, 1964). 

SCHMIDT-GÖRG, J.: Corpus mensurabilis musicae, vi. Nicolas Gombert: Opera 
Omnia (American Institute of Musicology, 1951- ). 

SEIFFERT, Max: Werken van Jan Pieterszn. Sweelinck, vi. Cantiones sacrae 
(1619) (Leipzig and The Hague, 1899). 

VAN DEN SIGTENHORST MEYER, B.: Jan Pieterszn. Sweelinck: Opera Omnia, 
editio altera, vi. Cantiones sacrae (Amsterdam, 1957). 


(ii) Books and Articles 

BERNET KEMPERS, К. Pu.: ‘ Bibliography of the Sacred Works of Jacobus Clemens 
non Papa: A Classified List with a Notice on his Life’, Musica Disciplina, 
xviii (1964). 

— — Jacobus Clemens non Papa und seine Motetten (Augsburg, 1928). 

—— ‘Die Souterliedekens des Jacobus Clemens non Papa’, Tijdschrift der 
Vereeniging voor Nederlandsche Muziekgeschiedenis, xii (1928); xiii (1929). 

BRIDGMAN, N.: ‘Les Échanges musicaux entre l'Espagne et les Pays-Bas au 
temps de Philippe le Beau et de Charles-Quint', La Renaissance dans les 
provinces du nord (Arras, 1955). 

DELPORTE, J.: ‘L’Ave virgo Cecilia de Pierre de Manchicourt', Revue litur- 
gique et musicale (1936-7). 

EPPSTEIN, Hans: Nicolas Gombert als Motettenkomponist (Würzburg, 1935). 

LENAERTS, R. B.: ‘The 16th-Century Parody Mass in the Netherlands’, Musical 
Quarterly, xxxvi (1950). 

—— *Noor de biographie van Clemens non Papa’, Tijdschrift der Vereeniging 
voor Nederlandsche Muziekgeschiedenis, xiii (1929). 

Lowmsky, EDWARD E.: Secret Chromatic Art in the Netherlands Motet (New 
York, 1946). 

PAAP, WOUTER: ‘Jacobus Clemens non Papa en zijn Souterliedekens’, Mens en 
Melodie, xvii (1962). 

SCHMIDT-GÖRG, Јоѕерн: Nicolas Gombert, Kapellmeister Karls V: Leben und 
Werk (Bonn, 1938). 

——- ‘Die Messen des Clemens non Papa’, Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, ix 
(1926-7). 

VAN DEN BORREN, CHARLES: Geschiedenis van de muziek in de Nederlanden, 
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de musicologie, i (1946). 

VAN DOORSLAER, G.: Jean Lestainnier, organiste-compositeur (Malines, 1921). 

——— Jean Richafort, maitre de chapelle-compositeur (Antwerp, 1930). 

VENTE, M. A.: ‘Sweelinckiana’, Tijdschrift der Vereniging voor Nederlandse 
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(b) FRANCE IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY (1520-1610) 
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Borpes, CH.: Anthologie des maitres religieux... Livre des messes (Paris, 
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868 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


EXPERT, H.: Anthologie chorale des maîtres musiciens de la Renaissance française 
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MARTIN, E., and BURALD, J.: E. Du Caurroy: Missa pro defunctis (Paris, 1951). 

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AUDA, A.: B. Beaulaigue, poéte et musicien prodige (Woluwé St-Pierre, 1957). 

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Lesure, FRANGOIS: ‘La Musique religieuse en France au XVI* siècle’, Revue 
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RicsBY, Lee: ‘Elzéar Genet: A Renaissance Composer’, Studies in Music History 
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(c) CENTRAL EUROPE 


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ALBRECHT, H.: Das Erbe deutscher Musik, xvi, xxvi. Caspar Othmayr: Aus- 
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Funk, JosEPH: Musica orans, xxiv. Gregor Aichinger: Maria uns tröst; xxviii. 
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KROYER, T.: Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Bayern, iii (2). Ludwig Senfl: Werke, i 
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the American Musicological Society, iii (1950). 

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FEDERHOFER, HELLMUT: ‘Biographische Beiträge zu Erasmus Lapicida und 
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Hamre, Kanr-Lupwic: ‘Uber zwei deutsche Psalmen Thomas Stoltzers', 
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HOFFMANN-ERBRECHT, LOTHAR: ‘Thomas Stoltzer in Schlesien. Neue Beiträge 
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HUIGENS, P. C.: ‘Blasius Amon’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, xviii (Vienna, 
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КАРЕ, REINHARD: ‘ Antonius Scandellus (1517-1580): ein Beitrag zur Geschichte 
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SCHMITZ, ARNOLD: ‘Zur motettischen Passion des 16. Jahrhunderts’, Archiv für 
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SCHRÖDER, INGE-MARIE: Die Responsorienvertonungen des Balthasar Resinarius 
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SCHULZE, WILLI: Die mehrstimmige Messe im frühprotestantischen Gottesdienst 
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UnsPRUNG, Orro: Jacobus de Kerle. Sein Leben und seine Werke (Munich, 1913). 

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AVERKAMP, ANTON: Adrian Willaert: Missa ‘ Benedicta es’ (Amsterdam, 1915). 

BENVENUTI, GIACOMO: Istituzioni e monumenti dell'arte musicale italiana, i. 
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FLury, Roman: Das Chorwerk, lxxvii. Gioseffo Zarlino: Drei Motetten und 
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MEIER, BERNHARD: Corpus mensurabilis musicae, xiv. Cipriano di Rore: Opera 
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ZENCK, H., and GERSTENBERG, W.: Corpus mensurabilis musicae, iii. Adriano 
Willaert: Opera omnia (American Institute of Musicology, 1950- ). 


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ALESSI, GIOVANNI d’: ‘Precursors of Adriano Willaert in the Practice of Coro 
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ANTONOWYTSCH, MYROSLAW: Die Motette ‘ Benedicta es’ von Josquin des Prez 
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ARNOLD, Denis: ‘Andrea Gabrieli und die Entwicklung der “cori-spezzati”- 
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Carri, FRANCESCO: Storia della musica sacra nella già Cappella ducale di San 
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CARAPETYAN, ARMEN: ‘The Musica Nova of Adriano Willaert’, Journal of Re- 
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HERTZMANN, ERICH: Adrian Willaert in der weltlichen Vokalmusik seiner Zeit 
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ZENCK, HERMANN: ‘Adrian Willaerts “Salmi spezzati” (1550)', Die Musik- 
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CHYBIŃSKI, ADOLF: Słownik muzyków dawnej Polski (Cracow, 1949). 

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Kultura staropolska (Cracow, 1957). 


CHAPTER VI 
LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT-H 


(1) Sources 


CASIMIRI, R.: Monumenta Polyphoniae Italicae, i. Missa cantantibus organis 
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SEAY, ALBERT: Corpus mensurabilis musicae, xxxi. Jacobus Arcadelt: Opera 
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(ii) Books and Articles 


AMANN, J. J.: Allegris Miserere und die Aufführungspraxis in der Sixtina 
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ANTONOWYTSCH, M.: Die Motette ‘ Benedicta es’ von Josquin und die Messen 
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BECK, HERMANN: ‘Das Konzil von Trent und die Probleme der Kirchenmusik’, 
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CAMETTI, ALBERTO: *Nuovi contributi alle biografie di Maurizio e Felice Anerio’, 
Rivista musicale italiana, xxii (1915). 

CasiMIRI, R.: ‘Maurizio, Felice e Giov. Franc. Anerio’, Rivista musicale italiana, 
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ELDERS, WILLEM: ‘Enkele aspecten van de parodie-techniek іп de madrigaal- 
missen van Philippus de Monte’, Tijdschrift der Vereeniging voor Neder- 
landsche Muziekgeschiedenis, xix (1960—3). 

ENGEL, HANs: Luca Marenzio (Florence, 1956). 

FEDERHOFER, HELLMUT: ‘Ein Beitrag zur Biographie von С. P Anerio’, Die 
Musikforschung, ii (1949). 

FELLERER, KARL Gustav: ‘Church Music and the Council of Trent’, Musical 
Quarterly, xxxix (1953). 

FERAND, ERNEST T.: *'* Anchor che col partire”: Die Schicksale eines berühmten 
Madrigals', Festschrift Karl Gustav Fellerer (Ratisbon, 1962). 

Frey, H. W. : * Ruggiero Giovannelli: eine biographische Studie’, Kirchenmusika- 
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GABRIELLI, A.: Ruggiero Giovannelli nella vita e nelle opere (Velletri, 1926). 

HABERL, F. X.: ‘Felici Anerio’, Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, xviii (1903). 

——— *Francesco Soriano', Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, x (1895). 

——— ‘Giovanni Francesco Anerio’, Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, i (1886). 

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HAYDON, GLEN: ‘The Hymns of Costanzo Festa. A Style Study’, Journal of the 
American Musicological Society, xii (1959). 

LEICHTENTRITT, Носо: ‘The Reform of Trent and its Effect on Music’, Musical 
Quarterly, xxx (1944). 

Lockwoop, Lewis H.: ‘Vincenzo Ruffo and Musical Reform after the Council 
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MOoLITOR, RAFFAEL: Die Nach-Tridentinische Choralreform zu Rom, 2 vols. 
(Leipzig, 1901-2). 

Moser, H. J.: ‘Vestiva i colli’, Archiv für Musikforschung, iv (1939). 

NUTEN, Per: ‘De “geestelijke Madrigalen" van Filip de Monte (1521-1603)’, 
Vereeniging voor Muziekgeschiedenis, Antwerpen. Jaarboek (1959). 

Pauisca, C. V.: ‘A Clarification of “Musica Reservata" in Jean Faisnier’s 
* Astrologiae [indiciarae ysagogica]”’, 1559’, Acta Musicologica, xxxi (1959). 

PIRRO, ANDRÉ, ‘Leo X and Music’, Musical Quarterly, xxi (1935). 

RADICIOTTI, G.: Giovanni Maria Nanino (Pesaro, 1909). 

SCHMIDT, GÜNTHER: ‘Grundsätzliche Bemerkungen zur Geschichte der Passions- 
historie’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, xvii (1960). 

SCHMITZ, ARNOLD: “Bemerkungen zu Vincenzo Ruffo's Passionkompositionen’, 

Miscelánea en homenaje a Monseñor Higinio Anglés, ii (Barcelona, 1961). 


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Тока, Luigi: ‘Nei parentali di Felice Anerio e di Carlo Gesualdo’, Rivista 
musicale italiana, xxi (1914). 

—— ‘Vincenzo Ruffo, madrigalista e compositore di musica sacra del sec. XVI', 
Rivista musicale italiana, iii-iv (1896-7). 

VAN CREVEL, M.: Adrianus Petit Coclico (The Hague, 1940). 

VAN DOORSLAER, GEORGES: La Vie et les euvres de Philippe de Monte (Brussels, 
1921). 

WEINMANN, KARL: Das Konzil von Trient und die Kirchenmusik (Leipzig, 1919). 

WINTER, CARL: Ruggiero Giovannelli (Munich, 1935). 

WOLFF, HELMUTH CHRISTIAN: ‘Die ästhetische Auffassung der Parodiemesse des 
16. Jahrhunderts’, Miscelánea en homenaje a Monseñor Higinio Anglés, ii 
(Barcelona, 1961). 


LASSUS 
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BOETTICHER, WOLFGANG: Orlando di Lasso: Sämtliche Werke: Neue Reihe 
(Kassel and Basle, 1956- ). 

HABERL, F. X., and SANDBERGER, A.: Orlando di Lasso: Sämmtliche Werke, 21 
vols. (Leipzig, 1894-1927). 


(ii) Books and Articles 


BALMER, Lucie: Orlando di Lassos Motetten (Berne, 1938). 

BOETTICHER, WOLFGANG: Aus Orlando di Lassos Wirkungskreis (Kassel, 1963). 

—— Orlando di Lasso und seine Zeit (Kassel and Basle, 1958). 

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Internat. Musikwiss. Kongress Kóln, 1958. 

CasiMIRI, RAFFAELE: Orlando di Lasso, maestro di cappella al Laterano nel 1553 
(Rome, 1920). 

HUSCHKE, JoACHM: “Orlando di Lassos Messen’, Archiv für Musikforschung, v 
(1940). 

LEUCHTMANN, Horst: Die musikalischen Wortausdeutungen in den Motetten des 
Magnum opus musicum von Orlando di Lasso (Strasbourg, 1959). 

Lowinsky, EDwarD F.: Das Antwerpener Motettenbuch Orlando di Lassos und 
seine Beziehungen zum Motettenschaffen der niederländischen Zeitgenossen 
(The Hague, 1937). 

MEIER, BERNHARD: ‘Wortausdeutung und Tonalität bei Orlando di Lasso’, 
Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, xlvii (1963). 

SANDBERGER, ADOLF: Beiträge zur Geschichte der bayrischen Hofkapelle unter 
Orlando di Lasso, i and iii (Leipzig, 1894-5). 

VAN DEN BORREN, C.: ‘En quelle année Rol. de Lattre est-il né?’, Bulletin de 
la société Union musicologique, vi (1925). 

—— Orlande de Lassus (Paris, 1920). 

—— Roland de Lassus (Brussels, 1943). 


PALESTRINA 

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CASIMIRI, R., VIRGILI, L., JEPPESEN, K., and BIANCHI, L.: Giovanni Pierluigi da 
Palestrina: Le opere complete (Rome, 1939- A. 

ESPAGNE, F., HABERL, F. X. et al.: Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina: Werke, 
33 vols. (Leipzig, 1862-1907). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 875 


(ii) Books and Articles 

ANDREWS, Н. K.: An Introduction to the Technique of Palestrina (London, 1958). 

FELLERER, KARL Gustav: Der Palestrinastil und seine Bedeutung in der vokalen 
Kirchenmusik des 18. Jahrhunderts (Augsburg, 1929). 

——— Palestrina (Ratisbon, 1930; rev. and enlarged ed., Düsseldorf, 1960). 

HABERL, F. X.: ‘Die ersten,drei Bände der Motetten Palestrinas’, Kirchenmusika- 
lisches Jahrbuch, v (1890). 

— -'Die Kardinalskommission von 1564 und Palestrina's Missa Papae 
Marcelli', Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, vii (1892). 

HALLER, MICHAEL: ‘Analyse der Missa “O admirabile commercium” von 
G. P. da Palestrina', Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, ix (1894). 

HAMBURGER, Pour: “The Ornamentations in the Works of Palestrina', Acta 
Musicologica, xxii (1950). 

JEPPESEN, KNuD: 'Marcellus-Probleme, einige Bemerkungen über die Missa 

Papae Marcelli', 4cta Musicologica, xvi-xvii (1944—5). 

Der Palestrinastil und die Dissonanz (Leipzig, 1925; 2nd Eng. ed., rev., The 

Style of Palestrina and the Dissonance, Copenhagen and London, 1946). 

— ‘Pierluigi da Palestrina, Herzog Guglielmo Gonzaga und die neugefun- 
denen Mantovaner-Messen Palestrinas', Acta Musicologica, xxv (1953). 

— — ‘The Recently Discovered Mantova Masses of Palestrina’, Acta Musico- 
logica, xxii (1950). 

—— ‘Some Remarks to “Тһе Ornamentations in the Works of Palestrina” by 
Poul Hamburger’, Acta Musicologica, xxii (1950). 


KLASSEN, ЈОЅЕРН: ‘Die Parodieverfahren in der Messe Palestrinas', Kirchen- : 


musikalisches Jahrbuch, xxxviii (1954). 

—— ‘Untersuchungen zur Parodiemesse Palestrinas’, Kirchenmusikalisches 
Jahrbuch, xxxvii (1953). 

—— ‘Zur Modellbehandlung in Palestrinas Parodiemessen', Kirchenmusika- 
lisches Jahrbuch, xxxix (1955). 

MARSHALL, ROBERT L.: ‘The Paraphrase Technique of Palestrina in his Masses 
based on Hymns’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, xvi (1963). 

КАНЕ, HEINRICH: ‘Der Aufbau der Motetten Palestrinas', Kirchenmusikalisches 
Jahrbuch, xxxv (1951). 

—— "Theme und Melodiebildung der Motette Palestrinas', Kirchenmusika- 
lisches Jahrbuch, xxxiv (1950). ` 

SAMSON, JOSEPH: Palestrina ou la poésie de l'exactitude (Geneva, 1940). 

Schnürı, K.: ‘Die Variationstechnik in den Choral-Cantus firmus-Werken 
Palestrinas’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, xxiii (1956). 

WIDMANN, WILHELM: * Motette und Messe “Dies sanctificatus" von Palestrina’, 
Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, xxi (1908). 

—— ‘Sechsstimmige Messen  Palestrinas', Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, 
xxv-xxviii (1930-3). 


CHAPTER VII 


LATIN CHURCH MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT-II 


(i) Sources 

ALEGRIA, José AUGUSTO: Polyphonia, Serie A, No. 2 (Lisbon, 1955). 

——— Portugaliae Musica, v, vi. Frei Manuel Cardoso: Liber primus missarum, 
2 vols. (Lisbon, 1962). 

ANGLÈS, HicIni: Mateo Flecha, Las Ensaladas (Barcelona, 1955). 

—— Monumentos de la música española, xi, xiii, xv, xvii, xx, xxi, xxiv. Cristóbal 
de Morales: Opera Omnia (Barcelona, 1952-  ). 


876 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


ANGLES Hicint: Monumentos de la música española, iv. Juan Vasquez. Re- 
copilación de Sonetos y Villancicos a Quatro y a Cinco (Sevilla, 1560) 
(Barcelona, 1946). 

—— Monumentos de la música española, ii. La música en la corte de Carlos V 
(Barcelona, 1944). 

AROCA, J., ed.: Cancionero musical y poético del siglo XVII (Madrid, 1916). 

Bar Y Gay, Jesús: Tesoro de la música polifónica en México: El Códice del 
Convento del Carmen (Mexico, 1952). 

CALO, José Lopez: La musica en la catedral de Granada en el siglo XVI, 2 vols. 
(Granada, 1963). 

ELÚSTIZA, J. B. DE, and CASTRILLO HERNANDEZ, G.: Antología musical (Barcelona, 
1933). 

EsLAVA, MIGUEL HILARIÓN: Lira sacro-hispana (Madrid, 1869). 

GERBER, Ruporr: Das Chorwerk, 1x. Spanisches Hymnar um 1500 (Wolfenbüttel, 
1957). 

GuzMÁN, J. B.: Obras musicales de J. B. Comes, 2 vols. (Madrid, 1888). 

JoAQUIM, MANUEL: Composições polifónicas de Duarte Lobo (Lisbon, 1945- ). 

—— Portugaliae Musica, Serie A, iv. Esteväo Lopes Morago: Várias obras de 
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ORTIZ, Dco: Tratado de glosas, 1553 (Berlin, 1913; 2nd ed. Kassel, 1936). 

PEDRELL, FELIPE: Cancionero musical popular espafiol, 4 vols. (Valls, 1918-22). 

——— Hispaniae Schola Musica Sacra, 8 vols. (Barcelona and Leipzig, 1894-8). 

—— Tomás Luis de Victoria: Opera Omnia, 8 vols. (Leipzig, 1902-13). 

-—— and ANGLEs, Шога: Joan Brudieu: Els Madrigals i la Missa de Difunts 
(Barcelona, 1921). 

PROSKE, KARL: Musica Divina, ii, iii, iv (Ratisbon, 1854, 1859, 1862). 

QUEROL GAVALDÁ, MIGUEL, ed.: Monumentos de la música española, viii, ix. 
Cancionero musical de la Casa de Medinaceli siglo XVI, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 
1949—50). 

— and GARCIA, V.: Monumentos de la música española, xvi, xix. Francisco 
Guerrero: Opera Omnia (Barcelona, 1955-  ). 

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SAMPAYO RIBEIRO, MARIO DE: Polyphonia, no. 3 (Lisbon, 1956). 

SANTOS, JULIO EDUARDO bos: A polifonia clássica portuguesa, i (Lisbon, 1937). 


(ii) Books and Articles 

ALVAREZ PEREZ, José M.: ‘La polifonia sagrada y sus maestros en la catedral 
de Léon (siglos XV y XVI)’, Anuario musical, xiv (1959); ‘(durante el siglo 
XVID’, ibid., xv (1960). 

ANGLES, Нісімі: ‘Cristóbal de Morales en España’, Anuario musical, viii (1953). 

— — ‘Cristóbal de Morales y Francisco Guerrero’, Anuario musical, ix (1954). 

—— ‘Els cantors i organistes franco-flamencs i alemanys a Catalunya els segles 
XIV-XVI’, Scheurleer-Gedenkboek (The Hague, 1925). 

— — ‘Historia de la música española’, in Johannes Wolf, Historia de la música 
(Barcelona, 1934). 

—— La música española desde la Edad Media hasta nuestros dias (Barcelona, 1941). 

—— ‘La música sagrada de la Capilla Pontificia de Avignon en la Capilla real 
Aragonesa', Anuario musical, xii (1957). 

——— ‘Les Musiciens flamands en Espagne et leur influence sur la polyphonie 
espagnole', Kongress-Bericht Utrecht 1952 (Amsterdam, 1953). 

—— “Musikalische Beziehungen zwischen Österreich und Spanien in der Zeit 
vom 14. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert’, Festschrift für Erich Schenk (Vienna, 
1962). ` 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 877 


—— ‘Palestrina y los *' Magnificat" de Morales’, Anuario musical, viii (1953). 

—— ‘La Polyphonie religieuse péninsulaire antérieure à la venue des musiciens 
flamands en Espagne', Report Congrés Liége, 1930 (Burnham, 1931). 

—— ‘Das sakrale Charakter der Kirchenmusik von Cristóbal de Morales’, 
Festschrift für Theobald Schrems (Ratisbon, 1963). 

—— ‘Tomas Luis de Victoria und Deutschland’, in Festschrift Wilhelm Neuss 
(Spanische Forschungen der Görresgesellschaft, erste Reihe, xvi, 1960). 
ARÁIZ MARTINEZ, A.: Historia de la musica religiosa en: Espafia (Barcelona 

and Madrid, 1942). 

BARWICK, STEVEN: ‘Sacred Vocal Polyphony in Colonial Mexico’ (Diss. Har- 
vard, 1949). 

BECQUART, PAUL: ‘Musiciens néerlandais en Espagne (XVI'-XVII* siècles)’, 
Revue belge de musicologie, xiv (1960). 

——- ‘Trois documents inédits relatifs à la Chapelle flamande de Philippe II et 
Philippe III’, Anuario musical, xiv (1959). 

—— ‘Un Compositeur néerlandais à la Cour de Philippe II et de Philippe III, 
Nicolas Dupont (1575-1623)’, Anuario musical, xvi (1961). 

BRIDGMAN, NANIE: ‘Charles-Quint et la musique espagnole’, Revue de musico- 
logie, xliii (1959). 

CASIMIRI, RAFFAELE: ll Vittoria: nuovi documenti per una biografía sincera di 
Tommaso Ludovico de Victoria (Rome, 1934). 

CHASE, GILBERT: ‘Juan Navarro Hispalensis and Juan Navarro Gaditanus’, 
Musical Quarterly, xxxi (1945). 

CiviL, FRANCESCO: ‘La musica en la catedral de Gerona durante el siglo XVII’, 
Anuario musical, xv (1960). 

COLLET, HENRI: Le Mysticisme musical espagnol du XVE siècle (Paris, 1913). 

—— Victoria (Paris, 1914). 

FEDERHOFER, HELLMUT: “Etats de la chapelle musicale de Charles V (1528) et de 
Maximilien (1554)', Revue belge de musicologie, iv (1950). 

FIGUERAS, J. ROMEU: ‘ Mateo Flecha el Viejo, la Corte literario-musical del duque 
de Calabria y el Cancionero llamado de Upsala’, Anuario musical, xiii 
(1958). 

FiscHER, KURT VON: ‘Ein singulärer Typus portugiesischer Passionen des 16. 
Jahrhunderts’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, xix/xx (1962/3). 

Freitas Branco J., Historia de música portuguesa (Lisbon, 1959). 

FREITAS BRANCO, L.: ‘Les Contrepointistes del "école d'Évora', Actes du Con- 
grés d'histoire d'art, Paris, 1921, iii (Paris, 1924). 

—— D. João IV, músico (Lisbon, 1956). 

GEIGER, ALBERT: ‘Juan Esquivel: ein unbekannter spanischer Meister des 16. 
Jahrhunderts', Festschrift zum 50. Geburtstag Adolf Sandberger (Munich, 
1918). 

HOWELL, ALMONTE C., JR.: ' Cabezón: An Essay in Structural Analysis’, Musical 


Quarterly, 1 (1964). 

JACQUOT, JEAN, ed.: Fétes et cérémonies au temps de Charles Quint (Paris, 
1960). 

JAcoBs, CHARLES: Tempo Notation in Renaissance Spain (Brooklyn, N.Y., 
1964). 


Lima CRUZ, M. A. DE: Duarte Lóbo (Lisbon, 1937). 

—— Historia de música portuguesa (Lisbon, 1935). 

LLORENS, J. M.: ‘Juan Escribano, cantor pontificio y compositor’, Anuario 
musical, xii (1957). 

Lozano, ANTONIO: La música popular, religiosa y dramática en Zaragoza (Sara- 
gossa, 1895). 


878 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


LUPER, ALBERT T.: ‘Portuguese Polyphony in the Sixteenth and Early Seven- 
teenth Centuries’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, iii 
(1950). 

May, Hans von: Die Kompositionstechnik T. L. de Victorias (Berne, 1943). 

MITJANA Y GORDÓN, RAFAEL: Estudios sobre algunos müsicos espafioles del 
siglo XVI (Madrid, 1918). 

Don Fernando de las Infantas: teólogo y músico (Madrid, 1918). 

—— Francisco Guerrero: estudio critico-biográfico (Madrid, 1922). 

MOoLITOR, RAPHAEL: Die Nach-Tridentinische Choral-Reform zu Rom, 2 vols. 
(Leipzig, 1901—2). 

MOLL, Jamme: ‘Músicos de la corte del Cardinal Juan Tavera (1523-45): Luis 
Venegas de Henestrosa', Anuario musical, vi (1951). 

PALAU, MANUEL: La obra del músico valenciano Juan Bautista Comes (Madrid, 
1944). 

PEDRELL, FELIPE: Tomás Luis de Victoria Abulense (Valencia, 1918). 

Popp, ISABEL: ‘The “Spanish Chapel" of Philip II’, Renaissance News, v, (1952). 

REVELLA, José Torre: ‘Algunos libros de musica traídos a América en el siglo 
XVI’, Boletín interamericano de müsica (November, 1957). 

Rusio, SAMUEL: ‘La capilla de musica del monasterio de El Escorial’, La 
Ciudad de Dios, clxiii (1951). 

Ruiz DE Linort, J., BARON DE ALCAHALI: Diccionario biográfico de músicos valen- 
cianos (Valencia, 1903). 

SAMPAYO RIBEIRO, MARIO DE: ‘A música em Coimbra’, Biblos, xv (1939). 

—— Achegas para a Historia de Música em Portugal, ii. Damião de Goes па 
Livraria Real de Müsica (Lisbon, 1935). 

—— Frei Manuel Cardoso (Lisbon, 1961). 

SoLAR-QUINTES, NICOLAS ALVAREZ: * Nuevas noticias de müsicos de Felipe II, de 
su época . . .? Anuario musical, xv (1960). 

STEVENSON, ROBERT: "The Bogotá Music Archive’, Journal of the American 
Musicological Society, xv (1962). 

— ‘Cristóbal de Morales: a Fourth-Centenary Biography’, Journal of the 
American Musicological Society, vi (1953). 

— ‘European Music in 16th-Century Guatemala’, Musical Quarterly, | 
(1964). 

—— Juan Bermudo (The Hague, 1960). 

— — Music in Mexico (New York, 1952). 

—— The Music of Peru (Washington, 1959). 

—— Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus (The Hague, 1960). 

—— Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 
1961). 

TREND, J. B.: 'Cristóbal Morales', Music and Letters, vi (1925). 

TRUMPFF, G. A.: ‘Die Messen des Cristóbal de Morales’, Anuario musical, viii 
(1953). 

VAN DER STRAETEN, EDMOND: Charles Quint Musicien (Ghent, 1894). 

—— ‘Les Musiciens néérlandais en Espagne’, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le 
ХІХ siècle, vii-viii (Brussels, 1884-8). 

VAN DOORSLAER, GEORGES: ‘La Chapelle musicale de Charles Quint en 1552’, 
Musica Sacra (Malines, 1933). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 879 


CHAPTER VII 
PROTESTANT MUSIC ON THE CONTINENT 


(a) LUTHERAN Music 


(i) Sources 


ABERT, A. A.: Das Chorwerk, xxiv. Melchior Franck: Fünf Hohelied-Motetten 
(Wolfenbüttel, 1933); xxxix. Christoph Demantius: Vier Motetten (Wolfen- 
büttel, 1936). 

ADRIO, ADAM: Das Chorwerk, xii. Johann Hermann Schein: Sechs deutsche 
Motetten (Wolfenbüttel, 1931); xxxvi. Joh. Hermann Schein und Christoph 
Demantius: Der 116. Psalm (Wolfenbüttel, 1935). 

—— Johann Hermann Schein: Neue Ausgabe sämtlicher Werke (Kassel and Basle, 
1963- ). 

ALBRECHT, Hans: Das Erbe deutscher Musik, xvi, xxvi. Caspar Othmayr: 
Ausgewählte Werke, i. Symbola (Leipzig, 1941); ii. Cantilenae .. ., Epitaphium 
.. . Lutheri . . ., Bicinia . . ., Tricinia . . . . Einzelne Werke aus verstreuten 
Quellen (Frankfurt/M., 1956). 

—— Georg Rhau: Musikdrucke aus den Jahren 1538 bis 1545 (Kassel and Basle, 
1955- ), 1, ii. B. Resinarius: Responsorien, ed. J. Schröder (1955, 1957); 
iii. Symphoniae iucundae, ed. H. Albrecht (1959); iv. Vesperorum precum 
officia, ed. H. J. Moser (1960). 

AMELN, KoNRAD: Das Achtliederbuch (Nürnberg 1523/4). Facs. ed. (Kassel and 
Basle, 1957). 

— Das Babstsche Gesangbuch (Leipzig, 1545). Geystliche Lieder. Mit einer 
newen vorrhede D. Mart. Luth. Facs. ed. (Kassel, 1929). 

Gesangbuch, darinn begriffen sind die aller fürnemisten und besten Psalmen, 
geistliche Lieder und Chorgeseng (Strasbourg, 1541). Facs. ed. (Stuttgart, 
1953). 

— — Das Klug’sche Gesangbuch (1533). Geistliche lieder, auffs new gebessert. . . . 
Facs. ed. (Kassel and Basle, 1955). 

—— Kaspar Othmayr: Geistliche Lieder zu vier Stimmen, 1546 (Kassel, 1935). 

— Leonhard Lechner: Das Leiden unsers Herren Jesu Christi aus dem Evange- 
listen Johannes, 1594 (Kassel, 1934). 

— Leonhard Lechner. Werke (Kassel and Basle, 1954— ). 

— — Luthers Kirchenlieder in Tonsátzen seiner Zeit (Kassel, 1934). 

—— Melchior Franck: Deutsche Evangeliensprüche für das Kirchenjahr (Kassel, 
1937). 

—— Michael Weisse: Gesangbuch der Böhmischen Brüder 1531. Facs. ed. 
(Kassel, 1957). 

— et al.: Heinrich Schütz: Neue Ausgabe sämtlicher Werke (Kassel and Basle, 
1955- ). 

—— and LiPPHARDT, W.: Leonhard Lechner: Deutsche Sprüche von Leben und 
Tod (Kassel and Basle, 1929). 

—— MAHRENHOLZ, CHR., and Tuomas, W., eds.: Handbuch der deutschen 
evangelischen Kirchenmusik (Göttingen, 1932- ). 

— and Tuomas, W.: Das deutsche Kirchenlied mit seinen Weisen, 3 vols. 
(Kassel, 1925-32), i. Das Morgenlied (1926); ii. Das Abendlied (1929); 
iii. Das Weihnachtslied (1932). 

AUER, ЈОЅЕРН: Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, xxiv-xxv. Н. Leo Hassler's Sacri 
Concentus (Leipzig, 1906). 


880 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


BAUSSNERN, F. von: Joh. Eccard: Geistliche Lieder auf den Choral (1597), I. Teil 
(Wolfenbüttel, 1928); II. Teil: Geistliche Lieder zu fünf Stimmen (Wolfen- 
büttel, 1963). 

BLUME, FRIEDRICH: Das Chorwerk, xiv. Lasso, Hassler, Hieronymus Praetorius, 
Sweelinck und Schein: Sieben chromatische Motetten (Wolfenbüttel, 1931); 
xxvii. Christoph Demantius: Deutsche Johannes-Passion (Wolfenbüttel, 
1933). 

—— MENDELSSOHN, A., and GURLITT, W.: Michael Praetorius: Gesamtausgabe 
der musikalischen Werke, 21 vols. (Wolfenbüttel, 1928-42, 1959). 

CLEMEN, O.: Das älteste Zwickauer Gesangbuch von 1525 (Zwickau, 1935). 

EITNER, ROBERT: Publikation älterer praktischer und theoretischer Musikwerke, 
Jg. 24. Martin Agricola’s Musica instrumentalis deudsch (Leipzig, 1896); 
Jg. 25. Joh. Eccard’s Neue geistliche und weltliche Lieder (Leipzig, 1897); 
Jg. 26. Joachim von Burck: Lieder und Passionen (Leipzig, 1898). 

Eyn Enchiridion oder Handbüchlein eynem ytzlichen Christen fast nützlich bey 
sich zu haben (Erfurt, 1524). Facs. ed. (Kassel, 1929). 

FiscHER, A., and TÜMPEL, W.: Das deutsche evangelische Kirchenlied des 17. 
Jahrhunderts, 6 vols. (Gütersloh, 1904-16, reprinted 1964). 

GEHRMANN, H.: Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, ii. Н, L. Hassler's ‘Cantiones 
Sactae’ (Leipzig, 1894). 

GERBER, RUDOLF: Das Erbe deutscher Musik, xxi, xxv. Georg Rhaw: Sacrorum 
Hymnorum Liber Primus, Teil 1: Proprium de Tempore (1942); Teil 2: 
Proprium et Commune Sanctorum (1943). 

Harms, G., MAHRENHOLZ, CHR., and Арко, A.: Samuel Scheidts Werke (Ham- 
burg, 1923- ). 

HOFMANN, Hans: Michael Blum: Das erste Leipziger Gesangbuch (Leipzig, 1530) 
(Leipzig, 1914). 

KADE, Отто: Publikation älterer praktischer und theoretischer Musikwerke, 
Jg. 6. Johann Walther's Wittenbergisch Gesangbuch von 1524 (Leipzig, 1878). 

LEICHTENTRITT, HuGo: Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, xxiii. Hieronymus 
Praetorius: Ausgewählte Werke (Leipzig, 1905). 

LeuroLp, ULRICHS.: Luther's Works, Di. Liturgy and Hymns (Philadelphia, 1965). 

LiPPHARDT, W.: Kaspar Othmayr: Geistliche Zweigesänge, 1547, 2 vols. (Kassel, 
1928-9). 

LÖHRER, E., URSPRUNG, O., and GEERING, A.: Ludwig Senfl: Sämtliche Werke 
(Basle and Wolfenbüttel, 1937- ). 

MAyR, O.: Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, 2. Folge: Denkmäler der Tonkunst in 
Bayern, x (2). A. Gumpelzhaimer: Ausgewählte Werke (Leipzig, 1909). 
MÜLLER-BLATTAU, J.: Die zwei ältesten Königsberger Gesangbücher von 1527: 
Etliche gesang dadurch Got . . . gelobt wirt; Etliche newe verdeutschte . . . 

Christliche Hymnus. Facs. ed. (Kassel, 1933). 

OSTHOFF, HELMUTH: Das Chorwerk, xxx. Josquin Desprez, Le Maistre, Regnart, 
de Vento, Utendal und Hollander: Acht Motetten (Wolfenbüttel, 1934). 
OVERATH, JOHANNES: Denkmäler rheinischer Musik, iii. Cunradus Hagius 
Rinteleus: Die Psalmen Davids nach Kaspar Ulenberg (Köln, 1582) (Kassel 

and Basle, 1955). 

PRÜFER, ARTHUR: Johann Hermann Scheins Sämtliche Werke, 7 vols. (Leipzig, 
1901-23). 

RoseLius, Lupwic: Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, 2. Folge: Denkmäler der 
Tonkunst in Bayern, xxix-xxx. Andreas Raselius: Cantiones sacrae (Leipzig, 
1931). 

SAALFELD, R. von: Н. L. Hassler: Kirchengesünge, Psalmen und geistliche Lieder 
... Simpliciter (Kassel, 1927). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 881 


SCHMITZ, EUGEN: Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, 2. Folge: Denkmäler der Ton- 
kunst in Bayern, vii (1), viii (1). Johann Staden: Ausgewählte Werke (Leipzig, 
1906). | 

SCHÖBERLEIN, LUDWIG: Schatz des liturgischen Chor- und Gemeindegesanges, 
2 vols. (Göttingen, 1865-72). 

SCHRÖDER, OTTO: Johann Walther: Sämtliche Werke (Kassel and St. Louis, 
Missouri, 1953- ). 

SPITTA, P., SCHERING, A., and SPITTA, Н: Heinrich Schütz: Sämtliche Werke, 
18 vols. (Leipzig, 1885-1927). 

STERN, H., and NITSCHE, H.: Melchior Franck: Ausgewählte Kirchenlieder (Das 
Chorwerk alter Meister, Reihe IV, Nr. 14) (Stuttgart, 1963). 

TESCHNER, G. W.: Joh. Eccard: Geistliche Lieder auf den Choral (Leipzig, 1860). 

Joh. Eccard: Preussische Festlieder (Leipzig, 1858). 

—— Н. L. Hassler: Kirchengesänge, vierstimmig simpliciter (Leipzig, 1865). 

THOMAS, WILHELM: Gesangbuch der Böhmischen Brüder vom Jahre 1531 von 
M. Weisse. Facs. ed. (Kassel, 1931). 

— — Singen wir heut mit gleichem Mund [20 tunes for congregational singing 
from the repertory of the Bohemian Brethren] (Kassel, 1929). 

TUCHER, GOTTLIEB: Schatz des evangelischen Kirchengesanges im ersten Jahr- 
hundert der Reformation, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1848). 

WoLr, JOHANNES: Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, xxxiv. Newe deudsche geistliche 
Gesänge für die gemeinen Schulen (Rhaw, 1544) (Leipzig, 1908). 


` —— Martin Luther: Deudsche Messe (1526). Facs. ed. (Kassel, 1934). 


ZAHN, JOHANNES: Die Melodien der deutschen evangelischen Kirchenlieder, 6 vols. 
(Gütersloh, 1888-93; reprinted Hildesheim, 1963). 

ZELLE, FRIEDRICH: Die Singweisen der ältesten evangelischen Lieder, 3 vols. 
(Berlin, 1899-1910). 

—— Das älteste lutherische Hausgesangbuch: * Fürbefass'-Enchiridion (Erfurt, 
1524) (Góttingen, 1903). 

—— Das erste evangelische Gesangbuch. [Fünfftzig Geistliche Lieder und Psalmen 
von Lucas Osiander, 1586] (Berlin, 1903). 

ZENCK, HERMANN: Das Erbe deutscher Musik, xxiii. Sixtus Dietrich: Ausgewählte 
Werke, i. Hymnen (1545) (Leipzig, 1942). 


(ii) Books and Articles 

ADRIO, ADAM: Die Anfänge des geistlichen Konzerts (Berlin, 1935). 

ALBRECHT, HANS: Caspar Othmayr (Kassel and Basle, 1950). 

ALLERUP, ALBERT: Die ‘Musica practica’ des Johann Andreas Herbst und ihre 
entwicklungsgeschichtliche Bedeutung (Münster, 1931). 

AMELN, KoNRAD: “Leonhard Lechner. Kapellmeister und Komponist. Um 
1553-1606’, Lebensbilder aus Schwaben und Franken, vii (1960). 

— ‘Luthers Liedauswahl’, Jahrbuch für Liturgik und Hymnologie, v (1960). 

—— MAHRENHOLZ, C., and MÜLLER, K. F., eds.: Jahrbuch für Liturgik und 
Hymnologie (Kassel and Basle, 1955- ). 

AUER, JOSEPH: ‘M. Andreas Raselius Ambergensis: sein Leben und seine Werke’, 
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882 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


BLUME, FRIEDRICH: Das monodische Prinzip in der protestantischen Kirchenmusik 
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CLEMEN, Отто: ‘Zur Musikgeschichte der Reformationszeit’, Die Musik- 

forschung, ii (1949). 

EINSTEIN, ALFRED: Heinrich Schütz (Kassel, 1928). 

EITNER, ROBERT: ‘Johann Walther: Biographisches und Bibliographisches’. 
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EPSTEIN, PETER: Die Frankfurter Kapellmusik zur Zeit J. A. Herbsts (Frankfurt; 
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FRIEDERICH, BRUNO: Der Vokalstil des Hieronymus Praetorius (Hamburg, 1932). 

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GERHARDT, CARL: Die Torgauer Walter-Handschriften. Eine Studie zur Quellen- 
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G£roLD, Тнёорокв: Les plus anciennes mélodies de l'Église Protestante de 
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GERSTENBERG, WALTER: Beiträge zur Problemgeschichte der evangelischen 
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GESSNER, ERIKA: Samuel Scheidts geistliche Konzerte (Berlin, 1961). 

GLAHN, HENRIK: Melodiestudier til den Lutherske Salmesangs Historie fra 1524 
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GOSSLAU, WERNER: Diereligiöse Haltung inder Reformationsmusik (Kassel, 1933). 

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GRÖSSEL, HEINRICH: Georgius Otto. Ein Motettenkomponist des 16. Jhs. (1550- 
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GURLITT, WILIBALD: Michael Praetorius (Creuzburgensis). Sein Leben und seine 
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Haas, ROBERT: ‘Zu Walthers Choralpassion nach Matthäus’, Archiv für Musik- 
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Hasse, KARL: ‘Johann Hermann Schein’, Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, ii 
(1920). ` 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 883 


-HERMELINK, SIEGFRIED: ^Rhythmische Struktur in der Musik von Heinrich 
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884 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


MAHRENHOLZ, CHRISTHARD: Das evangelische Kirchengesangbuch. Ein Bericht 
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 885 


SCHMID, Ernst Fritz: ‘Hans Leo Hassler und seine Brüder’, Zeitschrift des 
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STERNFELD, FREDERICK W.: ‘Music in the Schools of the Reformation’, Musica 
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THOMAS, WILHELM: “Deutscher Brüdergesang in Böhmen vor 400 Jahren’, 
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WESTPHAL, JOHANNES: Das evangelische Kirchenlied nach seiner geschichtlichen 
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im Zeitalter der Reformation (Leipzig, 1928). 


886 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
(b) CALVINIST MUSIC 


(1) Sources 


BERNET KEMPERS, К. Pu.: Corpus mensurabilis musicae, iv. Jacobus Clemens non 
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DELÉTRA, D.: Aulcuns pseaulmes et cantiques mys en chant (Strasbourg, 1539). 
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Expert, Henry: Florilège du concert vocal de la Renaissance, vii. Jacques 
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GEROLD, THEODORE: Psaumes de Clement Marot avec les melodies (Strasbourg, 
1919). 

Lacas, R.: Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck: Opera Omnia, editio altera, ii. Cinquante 
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MiNcorr-MARRIAGE, E.: Souterliedekens: Een nederlandsch psalmboek van 1540 
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Pipoux, PIERRE: La Forme des prières et chants ecclésiastiques (Geneva, 1542). 
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— — and Amein, K.: Claude Goudimel: Les Pseaumes mis en rime francoise 
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(ii) Books and Articles 

AMELN, K., MAHRENHOLZ, C., and MULLER, K. F., eds.: Jahrbuch für Liturgik 
und Hymnodie (Kassel and Basle, 1955- ). 

BECKER, GEORG: *Chronologische Reihenfolge der ältesten bekannten Psalmen- 
ausgaben von Cl. Marot und Th. de Béze', Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte, 
ii (1870). 

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Bover, FELIX: Histoire du psautier des églises réformées (Neuchâtel, 1872). 

Brenet, MicHeL: Claude Goudimel: essai bibliographique (Besançon, 1898). 

CaucHrE, Maurice: ‘Les Psaumes de Janequin’, Société Internationale de 
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Douen, O.: Clément Marot et le psautier huguenot, 2 vols. (Paris, 1878-9). 


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GAILLARD, PAUL-ANDRÉ: ‘Essai sur le rapport des sources mélodiques des 
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—— ‘Le Matériel mélodique employé раг Loys Bourgeois dans son Premier 
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GARSIDE, CHARLES, JR.: ‘Calvin’s Preface to the Psalter: A Re-appraisal’, 
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GEERING, ARNOLD: ‘Die Vokalmusik in der Schweiz zur Zeit der Reformation’, 
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GEROLD, THÉODORE: Les plus anciennes mélodies de l'Église Protestante de 
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Jenny, Markus: ‘Das erste offizielle Zürcher Gesangbuch von 1598’, Jahrbuch 
für Liturgik und Hymnologie, vii (1962). 

KAT, ALovsius: De geschiedenis der kerkmuziek Zu de Nederlanden (Hilversum, 
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NIEVERGELT, EDWIN: Die Tonsátze der deutsch-schweizerischen reformierten 
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ODINGA, TH.: Das deutsche Kirchenlied der Schweiz im Reformationszeitalter 
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Pıpoux, PIERRE: ‘Notes sur quelques éditions des psaumes de Claude Goudimel', 
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PRATT, WALDO S.: ‘The Importance of the Early French Psalter’, Musical 
Quarterly, xxi (1935). 

—— The Music of the French Psalter of 1562 (New York, 1939). 

REIMANN, Hannes: Die Einführung des Kirchengesangs in der Zürcher Kirche 
nach der Reformation (Zürich, 1959). 

—— ‘Huldrych Zwingli—der Musiker’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, xvii 
(1960). 

— — ‘Johannes Calvin und der Huguenottenpsalter', Der evangelische Kirchen- 
chor, lxix (1964). 

RicGENBACH, C. J.: 'Die franzósischen Psalmenmelodien', Monatshefte für 

Musikgeschichte, iii (1871). 

Der Kirchengesang in Basel seit der Reformation (Basle, 1870). 

ROKSETH, Yvonne: ‘Les Premiers chants de l'église calviniste’, Revue de musico- 
logie, xxxvi (1954). 

SCHEUERLEER, D. F.: De Souterliedekens. Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis der oudste 
nederlandsche psalmberijming (Leyden, 1898). 

ScHILD, EMILIE: ‘Calvins Vermächtnis an die evangelische Kirchenmusik’, 
Musik und Kirche, xiv (1942). 


888 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


SCHILD, EMILIE: ‘Die Ordnung der reformierten Gottesdienste’, Musik und Kirche, 
xiv (1942). 

SCHOLES, PERCY A.: The Puritans and Music in England and New England (London, 
1934; 2nd ed. New York, 1962). 

TEUBER, UrniCH: *Notes sur la rédaction musicale du psaultier genevois (1542- 
1562)’, Annales musicologiques, iv (1956). 

THÜRLINGS, ADOLF: Die schweizerischen Tonmeister im Zeitalter der Reformation 
(Berne, 1903). 

VAN DEN SIGTENHORST MEYER, B.: De vocale muziek van Jan P. Sweelinck (The 
Hague, 1948). 

WEBER, G.: Huldrych Zwingli: Seine Stellung zur Musik und seine Lieder (Zürich, 
1884). 

WIORA, WALTER: "Die Melodien der ‘‘Souterliedekens” und ihre deutschen 
Parallelen’, Kongress-Bericht (Utrecht, 1952) (Amsterdam, 1953). 

WOODWARD, G. R.: “The Genevan Psalter of 1562, set in Four-part Harmony 
by Claude Goudimel in 1565’, Proceedings of the Musical Association, xliv 
(1918). 


CHAPTER IX 
CHURCH MUSIC IN ENGLAND 


(i) Sources 


ANDREWS, H. K., and DART, T.: Thomas Morley, Collected Motets (London, 
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ARKWRIGHT, G. E. P.: Old English Edition, x. Christopher Tye, Mass Euge Bone; 
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BERGSAGEL, J. D.: Early English Church Music, i. Early Tudor Masses: I (London, 
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Brown, D., CoLLINS, W., and LE Huray, P.: Musica Britannica, xxiii. Thomas 
Weelkes: Collected Anthems (London, 1966). 

ELLIOTT, K., and Sue, Н. M.: Musica Britannica, xv. Music of Scotland 
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FeLLowes, E. H.: The Collected Works of William Byrd, i-vii and xii-xv (London, 
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Frost, M.: English and Scottish Psalm and Hymn Tunes c. 1543-1677 (London, 
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HARRISON, F. LL.: Das Chorwerk, Ixxxiv. John Sheppard, Sechs Responsorien 
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— — Early English Church Music, ii. William Mundy, Latin Antiphons and Psalms 
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Hunt, J. E.: Cranmer's First Litany, 1544, and Merbecke's Book of Common 
Prayer Noted, 1550 (London, 1939). 

Le Huray, P.: John Weelkes, Evening Service for Trebles (London, 1962). 

ROSE, BERNARD: Early English Church Music, v. Thomas Tomkins, Musica Deo 
Sacra: I (London, 1965). 

STEVENS, Denis: Musica Britannica, i. The Mulliner Book (London, 1951). 

TERRY, R. R.: The Scottish Psalter of 1635 (London, 1935). 

Tudor Church Music, ii; iv-x (London, 1922-9); Appendix with Supplementary 
Notes by E. H. Fellowes (London, 1948). 

WULSTAN, D.: Early English Church Music, iii. Orlando Gibbons, Verse Anthems 
(London, 1964). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 889 


(ii) Books and Articles 


ATKINS, L: The Early Occupants of the Office of Organist and Master of the 
Choristers . . . of Worcester (London, 1918). 

ARKWRIGHT G. E. P.: *Notes on the Ferrabosco Family', Musical Antiquary, iv 
(1912-13). 

—— Catalogue of the Manuscripts in Christ Church, Oxford, 2 vols. (Oxford, 
1915-23). 

BAILLIE, HUGH: ‘Some Biographical Notes on English Church Musicians, Chiefly 
Working in London (1485-1560)’, R.M.A. Research Chronicle, no. 2 (1962). 

— — ‘Squares’, Acta Musicologica, xxxii (1960). 

BERGSAGEL, J. D.: *The Date and Provenance of the Forrest-Heyther Collection 
of Early Tudor Masses', Music and Letters, xliv (1963). 

BROWN, Davip: ‘The Anthems of Thomas Weelkes', Proceedings of the Royal 
Musical Association, xci (1964—5). 

—— ‘Thomas Morley and the Catholics: Some Speculations’, Monthly Musical 
Record, lxxxix (1959). 

—— — "The Styles and Chronology of Thomas Morley's Motets', Music and 
Letters, xli (1960). 

BUTTREY, J.: ‘William Smith of Durham’, Music and Letters, xliii (1962). 

CLuLow, PETER: ‘Publication Dates for Byrd’s Latin Masses’, Music and Letters, 
xlvii (1966). 

Darr, R. THursron.: ‘Morley and the Catholics: Some Further Speculations’, 
Monthly Musical Record, Ixxxix (1959). 

—— ‘Music and Musicians at Chichester Cathedral, 1545-1642’, Music and 
Letters, xlii (1961). 

—— ‘Two New Documents Relating to the Royal Music, 1584-1605’, Music 
and Letters, xlv (1964). 

DuckLes, VINCENT: ‘Florid Embellishment in English Song of the Late 16th 
and Early 17th Centuries’, Annales musicologiques, v (1957). 

ELLinwoop, L.: ‘Tallis’? Tunes and Tudor Psalmody', Musica Disciplina, ii 
(1948). 

FELLOWES, E. H.: The Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Library of St. Michaels 
College, Tenbury (Paris, 1934). 

—— English Cathedral Music (London, 1941). 

—— Orlando Gibbons and his Family: the Last of the Tudor School of Musicians 
(London, 2nd ed. 1951). 

——— William Byrd (London, 2nd ed., 1948). 

FOWLER, J. T.: Durham Account Rolls (Durham, 1898). 

Frere, W. H.: ‘Edwardine Vernacular Services before the First Prayer Book’, 
Walter Howard Frere: A Collection of his Papers (London, 1940). 

СЕЕ, H.: The Elizabethan Prayer-Book and Ornaments (London, 1902). 

HARRISON, F. LL.: Music in Medieval Britain (London, 1958). 

Hiscock, W. G.: A Christ Church Miscellany (Oxford, 1946). 

HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION: Appendix to the 4th Report (London, 
1874). 

Ноанеѕ, Dom ANSELM: Catalogue of the Musical Manuscripts at Peterhouse 
(Cambridge, 1953). 

Носнеѕ, P.: The Reformation in England, 3 vols. (London, 1950-4). 

Jackman, J. L.: ‘Liturgical Aspects of Byrd’s Gradualia’, Musical Quarterly, 
xlix (1963). 

Kerman, J.: ‘An Elizabethan Edition of Lassus’, Acta Musicologica, xxvii (1955). 

—— ‘Byrd’s Motets: Chronology and Canon’, Journal of the American Musico- 
logical Society, xiv (1961). 


890 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


KERMAN, J.: ‘The Elizabethan Motet: a Study of Texts for Music’, Studies 
in the Renaissance, ix (1962). 

LAFONTAINE, Н. C. рв: The King’s Musick (London, 1909). 

Lets, J. W.: English Orders for Consecrating Churches (London, 1911). 

LE Huray, Peter: ‘The English Anthem 1580-1640’, Proceedings of the Royal 
Musical Association, Ixxxvi (1959/60). 

— — ‘Towards a definitive study of pre-Restoration Anglican service music’, 
Musica Disciplina, xiv (1960). 

Mortey, Tuomas: A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke, ed. 
R. A. Harman (London, 1952). 

Ретті, А. G.: ‘New Light on Peter Philips’, Monthly Musical Record, Ixxxvii 
(1957). 

—— ‘Peter Philips, Composer and Organist: 1561-1628’, Recusant History, iv, 2 
(Bognor Regis, 1958). 

Ping, E.: The Westminster Abbey Singers (London, 1953). 

PROCTER, F., and FRERE, W. H.: A New History of the Book of Common Prayer 
(London, 1932). 

RAINE, J.: Depositions and other Ecclesiastical Proceedings from the Courts of 
Durham (London and Edinburgh, 1845). 

REYNOLDS, H.: Use of Exeter Cathedral (London, 1891). 

RiMBAULT, E. F.: The Old Cheque-Book . . . of the Chapel Royal (London, 1872; 
reprinted New York, 1966). 

Rocers, C.: History of the Chapel Royal of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1882). 

Rose, BERNARD: ‘Thomas Tomkins, 15752-1656', Proceedings of the Royal 
Musical Association, \xxxii (1955-6). 

SCHOFIELD, B., and Dart, T.: ‘Tregian’s Anthology’, Music and Letters, xxxii 
(1951). 

SHaw, Н. W.: ‘Thomas Morley of Norwich’, Musical Times, cvi (1965). 

SPINK, IAN: ‘The Musicians of Queen Henrietta-Maria: Some Notes and 
References in the English State Papers’, Acta Musicologica, xxxvi (1964). 

STEVENS, Dents: Thomas Tomkins (London, 1957). 

Tudor Church Music (London, 1961). 

STEVENSON, R.: ‘John Marbeck’s “Noted Booke" of 1550’, Musical Quarterly, 
xxxvii (1951). 

SUMNER, W. L.: The Organ (London, 1952). 

Terry, В. R.: A Forgotten Psalter and Other Essays (Oxford, 1929). 

THOMPSON, EDWARD: ‘Robert Ramsey’, Musical Quarterly, xlix (1963). 

WAILES, MARYLIN: ‘Martin Peerson’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Associa- 
tion, lxxx (1953-4). 


CHAPTER X 


EARLY BAROQUE CHURCH MUSIC 


(i) Sources 

ABERT, A. A.: Das Chorwerk, xxiv. Melchior Franck: Fünf Hoheliedmotetten 
(from the Geystliche Gesäng und Melodeyen, Coburg, 1608) (Wolfenbüttel, 
1933). 

ADLER, Guipo: Denkmáler der Tonkunst in Ósterreich, xx, Jg. x (1). Orazio 
Benevoli: Festmesse und Hymnus (Vienna, 1903). 

AGAZZARI, AGOSTINO: Del sonare sopra il basso. Facs. ed. (Milan, 1933). 

AMELN, KONRAD et al.: Heinrich Schütz: Neue Ausgabe sämtlicher Werke 
(Kassel and Basle, 1955- ). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 891 


ARNOLD, DENIS: Corpus mensurabilis musicae, xii. Giovanni Gabrieli: Opera 
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BrEzECNY, E., and MANTUANI, J.: Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, xii, 
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FEININGER, LAURENCE: Monumenta Liturgiae Polychoralis, i-ix (Rome, 1950-4). 

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HuiIGENS, P. C.: Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, Ixxiü, Jg. xxxviii (2). 
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KROYER, THEODORE: Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, 2. Folge: Denkmäler der 
Tonkunst in Bayern, x (1). G. Aichinger: Ausgewählte Werke (Leipzig, 1909). 

MALIPIERO, G. F.: Claudio Monteverdi: Tutte le opere, 16 vols. (Asolo, 1926-42). 

Mayr, O.: Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, 2. Folge: Denkmäler der Tonkunst in 
Bayern, x (2). A. Gumpelzhaimer: Ausgewáhlte Werke (Leipzig, 1909). 

SCHARNAGL, AUGUST: Musica Divina (new series), x. Viadana: Missa Dominicalis 
(Ratisbon, 1954). 

SCHMITZ, EUGEN: Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst, 2. Folge: Denkmäler der 
Tonkunst in Bayern, vii (D), viii (1). Johann Staden: Ausgewählte Werke 
(Leipzig, 1906). 

SPITTA, P., SCHERING, A., and Sprrra, H.: Heinrich Schütz: Sämtliche Werke, 
18 vols. (Leipzig, 1885-1927). 


(ii) Books and Articles 

ABERT, ANNA AMALIE: Die stilistischen Voraussetzungen der * Cantiones sacrae" 
von Heinrich Schütz (Wolfenbüttel, 1935). 

ABRAHAM, LARS ULRICH: Der Generalbass im Schaffen des Michael Praetorius 
und seine harmonischen Voraussetzungen (Berlin, 1961). 

ADRIO, ADAM: Die Anfänge des geistlichen Konzerts (Berlin, 1935). 

AMANN, J.: Allegris Miserere und die Aufführungspraxis in der Sixtina (Ratisbon, 
1935). 

ARNOLD, Denis: ‘Alessandro Grandi, a Disciple of Monteverdi’, Musical 
Quarterly, xliii (1957). 

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the Royal Musical Association, Ixxxii (1955-6). 

—— ‘Giovanni Croce and the Concertato style’, Musical Quarterly, xxxix (1953). 

—— ‘Instruments in Church: Some Facts and Figures’, Monthly Musical Record, 
Ixxxv (1955). 

—— Monteverdi (London, 1963). 

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Record, lxxxviii (1958). 

——- "The Monteverdian Succession at St. Mark's', Music and Letters, xlii (1961). 

—— ‘Notes on Two Movements of the Monteverdi ‘‘Vespers”’, Monthly 
Musical Record, \xxxiv (1954). 


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BARBLAN, G.: 'Contributo a una biografia critica di Agostino Agazzari', 
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BLANKENBURG, WALTER: ‘Der Harmonie-Begriff in der lutherisch-barocken 
Musikanschauung’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, xvi (1959). 

BLUME, FRIEDRICH: Das monodische Prinzip in der protestantischen Kirchenmusik 
(Leipzig, 1925). 

Висоти, A.: Cenni sulla уйа e sulle opere di Giulio Belli (Modena, 1865). 

BUKOFZER, MANFRED: Music in the Baroque Era, from Monteverdi to Bach 
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CHIGI SARACINI, COUNT Сиро: Claudio Saracini: Le seconde musiche (Venice, 
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CLERCX, SUZANNE: Le Baroque et la musique (Brussels, 1948). 

CORADINI, F.: Antonio Maria Abbatini (Arezzo, 1922). 

FORCHERT, ARNO: Das Spätwerk des Michael Praetorius (Berlin, 1959). 

GERBER, RUDOLF: Das Passionsrezitativ bei Heinrich Schütz und seine stil- 
geschichtlichen Grundlagen (Gütersloh, 1929). 

Haas, ROBERT: Aufführungspraxis der Musik (Potsdam, 1930-2). 

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HABERL, F. X.: ‘Felice Anerio, Lebensgang und Werke’, Kirchenmusikalisches 
Jahrbuch, xviii (1903). 

—— ‘Giovanni Francesco Anerio . . .', Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, i (1886). 

—-— * Giovanni Croce. Eine bio-bibliographische Skizze', Kirchenmusikalisches 
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— — *Lodovico Grossi da Viadana', Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, iv (1889). 
Hexe. Hans Отто: ‘Der Madrigal- und Motettentypus in der Mensurallehre 
des Michael Praetorius’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, xix/xx (1962/3). 
HUDSON, FREDERICK: ‘Giovanni Gabrieli's Motet a 15, “In ecclesiis" ", Music 

Review, xxiv (1963). 

HUIGENS, P. C.: ‘Blasius Amon’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, xviii (1931). 

Kenton, Econ F.: ‘The Late Style of Giovanni Gabrieli', Musical Quarterly, 
xlviii (1962). 

KIRCHNER, GERHARD: Der Generalbass bei Heinrich Schütz (Kassel and Basle, 
1960). 

KREIDLER, WALTER: Heinrich Schütz und der Stile concitato von Claudio Monte- 
verdi (Kassel, 1934). 

LEICHTENTRITT, HuGo: Geschichte der Motette (Leipzig, 1908). 

— — ‘Was lehren uns die Bilderwerke des 14.-17. Jahrhunderts über die 
Instrumentalmusik ihrer Zeit?', Sammelbände der internationalen Musik- 
gesellschaft, vii (1906). 

MALIPIERO, GIAN FRANCESCO: Claudio Monteverdi (Milan, 1929). 

MOLITOR, R.: Die nach-tridentinische Choralreform in Rom, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1901-2). 

MÜLLER-BLATTAU, J. M.: Die Kompositionslehre Heinrich Schützens in der 
Fassung seines Schülers Christoph Bernhard (Leipzig, 1926). 

Paort, DOMENICO DE: Claudio Monteverdi (Milan, 1945). 

Parazzı, A.: Della vita e delle opere musicali di L. Grossi-Viadana (Milan, 1876). 

PASQUETTI, GUIDO: L'oratorio musicale in Italia (Florence, 1906). 

REDLICH, HANS FERDINAND: ‘Aufgaben und Ziele der Monteverdi-Forschung’, 
Die Musikforschung, iv (1951). 

—— Claudio Monteverdi (Olten, 1949; augmented English ed., trans. К. Dale, 
London, 1952). 

—— * Monteverdi's Religious Music’, Music and Letters, xxvii (1946). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 893 


—— ‘New Editions of Monteverdi and Schütz’, Music Review, xix (1958). 

REITTER, LUMIR: Doppelchörigkeit bei Н. Schütz (Zürich, 1937). 

RIEMER, OTTO: Erhard Bodenschatz und sein‘ Florilegium Portense’ (Leipzig, 1928). 

SCHERING, ARNOLD: Aufführungspraxis alter Musik (Leipzig, 1931). 

—— Die niederländische Orgelmesse im Zeitalter des Josquin (Leipzig, 1912). 

SCHNEIDER, Max: Die Anfänge des Basso Continuo und seiner Bezifferung 
(Leipzig, 1918). 

SCHRADE, LEO: Monteverdi: Creator of Modern Music (London, 1951). 

SCHUH, WiLLI: Formprobleme bei Heinrich Schütz (Leipzig, 1928). 

WAGNER, PETER: Geschichte der Messe. (Leipzig, 1913). 

WINTERFELD, CARL VON: Johannes Gabrieli und sein Zeitalter, 3 vols. (Berlin, 
1834; reprinted Hildesheim, 1965). 


CHAPTER XI 


CONCERTED INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 

(1) Sources 

BECK, SYDNEY: Thomas Morley: The first book of consort lessons 1599 and 1611 
(New York, 1959). 

BENVENUTI, G.: Istituzioni e monumenti dell'arte musicale italiana, i, ii. Andrea e 
Giovanni Gabrieli e la musica strumentale in San Marco (Milan, 1931-2). 

BERNOULLI, E.: M. Praetorius: Syntagma Musicum, Teil III (Wolfenbüttel, 1619) 
(Leipzig, 1916). 

BLUME, FRIEDRICH: M. Praetorius: Gesamtausgabe, xv. Terpsichore (1612), ed. 
G. Oberst (Wolfenbüttel, 1929). 

DART, К. THURSTON: Parthenia In-Violata (London, c. 1625). Facs. and practical 
ed. (New York, 1961). 

——- and Coates, WILLIAM: Musica Britannica, ix. Jacobean Consort Music 
(London, 1955). 

Duys, F. van: Vereeniging voor Nederlandsche Muziekgeschiedenis, xxix. Tiel- 
man Susato: Het ierste musyck boexken (Antwerp, 1551) (Amsterdam, 1908). 

EINSTEIN, ALFRED: Giovanni Gabrieli: Canzoni per sonare . . . a Quattro (Venice, 
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ENGELKE, BERNHARD: Musik und Musiker am Gottorfer Hofe, I. Die Zeit der 
englischen Komódianten (1590-1627) (Breslau, 1930). 

Expert, Henry: Les Maitres musiciens de la Renaissance francaise, xxiii. Claude 
Gervaise, Estienne du Tertre, et Anonymes: Danseries, Part I (Paris, 1908). 

FELLowzS, E. H.: The Collected Works of William Byrd, xvii. String Fantasies, 
etc. (London, 1948). 

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3 vols. (London, 1924-5). 

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—— Thomas Tomkins: Fantasia a 6 (London, 1939). 

GEIRINGER, KARL: Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, Jg. xxxvi/2 (vol. Ixx). 
P. Peuerl and J. Posch: Instrumental and Vocal Compositions (Vienna, 1929). 

GIESBERT, F. J.: Pierre Attaingnant: Pariser Tanzbuch aus dem Jahre 1530 (Mainz, 
[1950)). 

——— Salomone Rossi: Sinfonie a 3 (Venice, 1608) (Mainz, 1956). 

——- Tielman Susato: Het derde musyck boexken (Antwerp, 1551) (Mainz, 1936). 

KELLER, HERMANN: S. Scheidt: 15 Symphonien (Leipzig, 1644) (Mainz, 1939). 

LEFKOWITZ, Murray: Musica Britannica, xxi. William Lawes: Select Consort 
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MEYER, ERNST HERMANN: Englische Fantasien aus dem 17. Jahrhundert (Kassel, 
1949). 

PRÜFER, ARTHUR: Johann Hermann Scheins Sämtliche Werke, i. Venuskränzlein 
und Banchetto musicale (Leipzig, 1901). 

Rikke, FRITZ, and NEWMAN, JoEL: Salomon Rossi: Sinfonie, Gagliarde, Canzone 
1607-1608 (New York, n.d.). 

SCHNEIDER, MAX: Diego Ortiz: Tratado de glosas . . . (Rome, 1553) (Kassel, 1913; 
2nd ed. 1936). 

Sum, Н. Cou: Monuments of Renaissance Music, i. Musica nova (Venice, 1540) 
(Chicago, 1965). 

STEVENS, Јонм: Musica Britannica, xviii. Music at the Court of Henry VIII 
(London, 1962). 

Токсні, Luici: L'arte musicale in Italia, vii. Musica istrumentale, secolo XVII 
(Milan, [1908]). 

WRTH, Н. F.: Vereeniging voor Nederlandsche Muziekgeschiedenis, xxxiv. 
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Paduanen and Galliarden by Melchior Borchgreving, Benedictus Grep and 
Nicolaus Gistow (Amsterdam, 1913). 

Zenck, H.: A. Willaert: Neun Ricercari für drei beliebige Instrumente (Mainz, 
1933). 


(ii) Books and Articles 

ARNOLD, CECILY, and JoHNSON, MARSHALL: “The English Fantasy Suite’, Pro- 
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ARNOLD, Denis: ‘Ceremonial Music in Venice at the Time of the Gabrielis’, 
Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, Ixxxii (1955-6). 

ARNOLD, F. T.: The Art of Accompaniment from a Thorough-Bass (London, 
1931, reprinted 1961). 

BACHMANN, W.: Die Anfänge des Streichinstrumentenspiels (Leipzig, 1964). 

BARBOUR, J. M.: Trumpets, Horns and Music (East Lansing, Mich., 1964). 

BLUME, FRIEDRICH: Studien zur Vorgeschichte der Orchestersuite im 15. und 16. 
Jahrhundert (Leipzig, 1925). 

Воурем, Davin D.: The History of Violin Playing from its Origins to 1761 and its 
Relationship to the Violin and Violin Music (London, 1965). 

BRENNECKE, WILFRIED: *Musique instrumentale d'aprés un manuscrit allemand 
(Ratisbonne, MS. A.R. 940/41)’, La Musique instrumentale de la Renaissance 
(Paris, 1955). 

Coates, WiLLIAM: ‘English Two-Part Viol Music 1590-1640°, Music and Letters, 
xxxiii (1952). 

Cote, ELIZABETH: ‘L’Anthologie de madrigaux et de musique instrumentale pour 
ensembles de Francis Tregian', La Musique instrumentale de la Renaissance 
(Paris, 1955). 

COLLAER, PAUL: ‘L'orchestra di Claudio Monteverdi’, Musica, ii (Florence, 

1943). 

Dart, R. THURSTON: ‘Morley’s Consort Lessons of 1599', Proceedings of the 
Royal Musical Association, Ixxiv (1947-8). 

—  *The Printed Fantasies of Orlando Gibbons’, Music and Letters, xxxvii 
(1956). 

DoNrNGTON, R., and Dart, R. T.: ‘The Origin of the "In nomine 
Letters, xxx (1949). 

FELLOWES, E. H.: Orlando Gibbons and his Family (London, 2nd ed. 1951). 

GEIRINGER, KARL: ‘Paul Peuerl’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, xvi (1929). 

GLASEL, RUDOLF: Zur Geschichte der Battaglia (Leipzig, 1931). 


999 


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HABERL, F. X.: ‘Giovanni Francesco Anerio’, Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, i 
(1886). 

HAYES, GERALD: King's Music (London, 1937). 

JACQUOT, JEAN, ed.: La Musique instrumentale de la Renaissance (Paris, 1955). 

Kunze, STEFAN: Die Instrumentalmusik Giovanni Gabrielis, 2 vols. (Tutzing, 
1963). 

LAFONTAINE, Н. C. DE: The King’s Musick (London, 1909). 

Launay, DENISE: ‘La Fantaisie en France jusqu'au milieu du XVII siècle’, La 
Musique instrumentale de la Renaissance (Paris, 1955). 

Lucan, S. A.: ‘Agostino Agazzari e l'orchestrazione del seicento’, Musica d'oggi 
(1931). 

MEYER, ERNST HERMANN: ‘L’Elément populaire dans les danses instrumentales 
allemandes jusqu'à la Guerre de Trente Ans’, La Musique instrumentale de la 
Renaissance (Paris, 1955). 

—— English Chamber Music (London, 1946). 

Die mehrstimmige Spielmusik des 17. Jahrhunderts in Nord- und Mitteleuropa 

(Kassel, 1934). 

——‘La Musique légère et la musique à danser du Moyen Age à la fin du XVII* 
siècle’, Revue musicale, numéro spécial no. 255 (Paris, 1962). 

NAGEL, W.: Annalen der englischen Hofmusik 1509-1649 (Leipzig, 1894). 

Ner, KARL: Geschichte der Sinfonie und Suite für Orchester (Leipzig, 1921). 

NOBLE, JEREMY: ‘Le Répertoire instrumental anglais (1550-1585), La Musique 
instrumentale de la Renaissance (Paris, 1955). 

OBERST, GÜNTHER: Englische Orchestersuiten um 1600 (Wolfenbüttel, 1929). 

PRÜFER, ARTHUR: Johann Hermann Schein (Leipzig, 1895). 

— — Johann Hermann Schein und das weltliche deutsche Lied des 17. Jahrhunderts. 
Anhang : Scheins Stellung zur Instrumentalmusik (Leipzig, 1908). 

Reese, Gustave: ‘The Origin of the English “In nomine”’, Journal of the 
American Musicological Society, ii (1949). 

Rose, GLORIA: *Agazzari and the Improvising Orchestra’, Journal of the American 
Musicological Society, xviii (1965). 

SCHLOSSBERG, A.: Die italienische Sonate für mehrere Instrumente im 17. Jahr- 
hundert (Diss. Heidelberg, 1932). 

SCHNEIDER, Max: Die Anfänge des Basso Continuo und seiner Bezifferung 
(Leipzig, 1918). 

STEVENS, Denis: “The Background of the “In nomine”’, Monthly Musical 
Record, Ixxxiv (1954). 

Товсні, Lucir: ‘L’accompagnamento degl'istrumenti nei melodrammi italiani 
della prima meta del seicento’, Rivista musicale italiana, i (1894). 

WALKER, ERNEST: ‘An Oxford Book of Fancies’, Musical Antiquary, iii 
(1911-12). 

WASIELEWSKI, JOSEF WILHELM VON: Geschichte der Instrumentalmusik im 16. 
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—— Die Violine im XVII. Jahrhundert und die Anfänge der Instrumentalcomposi- 
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——— ‘Monteverdi and the Orchestra’, Music and Letters, xxi (1940). 

WILSON, JOHN: Roger North on Music (London, 1959). 


896 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
CHAPTER XII 


SOLO INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC 

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ANDREWS, H DA: William Byrd: My Ladye Nevells Booke (London, 1926). 

ANGLES, HIGINI: Monumentos de la musica española, ii. La Musica еп la Corte 
de Carlo V. Con la transcripción del * Libro de Cifra Nueva para tecla, harpa y 
vilhuela’ de Luys Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) (Barcelona, 1944). 

APEL, WILL: Corpus of Early Keyboard Music, ii. Marco Facoli: Collected 
Works (American Institute of Musicology, 1963). 

—— Corpus of Early Keyboard Music, xvi. The Tablature of Celle, 1601 

(American Institute of Musicology, 1966). 

AULER, WOLFGANG: Spielbuch für Kleinorgel oder andere Tasteninstrumente 
(Leipzig, 1942). 

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 903 


SCHÜNEMANN, GEORG: Geschichte der Klaviermusik (Berlin, 1940). 

SEIFFERT, Max: ‘J. P. Sweelinck und seine direkten deutschen Schüler’, Viertel- 
jahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, vii (1891). 

Sum, H. Cori: ‘Francesco da Milano: a Bio-Bibliographical Study’, Musica 
Disciplina, xviii-xix (1964—5). 

SPEER, Kraus: ‘The Organ Verso in Iberian Music to 1700’, Journal of the 
American Musicological Society, xi (1958). 

SPIESSENS, GODELIEVE: “Emmanuel Adriaenssen et son Pratum Musicum', Acta 
Musicologica, xxxvi (1964). 

STEVENS, DENIS: "The Keyboard Music of Thomas Tallis', Musical Times, xciii 
(1952). 

—— The Mulliner Book: A Commentary (London, 1952). 

STEVENSON, ROBERT: Juan Bermudo (The Hague, 1960). 

SUTHERLAND, GORDON: 'The Ricercari of Jacques Buus', Musical Quarterly, xxxi 
(1945). 

Torcm, Luci: La musica strumentale in Italia nei secoli XVI, XVII e XVIII 
(Turin, 1901). 

TREND, J. B.: Luis Milan and the Vihuelistas (Oxford, 1925). 

TUSLER, ROBERT L.: The Organ Music of Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck (Bilthoven, 
1958). 

VALENTIN, ERICH: Die Entwicklung der Tokkata im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert (bis 
J. S. Bach) (Münster, 1930). 

VALLE DE PAZ, GIACOMO DEL: Annibale Padovano (Turin, 1933). 

VAN DEN BORREN, CHARLES: Les Origines de la musique de clavier dans les Pays- 
Bas jusque vers 1630 (Brussels, 1914). 

—— The Sources of Keyboard Music in England (London, 1913). 

VAN DEN SIGTENHORST MEYER, B.: Jan P. Sweelinck en zijn instrumentale muziek 
(The Hague, 1934; 2nd ed. 1946). 

WARD, Jonn: ‘The Editorial Methods of Venegas de Henestrosa’, Musica Dis- 
ciplina, vi (1952). 

WASIELEWSKI, JOSEF WILHELM VON: Geschichte der Instrumentalmusik im 16. 
Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1878). 

WERRA, ERNST von: ‘Beiträge zur Geschichte des französischen Orgelspiels’, 
Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, xxiii (1910). 

YOuNG, WILLIAM: ‘Keyboard Music to 1600’, Musica Disciplina, xvi-xvii (1962-3). 


CHAPTER XIII 
INSTRUMENTS AND INSTRUMENTAL NOTATION 


(i) Sources 


CHAPMAN, ROGER: Marin Mersenne: Harmonie universelle (Paris, 1636-7). 
Facs. ed. and English translation (The Hague, 1957). 

Юогметѕсн, N.: Christopher Simpson: The Division Violist (London, 1659). 
Facs. of 2nd ed., 1667 (London, 1956). 

Errner, ROBERT: ‘Arnolt Schlick: Spiegel der Orgelmacher und Organisten 
(Heidelberg, 1511)', Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte, i (1869). 

—— Publikation älterer praktischer und theoretischer Musikwerke, xi (Jg. 10). 
Sebastian Virdung: Musica getutscht (Basel, 1511) (Leipzig, 1896); xiii (Jg. 
12). Michael Praetorius: Syntagmatis musici Tom. II de Organographia 
(Wolfenbüttel, 1618-20) (Leipzig, 1884); xx (Jg. 24). Martin Agricola: 
Musica instrumentalis deudsch, erste und vierte Ausgabe (Wittenberg, 1528 
und 1545) (Leipzig, 1896). 


904 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


FLADE, ERNST: Arnolt Schlick: Spiegel der Orgelmacher und Organisten (Heidel- 
berg, 1511). Edition in modern German (Mainz, 1932). 

GURLITT, WiLIBALD: Michael Praetorius: Syntagma musicum, ii. De organo- 
graphia. Facs. ed. (Kassel, 1929). 

HeLLwiıc, H. J.: Jacques Hotteterre: Principes de la Flite Traversiere (1707). 
Facs. of 1728 ed. with German translation (Kassel, 1941). 

JACQUOT, JEAN: Thomas Mace: Musick’s Monument (London, 1676). Facs. 
of 1686 ed. (Paris, 1958). 

Kinsky, GEORG: Geschichte der Musik in Bilder (Leipzig, 1929). 

LESURE, F.: P. Trichet: Traite des instruments de musique (c. 1640) (Neuilly-sur- 
Seine, 1957). 

MEYER, KATHI: Ercole Bottrigari: Il Desiderio, ovvero de’ concerti di vari stromenti 
musicali, dialogo di musica (1594). Facs. ed. (Berlin, 1924). 

SCHNEIDER, Max: Silvestro Ganassi: Regola Rubertina (Venice, 1542-3). Facs. 
ed. (Leipzig, 1924). 

SCHÜNEMANN, GEORG: Das Erbe deutscher Musik, vii. Trompeterfanfaren, Sonaten 
und Feldstücke nach Aufzeichnungen deutscher Hoftrompeter des 16./17. 
Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1936). 

SMETS, PAUL: Arnolt Schlick: Spiegel der Orgelmacher und Organisten (Heidel- 
berg, 1511). Original text with facs. (Mainz, 1937). 


Gi) Books and Articles 

BACHMANN, WERNER: Die Anfänge des Streichinstrumentenspiels (Leipzig, 1964). 

BAINES, ANTHONY, ed.: Musical Instruments through the Ages (Harmondsworth, 
2nd ed. 1966). 

—— Woodwind Instruments and their History (London, 1957). 

Bate, PHILIP: The Oboe (London, 1956; 2nd rev. ed. 1962). 

BESSARABOFF, NICHOLAS: Ancient European Musical Instruments (Boston, 1941). 

BoarcH, DonaLo H.: Makers of the Harpsichord and Clavichord, 1440-1840 
(London, 1956). 

BoyDEN, Davip D.: The History of Violin Playing from its Origins to 1761 and its 
Relationship to the Violin and Violin Music (London, 1965). 

BUCHNER, A.: Musical Instruments through the Ages (London, 1956). 

CansE, ADAM: Musical Wind Instruments (London, 1939). 

COUTAGNE, HENRI: Gaspard Duiffopraucart et les luthiers lyonnais du XVI* siécle 
(Paris, 1893). 

DoNINGTON, ROBERT: The Instruments of Music (London, 1949; 3rd ed., rev., 1962). 

Durounco, NORBERT: Esquisse d'une histoire de l'orgue en France du XIII“ au 
XVIIF siecle (Paris, 1935). 

ELLIS, ALEXANDER J.: The History of Musical Pitch (London, 1880). 

FROTSCHER, G.: Geschichte des Orgelspiels, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1935; 2nd ed. 1959). 

GALPIN, FRANCIS W.: Old English Instruments of Music (London, 1910; new 
ed. with supplementary notes by Thurston Dart, 1965). 

—— ‘The Sackbut, its Evolution and History’, Proceedings of the Musical 
Association, xxxiii (1906). 

—— A Textbook of European Musical Instruments (London, 1937). 

GEIRINGER, KARL: Musical Instruments (London, 1943). 

Gut, DonaLp: ‘The Elizabethan Lute’, Galpin Society Journal, xii (1959). 

—— *The Orpharion and Bandora', Galpin Society Journal, xiii (1960). 

HALFPENNY, Eric: ‘The English 2- and 3-Keyed Hautboy’, Galpin Society 
Journal, ii (1949). 

—— 'Tantivy: an Exposition of the “Ancient Hunting Notes”’, Proceedings of 
the Royal Musical Association, lxxx (1954). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 905 


—— ‘The “Tenner Hoboy" ', Galpin Society Journal, v (1952). 

HARRISON, F., and Rimmer, J.: European Musical Instruments (London, 1964). 

HAYES, GERALD: King's Music (London, 1937). 

— — Musical Instruments and their Music, 1500-1750, i. The Treatment of 
Instrumental Music (Oxford, 1928); ii. Viols and other Bowed Instruments 
(Oxford, 1930). 

HEARTZ, DANIEL: ‘An Elizabethan Tutor for the Guitar’, Galpin Society Journal, 
xvi (1963). 

HECKEL, WILHELM: Der Fagott (Leipzig, 1931). 

HiPKINS, A. J. and Свв, W.: Musical Instruments, Historic, Rare and Unique 
(Edinburgh, 1888). 

HUBBARD, FRANK: Three Centuries of Harpsichord Making (Cambridge, Mass., 
1965). 

HuNr, EDGAR, and DONINGTON, ROBERT: Practical Method for the Recorder, 
2 vols. (London, 1935). 

James, Pun: Early Keyboard Instruments (London, 1930). 

KENDALL, RAYMOND: "Notes on Arnold Schlick', Acta Musicologica, xi (1939). 

KÖRTE, OSWALD: Laute und Lautenmusik bis zur Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts 
(Leipzig, 1901). 

LANGWILL, LYNDESAY G.: The Bassoon and Contrabassoon (London, 1965). 

— — ‘The Curtal (1550-1750)’, Musical Times, lxxviii (1937). 

LA LAURENCIE, LIONEL DE: Les Luthistes (Paris, 1928). 

LEFEVRE, JEAN: La Vielle (Paris, 1861). 

LEICHTENTRITT, Носо: ‘Was lehren uns die Bilderwerke des 14.-17. Jahr- 
hunderts über die Instrumentalmusik ihrer Zeit?', Sammelbände der inter- 
nationalen Musikgesellschaft, vii (1906). 

MAHRENHOLZ, CHRISTHARD: Die Orgelregister (Kassel, 1928). 

MARCUSE, SYBIL: Musical Instruments. A Comprehensive Dictionary (New York, 
1964). 

Marx, Joser: ‘The Tone of the Baroque Oboe’, Galpin Society Journal, iv 
(1951) 

MASLEN, BENJAMIN G.: ‘The Earliest English Organ Pedals’, Musical Times, ci 
(1960). See also subsequent correspondence, ibid. (Nov., 1960; Feb., April, 
1961). 

MENDEL, ARTHUR: ‘Pitch in the 16th and Early 17th Centuries’, Musical Quar- 
terly, xxxiv (1948). 

MENKE, WERNER: History of the Trumpet of Bach and Handel (London, 1934). 

NEUPERT, Hans: Das Klavichord (Kassel, 1950). 

NORLIND, ToBiAs: Musikinstrumentens Historia (Stockholm, 1941). 

RUSSELL, RAYMOND: The Harpsichord and Clavichord: an Introductory Study 
(London, 1959). 

SACHS, CURT: ‘Chromatic Trumpets in the Renaissance’, Musical Quarterly, 
xxxvi (1950). 

—— Handbuch der Musikinstrumentenkunde (Leipzig, 1920). 

——— History of Musical Instruments (London, 1940). 

— — Real-Lexikon der Musikinstrumente (Berlin, 1913). 

SCHLESINGER, KATHLEEN: The Instruments of the Modern Orchestra and Early 
Records of the Precursors of the Violin Family, 2 vols. (London, 1910). 
SCHLOSSER, Junius: Die Sammlung alter Musikinstrumente im Kunsthistorischen 

Museum (Vienna, 1920). 

SuMNER, W. L.: The Organ (London, 1952). 

THOINAN, ERNEST: Andre Maugars (Paris, 1865). 

VALENTIN, ERICH: Handbuch der Instrumentenkunde (Ratisbon, 1954). 


906 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


WiLLıams, C. Е. Аврү: The Story of the Organ (London, 1903). 
Моге, JOHANNES: Handbuch der Notationskunde, ii (Leipzig, 1919). 
WORSCHING, J.: Die historischen Saitenklaviere (Mainz, 1946). 


CHAPTER XIV 


MUSIC AND DRAMA 

(i) Sources 

Brown, Howard M.: Theatrical Chansons (Cambridge, Mass., 1963). 

CAULA, GIACOMO ALESSANDRO: Beaujoyeulx: Balet Comique de la Royne. Facs. 
ed. with introduction (Turin, 1965). 

Cutts, Jonn P.: La Musique de scene de la troupe de Shakespeare (Paris, 1959). 

DENT, EDwarD J.: Musica Britannica, ii. Locke and Gibbons: Cupid and Death 
(London, 1951). 

EITNER, ROBERT: *Seelewig von S. T. Staden’, Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte, 
xiii (1881). 

Gust, Feperico: Feste musicali della Firenze Medicea, 1480-1589 (Florence, 
1939). 

PEDRELL, FELIPE: ‘La Festa d'Elche', Sammelbdnde der internationalen Musik- 
gesellschaft, ii (1900-1). 

SABOL, ANDREW J.: Songs and Dances for the Stuart Masque (Providence, Rhode 
Island, 1959). 

SOLERTI, ANGELO, ed.: 3 vols. (Palermo and Milan, 1905). 

— — ed.: Gli albori del melodramma, Le origini del melodramma (Turin, 1903). 

STERNFELD, F. W.: Songs from Shakespeare's Tragedies (London, 1964). 

STEVENS, JOHN: Musica Britannica, xviii. Music at the Court of Henry VIII 
(London, 1962). 

WALKER, D. P.: Les Fêtes ... Médicis et... Lorraine, Florence 1589 . . . Inter- 
médes de Pellegrina (Paris, 1963). 

WECKERLIN, JEAN-BAPTISTE: Beaujoyeulx: Balet Comique de la Royne (Chefs 
d'euvres de l'opéra francais) (Paris, n.d. [1881]. 


(ii) Books and Articles 


ARKWRIGHT, С. E. P.: ‘Elizabethan Choirboy Play and their Music’, Proceedings 
of the Royal Musical Association, xl (1914). 

BOLTE, JOHANNES: Die Singspiele der englischen Komödianten (Leipzig, 1893). 

BRENNECKE, ERNEST and HENRY: Shakespeare in Germany: 1590-1700 
(Chicago, 1964). 

CHAMBERS, E. K.: The Elizabethan Stage, 4 vols. (Oxford, 1923). 

CHASE, GILBERT: “Juan del Encina’, Music and Letters, xx (1939). 

Соттѕ, Јонм P.: ‘Jacobean Masque and Stage Music’, Music and Letters, xxxv 
(1954). 

BRETT, Pm - ‘The English Consort Song, 1570-1625’, Proceedings of the Royal 
Musical Association, \xxxviii (1961-2). 

DENT, EDWARD J.: Foundations of English Opera (Cambridge, 1928). 

EMSLIE, McDonarp: ‘Nicholas Lanier’s Innovations in English Song’, Music and 
Letters, xli (1960). 

GoMsBosi, Отто: ‘Some Musical Aspects of the English Court Masque', Journal 
of the American Musicological Society, i (1948). 

GnzG, W. W.: Bibliography of Printed English Drama, 4 vols. (London, 1939-59). 

GREGOR, JosepH: Weltgeschichte des Theaters (Zürich, 1933). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY %7 


HARTNOLL, PHYLLIS, ed.: Oxford Companion to the Theatre (London, 1961). 

—— Shakespeare in Music (London, 1964). 

JACQUOT, JEAN, ed.: Les Fétes de la Renaissance, i (Paris, 1956). 

KIESEWETTER, R. G.: Schicksale und Beschaffenheit des weltlichen Gesanges 
(Leipzig, 1841). 

KINDERMANN, HEINZ: Theatergeschichte Europas, 5 vols. (Salzburg, 1957-62). 

LEA, KATHLEEN M.: Italian Popular Comedy, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1934). 

LEFKOWITZ, MURRAY: ‘The Longleat Papers of Bulstrode Whitelocke; New 
Light on Shirley's Triumph of Peace', Journal of the American Musicological 
Society, xviii (1965). 

LILIENCRON, RocHus von: "Die Chorgesänge des lateinisch-deutschen Schul- 
dramas . . .’, Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, vi (1890). 

LIVERMORE, Ann: "The Spanish Dramatists and their Use of Music’, Music and 
Letters, xxv (1944). 

McGowan, MARGARET M.: L’Art du Ballet de Cour en France (1581-1643) 
(Paris, 1963). 

NICOLL, ALLARDYCE: The World of the Harlequin (Cambridge, 1963). 

PIETZSCH, GERHARD: ‘Dresdener Hoffeste vom 16.-18. Jahrhundert’, Festschrift 
für Max Seiffert (Kassel, 1938). 

Popre, IsABEL: ‘El villancico polifonico’, Cancionero de Upsala, ed. J. Bal y Gay 
(Mexico City, 1944). 

PRUNIERES, Henry: Le Ballet de cour en France (Paris, 1914). 

REYHER, PAUL: Les Masques Anglais (Paris, 1909). 

SABOL, ANDREW J.: ‘New Documents on Shirley’s Masque “The Triumph of 
Peace”’, Music and Letters, xlvii (1966). 

SCHNEIDER, Max: Die Anfänge des Basso Continuo (Leipzig, 1918). 

SOLERTI, ANGELO: ‘Le rappresentazioni musicali di Venezia 1571-1605’, Rivista 
musicale italiana, ix (1902). 

SONNECK, О. G.: ‘A Description of Alessandro Striggio and Francesco Corteccia's 
Intermedii “Psyche and Amor” 1565’, Musical Antiquary, iii (1911). 

—— Miscellaneous Studies in the History of Music (New York, 1921). 

STERNFELD, F. W.: ‘Music in the Schools of the Reformation’, Musica Dis- 
ciplina, ii (1948). 

—— Music in Shakespearean Tragedy (London, 1963). 

Weaver, ROBERT L.: ‘Sixteenth-century Instrumentation’, Musical Quarterly, 
xlvii (1961). 

—— ‘The Orchestra in Early Italian Opera’, Journal of the American Musi- 
cological Society, xvii (1964). 

WELSFORD, END: The Court Masque (Cambridge, 1927). 


CHAPTER XV 


EARLY ITALIAN OPERA 


(i) Sources 

ErrNER, ROBERT: Publikation älterer praktischer und theoretischer Musikwerke, 
x (Jg. 9). Die Oper von ihren ersten Anfängen bis zur Mitte des 18. Jahr- 
hunderts: Caccini: Euridice; Gagliano: Dafne; Monteverdi: Orfeo (Leipzig, 
1881). 

Fano, Fabio: Istituzioni e monumenti dell'arte musicale italiana, iv. La Camerata 
fiorentina: Vincenzo Galilei (Milan, 1934). 


908 BIBLIOGRAPHY 


FLEMMING, WILLI: Nicola Sabbatini: Pratica di fabricar scene e machine ne’ teatri 
(Ravenna, 1638). German edition as Anleitung Dekorationen und Theater- 
maschinen herzustellen (Weimar, 1926). French translation (Neuchätel, 
1942). 

Совітох, E.: E de’ Cavalieri: Rappresentazione di anima e di corpo (Milan, 
c. 1956). 

LOEWENBERG, ALFRED: Annals of Opera, 1597-1940. 2nd ed., 2 vols. (Geneva, 
1955). 

MALIPIERO, G. FRANCESCO: Claudio Monteverdi: Orfeo. Vocal score (London, 
1923). 

—— I classici della musica italiana, х. E. del Cavaliere: Rappresentazione di 

anima e di corpo (Milan, 1919); xix. C. Monteverdi: Il combattimento di 

Tancredi e Clorinda (Milan, 1919); xxiv. J. Peri: L'Euridice (Milan, 1919). 

Tutte le opere di Claudio Monteverdi, viii. Madrigali guerrieri et amorosi, 

con alcuni opuscoli in genere rappresentativo . . . (Libro ottavo, 1638) (Leipzig, 

1929); xi. L'Orfeo: Favola in musica (1609) (Leipzig, 1930). 

MANTICA, F.: Prime fioriture del melodramma italiano, i. E. de’ Cavalieri: 
Rappresentazione di anima e di corpo (Rome, 1600). Facs. ed. (Rome, 
1912). 

Pert, Jacopo.: L’Euridice (1600). Facs. ed. (Rome, 1934). 

SANDBERGER, ADOLF: C. Monteverdi: L'Orfeo. Facs. of 1609 ed. (Augsburg, 
1927). 

SOLERTI, ANGELO: Gli albori del melodramma, 3 vols. (Palermo and Milan, 1905). 

—— Le origini del melodramma (Turin, 1903). 

STEVENS, Denis: C. Monteverdi: Il ballo delle ingrate (London, 1960). 

—— C. Monteverdi: Il combattimento di Tancredi e Clorinda (London, 1962). 

Товсні, Luici: L'arte musicale in Italia, v. Composizioni ad una e più voci, secolo 
XVII (Milan, n.d.); vi. La musica scenica, secolo XVII: Jacopo Peri, Claudio 
Monteverdi (Milan, n.d.). 

VATIELLI, F.: E. de’ Cavalieri: Rappresentazione di anima e di corpo (Leipzig, 1906). 


(ii) Books and Articles 


ABERT, ANNA AMALIE: Claudio Monteverdi und das musikalische Drama (Lipp- 
stadt, 1954). 

ALALEONA, DoMENICO: Studi su la storia dell'oratorio musicale in Italia (Milan, 
1945). 

—— ‘Su Emilio de Cavalieri’, La nuova musica, Nos. 113-14 (1905). 

ARNOLD, DENIS: Monteverdi (London, 1963). 

BECHERINI, BIANCA: ‘La musica nelle “Sacre rappresentazioni" Fiorentine’, 
Rivista musicale italiana, liii (1951). 

Crvita, A.: Ottavio Rinuccini e il sorgere del melodramma in Italia (Mantua, 
1900). 

COLLAER, PAUL: ‘L'orchestra di Claudio Monteverdi’, Musica, ii (Florence, 
1943). 

DELLA CORTE, ANDREA: Drammi per musica dal Rinuccini allo Zeno, 2 vols. 
(Turin, [1958]). 

EHRICHS, ALFRED: Giulio Caccini (Leipzig, 1908). 

EINSTEIN, ALFRED: 'Firenze prima della monodia', Rassegna musicale, vii (1934). 

Gust, FEDERICO: Alle fonti della monodia: Due nuovi brani della ‘Dafne’: il 
‘Fuggilotio musicale’, di С. Caccini (Milan, 1940). 

—— — ‘An Early seventeenth Century MS. with Unpublished Italian Monodic 
Music by Peri, Giulio Romano, and Marco da Gagliano’, Acta Musico- 
logica, xx (1948). 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 909 


GHISLANZONI, ALBERTO: Luigi Rossi (Aloysius de Rubeis), biografia e analisi delle 
composizioni (Milan and Rome, [1954]). 

GOLDSCHMIDT, Huco: Die italienische Gesangmethode des XVII. Jahrhunderts 
(Breslau, 1890). 

—— Studien zur Geschichte der italienischen Oper im 17. Jahrhundert, 2 vols. 
(Leipzig, 1901-4). 

GROUT, DONALD Jay: ‘The Chorus in Early Opera’, in Festschrift Friedrich 
Blume (Kassel and Basle, 1963). 

——— A Short History of Opera (New York, 1947; 2nd rev. ed. 1965). 

Heuss, ALFRED: "Die Instrumental-Stücke des Orfeo’, Sammelbände der inter- 
nationalen Musikgesellschaft, iv (1902-3). 

PALISCA, CLAUDE V.: Girolamo Mei: Letters on Ancient and Modern Music to 
Vincenzo Galilei and Giovanni Bardi (American Institute of Musicology, 
1960). 

——— ‘Girolamo Mei: Mentor to the Florentine Camerata’, Musical Quarterly, 
х1 (1954). 

—— ‘The First Performance of Euridice’, Queen's College (New York): Twenty- 
fifth Anniversary Festschrift (New York, 1964). 

—— ‘Vincenzo Galilei and Some Links between “Pseudo-Monody” and 
Monody', Musical Quarterly, xlvi (1960). 

РАО, DoMENICO DE’: Claudio Monteverdi (Milan, 1945). 

PIRROTTA, NINO: ‘Temperaments and Tendencies in the Florentine Camerata’, 
Musical Quarterly, х1 (1954). 

PORTER, WILLIAM V.: ‘Peri and Corsi's Dafne: Some New Discoveries and 
Observations', Journal of the American Musicological Society, xviii (1965). 

PRUNIERES, HENRY: L’Opera italien en France avant Lulli (Paris, 1913). 

— La Vie et l'euvre de Claudio Monteverdi (Paris, 1924). 

REDLICH, H. F.: Claudio Monteverdi: Life and Works. Trans. Kathleen Dale 
(London, 1952). 

RoBiNSON, M. F.: Opera before Mozart (London, 1966). 

ROLLAND, Romain: Histoire de l'opéra en Europe avant Lully et Scarlatti (Paris, 
1895). 

—— La Premiere Représentation du Alessio de Stefano Landi en 1632’, Revue 
d'histoire et de critique musicales (Paris, 1902). 

SCHILD, MARION: Die Musikdramen Ottavio Rinuccinis (Munich, 1933). 

SCHRADE, LEO: Monteverdi: Creator of Modern Music (London, 1951). 

—— La Représentation Ф Edipo Tiranno au Teatro Olimpico (Paris, 1960). 

SOLERTI, ANGELO: Musica, ballo e drammatica alla Corte Medicea de 1600 al 
1637 (Florence, 1905). 

SONNECK, О. G.: ‘“Dafne”, the First Opera: A Chronological Study’, Sammel- 
bände der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, xv (1913-14). 

TIRABASSI, ANTONIO: ‘The Oldest Opera: Belli’s Orfeo dolente’, Musical Quar- 
terly, xxv (1939). 

TOWNELEY WORSTHORNE, S.: Venetian Opera in the Seventeenth Century (Oxford, 
1954). 

VoGEL, Emit: ‘Claudio Monteverdi: Leben, Werken im Licht der zeitgenós- 
sischen Kritik’, Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, iii (1887). 

——— ‘Marco da Gagliano. Zur Geschichte des florentiner Musiklebens von 1570- 
1650’, Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, v (1889). 

WESTRUP, J. A.: ‘Monteverdi and the Orchestra’, Music and Letters, xxi (1940). 

—— ‘Monteverdi’s “Lamento d'Arianna"', Music Review, i (1940). 


LIST OF CONTENTS OF 
THE HISTORY OF MUSIC IN SOUND 
VOLUME IV 


The History of Music in Sound is a series of volumes of gramophone 
records, with explanatory booklets, designed as a companion series to 
the New Oxford History of Music. Each volume covers the same ground 
as the corresponding volume in the New Oxford History of Music and is 
designed as far as possible to illustrate the music discussed therein. The 
records are issued in England by E.M.I. Records Ltd. (H.M.V.) and in 
the United States by R.C.A. Victor, and the booklets are published 
by the Oxford University Press. The editor of Volume IV of The History 
of Music in Sound is Sir Jack Westrup. 

The History of Music in Sound is available on LP records, and the side 
numbers are given below. 


ITALIAN MADRIGALS 
Sidet  Bandl А che son hormai conducto (Demophon) 
Band2 Scendi dal Paradiso (Marenzio) 
Band3 Quivi sospiri (Luzzaschi) 
ENGLISH MADRIGALS 
Band4 Ye that do live in pleasures (Wilbye) 
Band 5 Соте away, sweet love (Greaves) 
Band 6 О Care, thou wilt despatch me (Weelkes) 
Band7 Но! who comes here? (Morley) 
FRENCH CHANSONS: 16TH CENTURY 
Band8 Allons au vert bocage (Costeley) 
Band9 Tant que vivray (Claudin de Sermisy) 
Band 10 П est bel et bon (Passereau) 
VICTORIA (d. 1611) 
Siden | Bandl О Domine Jesu 
DE MONTE (1521-1603) 
Band2 Benedictus and Agnus Dei from Mass: Benedicta es 


PALESTRINA (d. 1594) 
Band З Sanctus from Mass: Aeterna Christi munera 
Bond A Agnus Dei П from Missa Brevis 
LASSUS (d. 1594) 
Band 5 Scio enim 
Band 6 Benedictus and Osanna from Mass: Puisque jay perdu 
GALLUS (1550-91) 
Bond 7 Mirabile Mysterium 
ENGLISH CHURCH MUSIC 


Side ш Bandl Adesto nunc propitius (Tallis) 
Band2 Haec dies (Byrd) 
Band3 Agnus Dei (Morley) 
Band4 Behold, thou hast made my days (Gibbons) 


912 THE HISTORY OF MUSIC IN SOUND, VOL. IV 
LUTHERAN CHURCH MUSIC 


Band 5 


Wie schön leuchtet der Morgenstern (Praetorius) 


GIOVANNI GABRIELI (1557-1612) 


Band 6 


In ecclesiis 


SOLO SONG: French, Spanish, and English 


Sideiv Band 1 
Band 2 
Band 3 
Band 4 


Vivray-je tousjours en soucy? (Claudin de Sermisy) 
Toda mi vida os amé (Luis Milán) 

Thyrsis and Milla (Morley) 

Sleep, wayward thoughts (Dowland) 


INSTRUMENTAL ENSEMBLE 


Band 5 
Band 6 
Band 7 
Band 8 


Ricercar no. 7 (Willaert) 

Padouan and Intrada from Suite no. 3 (Peuerl) 
3-part Fantasia, no. 3 (Gibbons) 

4-part Fantasia (Coperario) 


KEYBOARD MUSIC 


Virginals 
Band 9 


Harpsichord 
Side v Вапа 1 
Organ 


Band 2 
Band 3 


EARLY OPERA 
Band 4 
Band 5 


My lady Carey's Dompe (anon.) 
My Selfe (Bull) 

His Humour (Farnaby) 

The King's Juell (Gibbons) 


Capriccio sopra un soggetto (Frescobaldi) 


Ricercar arioso, no. 1 (Andrea Gabrieli) 
Chorale Variations: Ach Gott, vom Himmel sieh’ 
darein (Sweelinck) 


Scene from Orfeo, Act IV (Monteverdi) 
Bevi, bevi from La Morte d'Orfeo (Landi) 


INDEX 


The general plan of the Index follows that of Vol. ПІ, except for the 
treatment of substantial works, which are now arranged under the names 
of their composers or author, as they will be in all subsequent volumes. 
Such items as chansons, madrigals, motets, and psalm-paraphrases continue 
to be indexed by title in the general alphabet. 


Abbatini, Antonio Maria, 532. 

‘Aber die Gerechten’ (from ‘Komm her 
zu mir alle’), Scheidt, 460-1 (Ex. 205). 

Aberlin, Joachim, 500. 

(Ain) kurtzer begriff und Innhalt der 
gantzen Bibel in drew Lieder zuo singen 
gestellt, 500 në. 

Abert, A. A., 454 05, 455n*, 544, 
833 nt, 838 oni, 3, 840 on? *, 

‘Above the stars my Saviour dwells’, 
Tomkins, 518 n*. 

* Abradate', Byrd, 817. 

Abraham, L. U., 546 n5. 

* Absolve Domine’, Vasquez, 388 n?, 

* Absterges Domine', Tallis, 481. 

Académie de Poésie et de Musique 
29, 192, 805—6, 811, 812. 

Accademia degl’Invaghiti, 832. 

* Accessit ad pedes', Mahu, 265. 

* Ach bleib bei uns’, Selnekker, 451. 

*Ach Elselein, du holder Buhle mein' 
Nórmiger, 618. 

*Ach Gott, vom Himmel sieh darein', 

Stephan, 662-3. 

Variations on, Sweelinck, 640 o). 

‘Ach Gott, wie lang vergissest mein’ 
(Psalm 12), Greiter, 430 (Ex. 198). 

*Ach liebste, lass uns eilen', Nauwach, 
184. 

‘Acqua non è l'humor’, Tromboncino, 
140. 

Adam of Fulda, 99, 262. 

sAd ccenam’, chorale-variations оп, 
Titelouze, 673, 674. 

‘Ad Dominum cum tribularer', Byrd, 
486. Ferrabosco (the elder), 489-90 
(Ex. 214). 

* Adesto nunc propitius’, Tallis, 481 n!. 

* Adieu celle que j'ay servi', Barbion, 16. 

‘Adieu mes amours’, Josquin, 241, 262. 

Adler, Guido, 178 n*, 532 nt, 695 n?. 

* Adoramus te’, Lassus, 342. 

* Adoro te', G. F. Anerio, 537 n*. 

Adriaenssen (Adrisensen), Emmanuel, 592, 

694. 
Novum Pratum, 694. 
Pratum Musicum, 694. 


Adrio, Adam, 456 nê, 458 п!, 535n!, 
536. 

‘Ad te levavi’, Ferrabosco (the elder), 489. 

‘ad te suspiramus gementes’ (from ‘Salve 
O Regina’), Monteverdi, 540-1 (Ex. 
235), 

Aeolian Harp, see Instruments: Miscel- 
laneous. 

Afranio, Canon, 743, 745. 

Agazzari, Agostino, 537, 546, 568, 838. 
Del sonare sopra il basso, 537 п?. 
Discorso, 568. 

Eumelio, dramma pastorale, 838. 
Agnelli, Scipione, Peleo e Theti, 842. 
‘Agnus Dei’, Morley, 495 п?. 

‘Agnus redemit oves’ (from ‘Victimae 
Paschali’), sequence from Protestant 
Easter Mass, Galliculus, 263-4 (Ex. 
97); see also ‘Christ ist erstanden’. 

* Agora viniesse un viento’, Milán, 136-7 
(Ex. 48). 

Agostini, Paolo, 531-2. 

Agreo, 200. 

Agricola, Alexander, 240, 259. 

Agricola, Martin, 434, 711, 718, 751, 752, 

753, 154, 760 n5, 768, 769, 775. 

Musica choralis, 434, 

Musica figuralis deudsch, 434. 

Musica instrumentalis deudsch, etc., 
434, 711 ni, 718n!, 751 n°, 753 nf, 
754, 760 n5, 768 nn? 3, 769, 775. 

Aguilera de Heredia, Sebastián, 375, 

376 nt, 380, 412-13, 660, 679-80. 

Canticum beatissimae Virginis Deiparae 
Mariae, 412. 

Liber canticorum Magnificat, 376 nê. 

Obra de 8? tono (Ensalada), 679-80 (Ex. 
340). 

Vajo (baxo) de primo tono, 680. 

‘Ah che piaga d'amor non sana mai’, 
Monteverdi, 73. 

* Ahi come a un vago sol', Monteverdi, 73. 

Aich, Arnt von, printer, 98. 

Aichinger, Gregor, 266, 270-1, 544, 545, 

547, 593. 
Cantiones ecclesiasticae, 271, 545. 
Quercus Dodonae, 547. 


914 


Airs de cour (Vaudeville), 186, 187, 188, 
189, 190, 191-4, 206, 207, 696, 698. 

* Alack when I look back’, Byrd, 504. 

Alaleona, Domenico, 364, 835. 

* Alas, ye salt sea gods', R. Farrant, from 
Panthea and Abradatas, 817. 

Alba, Alonso de, 373. 

Alba, Pedro, 380. 

Albareda, Marciá, 410. 

Albert, Archduke, Governor of the 
Netherlands, 413. 

Albert, D. of Prussia, 265. 

Albert, Heinrich, 124. 
Arien, 1638-50, 124. 

Albrecht V, D., later Elector of Bavaria, 
56, 103, 234, 287, 348. 

Albrecht, Hans, 10 në, 235 п?, 261 n°, 
262 п}, 263 nt, 264 n?, 266 п, 325 në, 

Alcock, Philip, 476. 

Alder, Cosmas, 431. 

Alectorius, see Galliculus, Johannes. 

Alegria, J. A., 415 n*. 

“А le guancie di rose’, A. Gabrieli, 61 oi. 

Alessi, Giovanni d’, 276 n*, 277 nn'*-4, 
295 nn? 3, 

Alfonso V, K. of Portugal, 414. 

Alfonso X (‘the Learned’), K. of Castile, 
380. 

Aliseda, Santos de, 380. 

Alison, Richard, 92, 501, 512 n*. 
An Howre's Recreation, 512 п?. 

* Alix avait aux dents', Créquillon, 18. 

Allegri, Domenico, 532, 572. 

Allegri, Gregorio, 333. 

Allegri, Lorenzo, 578. 
Pro Libro delle Musiche, 578. 

Allegro-fugato, 577, 581. 

* Allein Gott in der Hóh sei Ehr', Dith- 
mers, 662-3 (Ex. 324). 

* Alleluia 1 heard a voice', Weelkes, 513. 

* Alleluia: Quae lucescit', Byrd, 488. 

Allemande, almain, Dantz, Tantz, 112, 
113-14 (Ex. 40), 205, 556, 581, 594, 
631, 696, 702. 

‘All in a Garden Greene’ (F.V.B.), 629. 

* All Leut und Thier', Nauwach, 183. 

‘All Lust und Freud die Lieb mir geit’, 
Hassler, 114 (Ex. 41). 

* Allons au vert boccage', Costeley, 26. 

Allou, Adrian, 249. 

Aliwood (Alwood), Richard, 473, 619, 
621-2, 624. 

* Alma Nemes', Lassus, 48, 56. 

* Almighty and everlasting God', Weelkes, 
513. 

*Almighty God whose kingdom is ever- 
lasting’, W. Parsons, 501 nt. 

‘Alouette, 1°, Janequin, 6; see also 
‘Lalafete’. 


INDEX 


‘Als ich einmal Lust bekam’, see Vier- 
danck, Sonata à 5. 

Altenburg, Michael, 598, 756. 

Altwegg, Wilhelm, 100 п?, 

Amann, J. J., 333 пі, 

*Amarilli, mia bella', Caccini, 159, 183, 
212, 216. 

* Amarilli', Nauwach, 188. 

Amati, Andrea, 720-1. 

Amati, Antonio, 720-1. 

Amati, Hieronymus, 720-1. 

Ambra, Francesco d', 770. 
La Cofanaria (Comedy), 770-1. 

Ambros, August W., 160 nt, 161 nt 227, 
241n*, 258n*, 276 п5, 280n*, 284 
nn}: & *, 384 п?, 385 n°’, 397 n*, 450 n?, 
451 n!, 453 n*, 526 n*, 532 n!, 533 oi, 
535 n*, 537 пі, 542 nn *, 545 n*, 838 
nn}, ?, 840 nn? 5, 

Ambrosio Albonensis, Theseo, 743. 
Introductio in Chaldaicam Linguä . . . 

743 n*. 

Ameln, Konrad, 110 пі, 420 n!, 429 nn*-4, 
430 n*, 443 në, 452 n*. 

‘Amen dico vobis’, Boni, 249. 

Amerbach (Ammerbach), Boniface, 239, 
261. 

Ammerbach, Elias Nicolaus, 617, 618 n?, 

662. 

Orgel oder Instrument Tabulatur, 617. 


` Amner, John, 478, 513, 514. 


Sacred Hymnes of 3, 4, 5 and 6 parts for 

. Voyces and Vyols, 478, 513 nt, 
Amon, Blasius, 266, 270, 271. 

Liber cantionum, 271. 

Sacrae cantiones, 271. 

‘Amore, i servi suoi’, from ‘Se muov'a 
giurar’, Francesca Caccini, 177 (Ex. 
66), 182. 

* Amor mi fa morire', Willaert, 46. 

* Amorosi pensieri', Anon., 270. 

Ana, Francesco d', 275-6. 

Anchieta, Juan de, 373. 

Ancina, Giovenale, 141, 835. 

Tempio armonico della Beatissima Ver- 
gine, 141, 835. 

‘Ancor che col partire’, Rore, 78, 349, 
356. 

*Andalusian merchant, The’, Weelkes 
(from ‘Thule the period of Cosmo- 
graphy’), 89. 

‘And only let my heart’ (from ‘Grief, 
keep within’), Danyel, 204-5 (Ex. 74). 

Andrea, Giovan, 143. 

Andreu, Miguel Pedro, 380, 410. 

Andrewes, Lancelot, Bp. of Winchester, 
469, 480. 

Andrews, Hilda, 628 n*. 

Andrews, H. K., 314 n!, 495 m. 


INDEX 


Anerio, Felice, 86, 331 në, 367, 368, 369. 
Anerio, Giovanni Francesco, 304, 367, 
368, 531, 532, 537, 573, 835. 
Sacrae cantiones, 537 п“: 
* Angelis suis’, Cardoso, 415 n®. 
*Angelus ad pastores', Durante, 537-8 


(Ex. 231). 

G. Gabrieli, 296. x 

Scheidt, 459. 

Instr. adapt. from A. Gabrieli, Schütz, 
523 nt, 


*Angelus Domini', Clemens non Papa, 
230. 
Anglès, Higini, 82 n*, 83 nnt: 8 130 m, 
236 n?, 372-418, 612, 802. 
Anglican Liturgy: Chap. IX, 498—519. 
The Book of Common Prayer and its 
Services: 

First Prayer Book (1549), 465, 466, 
498, 499; * Noted’ by Màrbeck, 499. 

Second Prayer Book (1552), 466, 467, 
499, 500; Certain Notes, ed. Day, 
500. 

Liber precum publicarum (trans. of 
Second Prayer Book), 468. 

Burial, Marbeck, 499. 

Communion, 500; Anon., 499; 
Heath, 499; Marbeck, 499, 503; 
Taverner, ‘Meane Mass’ and 
*Small Devotion (? adapted), 499. 

Litany (vernac.): 466, 467, 498, 499, 


500. 
Morning / Evening Prayer: 499, 500; 
Byrd ‘Great Service’, ‘Short 


Service’, 503; Parsons, 4-7-part 
Service, 503; Tallis, ‘Short, Dorian 
Service’, 499. 
Anthems, Canticles, see under Titles and 
Composers (works). 

‘Anhelando e piangendo’ (from ‘II 
Lamento della Madonna’), Saracini, 
542 (Ex. 237). 

* Anima cara e pia', Radesca da Foggia, 
537. 

‘Anima mia che pensi?' from Cavalieri's 
Rappresentazione, 836. 

*Anima mia perdona', Monteverdi, 69 
(Ex. 24). 

Animuccia, Giovanni, 317, 363-6, 835. 
Laudi spirituali, 363. 

Annegarn, A., 636 n?. - 

*Annhaldischer, Auftzugkh', Nórmiger, 
618 n?. 

Annibale Padovano, 292, 293, 552, 559, 

603, 608, 611, 796. 
Il primo libro di Ricercari a 4 voci, 552. 

*Annuncio vobis gaudium magnum’ 
(from * Angelus ad pastores"), Durante, 
537-8 (Ex. 231). 


915 


Anon., Amoenitatum Hortulus, 598. 


Celler Tabulatur, 662. 
Libro d' intavolatura di liuto (1584), 
693-4. 
Neues teutsches Convivium (1621), 117. 
Reuterliedlein (1603), 117. 
Trium vocum carmina (1538), 552. 
A Vade Mecum . . . shewing the Excel- 
lency of the Rechorder, 752 n?. 
Antegnati, Costanzo, 611. 
Anthem, 200, 499, 503, 504-14, 515 n*, 
516-19; see also under Titles. -+ 
Antiphons: Alcock, 476; Catcott, 474; 
Chamberlayne, 474; Dietrich, 434; 
Esquivel, 405; Hoskins, 475; R. 
Johnson, 476; Knyght, 475; Mar- 
beck, 474; Mason, 474, 477; Morley, 
495-6; W. Mundy, 474—5; Parsons, 
474-5 (Ex. 208); Redford, 477; 
Sheppard, 476; Sturmys, 474; Vic- 
toria, 404; Wright, 475; Whyte, 475; 
see also under Titles. 
Antiphons of the Virgin in place of 
motets, 250. 
Antonowytsch, Myroslaw,. 244n*, 
356 n’. 
"An Wasserflüssen Babylon’, Ducis, 433. 
Apel, Willi, eng, 61 n*, 131 n*, 179 n*, 
229 пі, 259 n?, 271 n?, 274 п?, 275 nt, 
284 n®, 331 n5, 348 n*, 368 п!, 371 n!, 
386 n!, 389 п!, 421 n!, 430 n*, 431 n*, 
441 n!, 446 n?, 513 n?, 516 nt, 533 n!, 
554 п!, 566 nn!» ?, 570 п!, 577 п!, 836 n!, 
840 nn? *, 
Apiarius, Matthias, printer, 99. 
Appenzeller, Benedictus, 16, 230, 234, 
262. 
Appleby, Thomas, 474, 476. 
Ap Ryce, Philip, 619. 
Aquila, Marco d', 692, 701. 
Araiz, Martifiez, A., 386n?, 
393 në, 396 n!, 411 пп? *, 412 пі. 
Aranda, Luis de, 380. 
Arauxo, Francisco Correa de, 681—2, 783. 
Libro de tientos . . . Intitulado Facultad 
organica, 660, 681-2 (Ex. 341). 
Arbeau, Thoinet (= Jehan Tabourot), 
696. 
Orchésographie, 696. 
‘Arbre d'amour, L’’, Guyot, 19. 
Arcadelt, Jacques, 10, 39, 41, 43, 44, 51, 
69, 82n*, 84, 92, 142-3, 185, 247, 
251, 313. 
Primo libro di madrigali, 41 n!. 
Quarto libro di Madrigali, 43 n*, 382. 
Archilei, Antonio, 793. 
Archilei, Vittoria, 827. 
Archiviola da lira, see Instruments: 
(Bowed) Stringed Instr., Viol Family. 


281, 


389 n!, 


916 


Arch-Iute, see Instruments: (Plucked) 
Stringed Instr., Lute Family, Theorbo. 

* Ardant amour, L’ ’, Créquillon, 185. 

Arena, Antonius de, 554. 

Aretino, Pietro, 785. 

Aria, 156, 165-9, 174, 176-7, 178-80, 182, 
212. 

Aria di Genova, 140, 

Ariosto, Lodovico, 44, 59, 81, 140, 141, 

181, 770 n5, 785, 812, 831. 
I suppositi, 770 n°. 
Orlando Furioso, 140, 141, 812, 831. 

‘Arise O Lord’, Byrd, 503. 

Aristotle, 152. 

Politics, 151 oi. 

Arkwright, G. E. P., Sen 196n5, 
197 n}, 216n!, 473 п5, 489 п5, 496 
nn? 2, 502 n?, 815 пз, 819-20. 

Armin, Robert, 819. 

Arnold, Denis, 62n?, 86n* 87n!, 296nn?-^, 
299 nn?-4, 522 n?, 523 n°, 526 n!, 527 т, 
528 n^, 543, 833 ni. 

Arnold, F. T., 533 n°, 574 n*. 

Arnold von Bruck, 99, 260, 264-5, 266, 
430 n?, 433, 436. 

Aroca, D. J., 82 n“, 407 n*. 

Arpa, Giovanni Leonardo dell', 141, 143. 

Arpicordo, arficordo, see Instruments: 
Keyboard. 

Ars nova, 1. 

Artusi, Giovanni Maria, 69, 73, 526, 546, 
573. 

* Ascendit Deus’, Philips, 497 n?. 

Ashewell, Thomas, 473 n’. 

Ashton (Aston), Hugh, 480, 624, 628, 629, 
684. 

Asola, Giovanni Matteo, 367. 

Vesper Psalms, dedicated to Palestrina, 
367. 

‘Asperges me’, Anon. English, 478. 

* Aspice Domine’, Byrd, 485. 

* Aspice Domine' (on Jachet de Mantua), 
Vaet, 267. 

*Aspice Domine', Willaert, 284-5 (Ex. 
105), 285. 

*Assemblons nous gentilz veneurs', see 
‘Chasse du liévre, La’ 

‘Assumpta est Maria’, Palestrina, 323-4 
(Ex. 128). 

*(Hugh)  Aston's Grownde’, Byrd 
(L.N.B.), 629 n*; also called "Tregian's 
Ground’ (F.V.B.). 

Atanbor (descant in lute-playing); cf. 
Vol. I, atambor, tambur, tambura), 685. 

Atkins, Ivor, 472 n°. 

‘A toi, mon Dieu, mon caur monte’ 
(Psalm 25), Goudimel, 444 (Ex. 202). 
Attaingnant, Pierre, printer, 2, 5, 6 n?, 

9, 12, 13, 16, 20, 38, 39, 126, 127 nt, 


INDEX 


184, 185, 221 пі, 237 аз, 240, 242, 
244, 247, 552, 553, 565, 605, 617, 
624 пі, 672, 692, 695. 

Chansons de maistre Clement Janequin, 
6 nn!» ?, 

Chansons musicales à quattre parties 
desquelles les plus convenables à la 
fleuste d’allemant . . ., 565. 

Chansons nouvelles en musique a quatre 
parties, 2. 

Liber decimus (motets), 240. 

Liber quartus, 244. 

Livres de Danseries, 554. 

Neuf basses danses, deux branles, vingt 
et cing Pauennes avec quinze Gail- 
lardes en musique à quatre parties, 
552, 553 n*. 

Quarante et deux chansons musicales 
a troys parties, 2, 3, 184, 185. 

Six Gaillardes et six Pavanes, 552. 

Trente et quatre chansons musicales 
a quatre parties, 2, 3, 184, 185. 

Trente et une chansons musicales 
a quatre parties, 2, 3, 184, 185. 

Tres breve et familiere introduction pour 
.. . apprendre . . . (le lutz), 5. 

Attey, John, 200. 

* Attolite portas’, Byrd, 483 (Ex. 212), 484. 

Atto scenico rappresentativo, 80-81. 

* Au bois, au bois, Madame', Anon., 15th 
cent., 424. 

Aubrey, Jacques, 238. 

Auda, A., 247 nl. 

‘Audi coelum’ (second part of ‘Nigra 
sum") Monteverdi, 538-9 (Ex. 232 
(i). 

* Audite et admiramini', Mielczewski, 307. 

* Audivi vocem’, Lóbo, 415-16 (Ex. 187). 

Auer, Joseph, 371 nn?: 3. 

‘Au feu d’amour’, Pierre de la Rue, 10. 

Aufzug, see Intrada. 

*Au joly bois’, Sermisy, 5. 

* Au joly jeu du pousse avant’, Janequin, 4. 

‘Au joly mois de may’, Janequin, 11. 

‘Au joly son du sansonnet’, Passereau, 10. 

‘A un giro sol’, Monteverdi, 71-73 (Ex. 
27). 

*Aus der Tiefe rufe ich, Herr' (Ps. 130 
A.V.), Schutz, 462-3 (Ex. 206). 

*Aus tiefer Not schrei ich zu dir' (Ps. 

130 A.V.), Luther, 424—5 (Ex. 191-2). 

A. von Bruck, 433. 

Ducis, 433. 

Melody adapted by Calvin to 'Sus, 
louez Dieu, ses serviteurs’ (Ps. 113 
A.V.), 440; Le Maistre, 450 n*. 

* Au verd boys’, Janequin, 4. 

Avalos, Alfonso d', 44. 

‘ Ave ancilla Trinitatis', Brumel, 240. 


INDEX 


‘Ave hostia salutaris', Viadana, 535 
(Ex. 230 (1)). 

* Ave Maria, gratia plena', Byrd, 487. 
Palestrina, 319 (Ex. 120). 

‘Ave Maria virgo serena’, Senfl, 258. 

‘Ave maris stella’, Anon., 676. 

A. de Cabezón (instr. arrgt.), 612. 

H. de Cabezón (organ), 677. 
Chorale-variations on, Titelouze, 673. 
Coelho, 680, 681. 

Le Blanc (vernac. tr.), 252. 
Monteverdi, 529 (Ex. 226). 

Avenarius, Thomas, 592, 598. 

‘Ave regina coelorum' (wrongly attrib. 
to Morales), Navarro, 392 n°. 

Averkamp, Anton, 280 n’. 

‘Ave rosa sine spina’, Senfl, 258-9 (Ex. 
95). 

* Ave sanctissima Maria’, Animuccia, 364 
(Ex. 171). 

‘Ave verum corpus’, Byrd, 488. 

Caietain, 249. 
Viadana, 535 (Ex. 230 (ii)). 

‘Ave virgo Cecilia’, Manchicourt, 235. 

* Ave Virgo gloriosa', Vermont, 244. 

* Ave virgo gratiosa', Monte, 351-2 (Ex. 
158). 

*Ave virgo sanctissima', F. Guerrero, 

389 ni. 
Navarro, 392. 

*Avis predulcissima ad me queso veni', 
from ‘Philomena previa temporis 
ameni', Richafort, 232-3 (Ex. 88). 

*Awake, sweet love, thou art return'd', 
Dowland, 207, 208-9 (Ex. 76). 

* Awake, ye woeful nights', Edwards, 197. 

Ayre, 200-17, 504, 505, 702, 704, 819. 


Babst, Valentin, 423, 429. 
Geystliche Lieder, 423, 429 пз. 

Bacfarc (= Valentin Greff), 694, 696. 
Harmoniae musicae . . . prima pars, 694. 
Intabulatura Valentini Bacfarc, reprinted 

in Premier livre de tabelature par 
Vallentin Bacfarc, 694. 
Bach, J. S., 5 n?, 430, 452, 461, 544, 614, 
665, 668, 670, 741, 749, 758. 
Orgelbüchlein, 430. 
St. Matthew Passion, 430. 

Bacheler, Daniel, 703. 

Bacon, Francis, 715 n?, 728. 

Sylva Sylvarum, 715 п?, 728 n*. 

Badajoz, 802. 

Bagpipes, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind. 

Bahr, Johann, 664 n?. 

Baif, Jean-Antoine de, 29, 31, 192, 447, 

805-6, 811, 812. 
Psaumes mesurés à l'untique, 447. 


917 


Baillie, Hugh, 474 n?. 

Baines, Anthony, 736 nê, 737 n°, 739 nl. 

Baini, Giuseppe, 315, 317, 320, 331 n*. 

Baker, Theodore, 770 n‘. 

Baldassare da Imola, 293. 

Baldwin, John, 476 n”, 489 n!, 496, 503. 

Ballade, 1, 2, 3. 

Ballard, Pierre, publisher, 189, 247, 676. 

Ballard, Robert, publisher, 9, 26 n?, 27, 
30, 248, 250, 291, 336 n*, 443, 446, 
698 n!; see also Le Roy, Adrien. 

Ballata, balletto, dance-songs, 1, 98, 109, 
113, 114-15, 116, 118, 119, 121, 141, 
176, 411. 

Ballet (spectacle of music and dance), 
ballet de cour, ballet à entrées, comédies- 
ballets, 189, 792, 794, 795, 806-12, 815. 

Ballet or Fa-la (type of madrigal), 86, 88— 
89, 118. 

Ballo, balletto (dance-form), 556, 594, 595, 
696, 794, 795. 

Balmer, Lucie, 342 n!. 

Bal y Gay, Jésus, 82 nē, 127 n*, 129 n*, 
134 n!, 136 n?, 137 n!, 375 n?, 383 п!, 
690 nt, 

Banchieri, Adriano, 75, 80-81, 498, 
527 n!, 533, 536, 559, 566, 572, 575, 
578, 580, 611. 

Armonia Moderna di 
francese, 580 n!. 

Barca di Venezia per Padova, 81. 

Concerti ecclesiastici, 533, 536. 

Ecclesiastice Sinfonie dette Canzoni in 
aria francese, 527 nl, 572 пі. 

Fantasie overo Canzone alla francese, 
572. 

Festino della sera del giovedi grasso, 75. 

La Pazzia senile, 80. 

La Prudenza giovenile, reprinted as La 
Saviezza giovenile, 80—81. 

Bandora, see Instruments: (Plucked) 
Stringed Instr., Lute-Family. 

Bandurria, see Instruments: (Plucked) 
Stringed Instr., Lute-Family, Guitar. 

Banester (Banaster), Gilbert, 813. 

Bank, J. A., publisher, 275 n?, 295 nn? ®, 
296 n!, 313 nn? 3, 336 n?, 340 n!, 348 п, 
354 пі, 364 n?, 367 nt. 

Barahona, J. E., see Esquivel Barahona, 
Juan. 

Barbé, Antoine, 20. 

Barberini, Antonio, Cardinal, 838. 

Barberini, Francesco, Cardinal, 838. 

Barberini, Maffei, later Pope Urban VIII, 
838. 

Barberini, Taddeo, 838. 

Barbetta, Giulio Cesare, 692. 

Barbieri, F. Asenjo, 130n* 
802 n!. 


Canzoni alla 


134 n!, 


918 


Barbion, Eustatius, 16, 267. 
Bardi, Giovanni de’, 151, 152, 153, 154, 
155, 161, 184, 837. 
Discorso ...sopra la musica antica à `1 
cantar bene, 154. 
Bardi, Pietro de', 153, 822. 
Bariola, Ottavio, 566, 572. 
Capricci overo Canzoni, 572. 

Barley, William, publisher, 200, 704, 727. 
А newe Booke of Tabliture, 200, 727 nt. 

Barnard, John, 515 п, 

The First Book of Selected Church 
Musick, 515 n*. 

Baron, Ernst Gottlieb, 724 n?. 

Barré, Leonardo, 286. 

Bartha, Dénes, 262 n!, 828 n. 

Bartlet, John, 201. 

Barwick, Steven, 375 п. 

Basa, printer, 389. 

* Basiez-moi', Josquin, 2. 

Bassadanza (Italian figured dance for 
2 or more couples), 556. 

*Bassa Fiamenga, La', capriccio on, 
Frescobaldi, 651. 

‘Bassa (danza) imperiale', Negri, 694; 
Klavierbuch der Reg. Clara, 695; cf. 
*Pavana alla venetiana', Dalza. 

Bassanello, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind, Krummhorn. 

Bassano, Giovanni, 36n!, 332n*, 525, 

706, 741. 

Motetti, madrigali et canzoni francese 
diminuiti, 332 n*. 

Motetti per concerti ecclesiastici . . . 
525. 

Ricercate, passagi et cadentie, 36m!. 

Basse-danse (processional dance), 552, 

556, 683. 
*paired' with Tordion, 692. 

Basso continuo (stile nuovo), 521—2, 525, 
526, 531, 532-4, 544, 545, 546, 549, 574, 
589. 

Bassoon, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind. 

Basso ostinato, 561, 582, 629, 684, 685, 
833. 

Baston, Josquin, 16, 20. 

Basurto, Juan Garcia de, 378, 380, 411. 

Bataille, Gabriel, 140, 188-9, 191-2, 

193 nn?; 8 251, 698, 812. 

Airs de différents autheurs mis en tabla- 
ture de luth, 188-9, 191 n?, 192 n®, 
193 në, 698. 

Bate, Philip, 737 nt. 

Bateson, Thomas, 27, 92. 

Battaglia (battle-piece), 559, 696, 796; see 
also Annibale Padovano, Biffi, Brudieu, 
Flamengo, A. Gabrieli, Janequin, Musica 
de diversi authori... 


INDEX 


‘Battaglia italiana, La’, Werrecoren, 6-7. 
Batten, Adrian, 514 n®. 
Adrian Batten’s Organ-book (MSS. 
Tenbury, St. Michael’s College, 791), 
514 n*. 
Bäuerle, Hermann, 348 nê, 
Baumgart, Fritz, 83 në. 
Bausznern, Waldemar, 452 nt. 
‘Beata es virgo’, G. Gabrieli, 296-7 (Ex. 
110). 
Staniczewski, 305. 


' ‘Beata virgo’, Byrd, 487. 


*Beati omnes’, Vecchi, 365-6 (Ex. 172). 
* Beati, quorum remissae sunt iniquitates’, 

Lassus, 349. 

Beaujoyeulx, Balthasar de (= Baldas- 
sarino da Belgioioso), choreographer, 
805, 806-11, 812, 814, 819. 

Le Balet comique de la royne (Circe), 
792, 794, 795, 805, 806-11 (Ex. 388, 
389, 390), 812, 814, 819. 

Le Ballet Polonais, 805, 806, 810, 
811. 

Beaulaigue, Barthélemy, 247. 

‘Beau le cristal’, Lassus, 22. 

Beaulieu, Lambert de, 807, 811. 
Beaumont, Francis, 818, 819. 

Beaumont and Fletcher, The Knight of the 

Burning Pestle, 818, 819. 

Beccari, Agostino, 790-1, 823. 
Beccari, Agostino and Della Viola, Н 

Sacrificio, 190-1 (Ex. 383), 823. 

Beccari, Andrea, 791. 

Becherini, Bianca, 837. 

Beck, F. A., 256 тї, 

Beck, Hermann, 281 nt 2 6, 317 n*, 578 nl. 
Beck, Sydney, 583 п, 

Becker, Cornelius, 448. 

Becker-Glauch, Irmgard, 798 пі. 
Becquart, P., 379 n2, 

Bedbrook, G. S., 610 nn* 5 *, 611 oi. 
Bedos de Celles, Dom, 769. 

Beethoven, Ludwig van, Bagatellen, 635. 
*Behold brethren how good', Johnson, 

499 nt. 

*Behold thou hast made my days', O. 

Gibbons, 513. 

Bellanda, Lodovico, 161. 
*Belle, donne-moi un regard', Créquillon, 

14. 

Bell'haver, Vincenzo, 294, 611. 
Belli, Domenico, 160, 161, 170, 172, 838. 

Pianto d'Orfeo dolente, 838. 

Belli, Giulio, 536. 

Concerti ecclesiastici, 536 n*. 

‘Bells, The’, Byrd (F.V.B.), 629 (Ex. 292 

(iii). 

Bembo, Pietro, 

505 n*. 


Cardinal, 36-37, 59, 


INDEX 


Bendido, Lucrezia, 62, 70, 144-6, 169. 

Bendusi, Francesco, 552. 

Opera nova de balli, 552. 

Benedetti, Pietro, 161, 165. 

* Benedicam Domino', R. Johnson, 702. 

*Benedicam Dominum’, A. Gabrieli, 293. 

‘ Benedicamus’, Pastrano, 397 nt. 

*Benedic anima mea', Ferrabosco (the 
elder), 490-3 (Ex. 215). 

‘Benedicat nos Deus noster’, Vermont, 
244. 

‘Benedicta es’, Josquin, 244 ni. 281-2 
(Ex. 103 (1), 318 n?, 356-8. 

* Benedicta es caelorum regina’, Mouton, 
384. 

* Benedicta sit', version I, Palestrina, 332. 
version II, Palestrina, 332-3 (Ex. 136). 

* Benedictio et claritas', Mielczewski, 307. 

*Benedictus Dominus! (Canticum Zacha- 

riae), Corteccia, 313 n?. 

Ortiz, 398 n!. 

Chorale-variations on, Titelouze, 674. 
Benevoli, Orazio, 532. 

Bennet, John, 512. 

‘Ben nocchier costante e forte’, see 
Caccini / Peri, L’ Euridice. 

Benvenuti, Giacomo, 74n?, 175 п!, 294 
nn* 5, 295 n*, 296 n!, 523 n*, 559 n*, 
566n*, 567n!, 568n!, 570 nn? è 5, 
577, 602 п!, 647, 796 п. 

Berardi, Angelo, 222, 521 n*. 

Miscellanea musicale, 521 пз. 

Berchem, Jachet, 12, 52, 286. 

Beretta, 572. 

‘Bergamasca’, Frescobaldi, 655. 

Bergamasco, 696. 

‘Berger et la bergère, Le’, Gombert, 
13. 

Bergerette, 191 (Ex. 69). 

*Bergerette savoyéne’, Josquin, 2. 

Berges, Anton, 286. 

Berg, J., publisher, see 
Johannes. 

Bergsagel, J. D., 473 п", 474 n*. 

Beringen, Godefroy and Marcelin, 
printers, 241, 441. 

Berkovec, Jiri, 309 n®, 310 n. 

Bermudo, Juan, 616, 641, 781-2. 
Declaración de instrumentos musicales, 

616, 641, 781-2. 

Bernal, Juan, 380. 

Bernardi, Steffano, 570, 575. 

Bernhard, Christoph, 521 n?. 

Tractatus Compositionis, 521 n°. 
Bernini, Giovanni, Lorenzo, 838. 
Bernoulli, Eduard, 522 n?, 546 nt, 583 ni. 
Berti, Giovanni Pietro, 172, 178, 179, 182. 

Cantade et Arie, I, 172 n*, 

li, 179 n*. 


Montanus, 


919 


Bertrand, Anthoine de, 27, 28, 29 
251. 
Airs spirituels, 251. 
Livre de chansons (3me), 29. 

Besard, Jean-Baptiste, 188, 695-8. 
Thesaurus harmonicus, 188, 695-8. 
Thesaurus harmonicus Novus Partus, 

695. 

*Beschaffens Gluck’, see ‘II me suffit’, 
Sn’, 

Bessaraboff, Nicolas, 712 n°, 736 n!, 737 n!, 
739 n!, 742 п?, 745 ong, 7, 751 nt, 753 n*, 
756 пі. 

Besseler, Heinrich, 296 n?. 

*Bevi, bevi', see Landi, Morte d'Orfeo. 

Bevilacqua, Count Mario, 59, 65. 

Béze, Théodore de, 251, 430, 442, 444, 
445, 446, 447, 448, 449. 

Bezechny, Emil B., 275 n?. 

Bianchi, Lino, 315 n?. 

Bianchini, Domenico, 691. 

‘Bianco e dolce cigno, Il’, Arcadelt, 41, 
44, 84, 92. 

Bicinium, 26, 99, 453, 533, 544 n‘, 547, 
559, 584, 640, 672, 675. 

*Bien que j'ay, Le', Arcadelt, 247. 

Biffi, Giuseffo, 559. 

Birtner, Herbert, 256 n5, 451 nê, 

Bischoff, Heinz, 701 n!. 

Biumo, 572. 

Bizzelli, Annibale, 67 n!. 

‘Blame not my lute’, Anon., 195. 

Blankenburg, Quirinus, 735 n?. 

‘Blessed are they’, О. Gibbons, 512. 

‘Blessed lamb, The’, Hooper, 506. 

Bleyer, Nikolaus, 592, 598. 

Blitheman, William, 619, 622, 649. 

Blondet, Abraham, 249, 252. 

Blondet, La Ceciliade, 252. 

Blume, Friedrich, 108 n!, 256 n?, 260 
nn? 3 4, 261 n?, 263 nn® 3, 4.5, 288 п®, 
451, 452, 453 n?, 455 n!, 458 n*, 535, 
543 n?, 545 nn? *, 547 n*. 

Boalch, D. H., 584 n!. 

Boccaccio, Giovanni, 37. 

Bocquet, 696. 

Bodenschatz, Erhard, 544. 

Bicinia XC selectissima, 544 nt, 
Florilegium Portense, 544. 
Boésset, Antoine, 189, 190, 194 oi, 698, 
812. 
Airs de cour, 698. 

Boette, Jean, 249. 

Boetticher, Wolfgang, 21 n*, 22 пт, *. 4. 5, 
23 nn, 25nnb?, 56n!, 333 nn* 3, 
335 n!, 346 n?, 805 n*. 

Boghen, Felice, 178 oi. 

Bohemus, Eusebius, 601. 

Bohn, Emil, 551 п!, 


920 


Bohusius, see Buus, Jacques. 

Boke of XX Songes, 84. 

Bolte, Johannes, 800 рі. 

Boluda, Ginés, 380. 

Bombard, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 

Bona, Valerio, 580. 
Canzoni italiane da sonare, 580 n!. 
Reeded Woodwind, Shawm. 

Bonefond, Simon de, 247. 

Bonelli, Aurelio, 566. 

Bonfils, J., 675 n*, 

Bongi, Salvatore, 143 n*. 

Boni, Guillaume, 27, 249, 251. 

Modulorum ternis vocis, 249 n?. 

Bonini, Severo, 537. 

Affetti spirituali a 2 voci, 537. 

Discorsi e regole sovra la musica (MS.), 
537. 

Madrigali e Canzonetti spirituali, 537. 

*Bon jour et puis quelle nouvelle', Lassus, 

23. 

‘Bonjour mon cœur’, Lassus, 23. 
Bonnet, J., 646 n*. 

*Bonnette, La', Anon. (Mulliner), 624. 
Bonnin, Th., 249 n?. 

Bonvalot, Francois, 241. 

*Bon vieillard, Ung', Certon, 12. 
*Bony sweet Robin' (F.V.B.), 629, 703. 
Borde, Andrew, 730 п. 

The Fyrst Boke of the Introduction of 

Knowledge, 730 пз. 
Bordes, Charles, 247 nê, 295 пз. 
Borek, Krzysztof, 301. 
Borrono, Paolo, 691. 
Borsaro, Archangelo, 572. 
Borussus, Erhardus, 759. 
Boscan-Almogaver, Juan, 128. 
Bose, Fritz, 118 n?. 
Botstiber, Hugo, 489 n5, 496 nt. 
Bottaccio, Paolo, 572. 
Bottegari, Cosimo, 148. 
Bottrigari, Ercole, 712 nê, 
773 n. 
Il desiderio, 712 n’, 716, 749. 
Bourgeois, Louis, 441-2, 443. 

Premier livre des Pseaulmes, Le . . ., 
441-2. 

Pseaulmes cinquante de David. . ., 
traduictz en vers francois par Clément 
Marot et mis en musique par Lous 
441, 442. 

Bourguignon, 10. 
Boyd, Martin Comegys, 201 nl. 
Brade, William, 590, 594, 597, 598. 

Newe auserlesene Paduanen, Galliar- 
den. . ., 590 (Ex. 266). 

Bramley (Brimle), Richard, 501 n°. 
Brancaccio, Giulio Cesare, 143. 
Brandt, Jobst vom, 99, 101, 102. 


716, 749, 


INDEX 


Branle, brando, brawl, 552, 556, 593, 594, 
696. 
Brasehane, Duc de, 743. 
*Brasse, La', basse-danse, 553 (Ex. 240). 
Braun, Werner, 459 n*. 
‘Brave Lord Willoughby’, 800. 
Brechtel, Joachim, 109, 111. 
Bredemers, ? Henry, 220. 
Brenet, Michel, 7, 252 п. 
Brett, Philip, 197 п!, 198 пт2-*, 200 n?, 
504 n?, 513 n5, 820 n?, 
Breu, J., 255 n*. 
Brewer, Thomas, 589. 
Brewster, 703. 
Bridge, Sir Frederick, 737. 
Bridges, Robert, 510 n!. 
Bridgman, Nanie, 148 n!. 
Brimley, John, 468. 
Broederschap, ‘Illustre Lieve Vrouwe’, 
228. 
Brown, David, 198 п!, 495 nn? * 5, 
Brown, Howard, M., 2 п?, 804 n?. 
*Browning', 582, 587. 
Bruck, Arnold von, see Arnold von Bruck. 
Brudieu, Joan, 83, 376 n*, 380, 384, 408. 
Goigs de Nostra Dono, Los (from 
Madrigales, 408. 
Madrigales, 83, 376 n°, 408. 
Bruger, Hans Dagobert, 125 nt, 126 п?, 
133 n?, 136 n?, 185 п?, 691 nt, 701 nt. 
Brumel, Antoine, 238, 240. 
Bruna, Pablo, 680. 
‘Brunelette violette, La’, Le Jeune, 31. 
Brunelli, Antonio, 572, 578, 707. 
Ballo in Gagliarda per sonare a 2, 578. 
Bruschius, Caspar, 224. 
Bucer, Martin, 429, 465. 
Gesangbuch, 429. 
Buchner, Johann (= Hans von Constanz), 
617. 
Fundamentum, 617. 
Büchner, Philipp Friedrich, 597, 598. 
Bugenhagen, Johann, 428. 
Bukofzer, Manfred F., 172n!, 195 n, 
276 n*, 520 n!, 643 п. 
Bull, John, 512, 513 n*, 514 nt, 626, 627, 
632, 633, 634, 635, 687. 
Bulman, 703. 
Buonamente, Giovanni Battista, 573-4, 
579. 
Sonate et Canzoni, 574. 
Burald, J., 253 п?, 
Burck, Joachim a, 451, 452. 
Deutsche Liedlein, 451. 
Burney, Charles, 48 пз, 333 пі, 808, 809, 
816 т, 
‘Burst forth, my tears’, Dowland, 207. 
Busby, Thomas, 415 n?. 
Bussy, N. de, 26. 


INDEX 


Buszin, Walter, 261 nt. 
Butler, Charles, 736 n?. 
Principles of Musik, 736 n?. 

Buttrey, J., 469 oi. 

Buus, Jacques (= Bohusius, or van Paus), 
268, 286, 292-3, 552, 603. 

Libro de Motetti, 293. 
Ricercari, 552. 

Buxtehude, Dietrich, 547. 

“Buy new broom', Whythorne, 200. 

Byler, Arthur W., 195 nn? ®, 196 nt. 

‘By painted words’ CO the silly man’), 

Edwards, 84 пз. 

Byrd, Thomas, 478. 

Byrd, William, 62, 84, 85, 86, 87, 90-91, 
92, 94, 198-200, 202, 469, 480-9, 493, 
495, 497, 503-5, 514, 561-2, 581, 
587, 624, 626, 628, 629, 630, 632-3, 
634, 680, 703, 817, 820. 

Consort songs, 198-200; see also MSS., 
Cambridge (Mass). Harvard, Mus. 
30. 


Gradualia, ac cantiones sacrae . . . 
liber primus, 486-8, 497. 

Gradualia, seu cantionum sacrarum . . . 
liber secundus, 486-8, 497. 

Liber primus | sacrarum | cantionum, 
485-6. 

My Ladye Nevells 
629 n°. 

Psalmes, sonets and .songs (for 5 
voices), 84, 198, 503-4. 

Psalmes, Songs and Sonnets for voyces 
or viols of 3, 4, 5 and 6 parts, 86, 90— 
91, 504. 

Songs of Sundry Natures, 85, 504. 


Booke, 628 m, 


Cabanilles, Juan, 690. 

Cabezón, Antonio de, 375, 378, 380, 408, 
561, 605, 612-16, 628, 642, 653, 665, 
677, 680, 687, 708, 782-3. 

Diferencias (on ‘Guardame las vacas’ 

or ‘Romanesca’), 614-15 (Ex. 282). 
Diferencias (on ‘La Dama le demanda’), 
615-16. 

Diferencias (on "La Pauana Italiana’), 
615-16. 

Diferencias sobre el canto de Cavallero, 
615 (Ex. 283). 

Obras de música para tecla, harpa y 
vihuela, 561, 612, 613, 642, 782-3. 
Tiento del primer tono, 613-14 (Ex. 

281). 

Versos del sexto tono, No. 4, 614. 
Cabezón, Hernando de, 612, 677, 782-3. 
Cabezón, Juan de, 378. 

‘Caça, La’, Flecha (the elder), 385 në. 

Caccia, 74. 

* Caccia, La', Striggio (the elder), 74. 


921 


Caccini, Francesca, 177, 178. 

Caccini, Giulio (*Giulio Romano?), 71, 
123, 143, 144, 146 пз, 148, 149, 150, 
151, 153, 154, 155-60, 161, 162, 163, 
165, 168, 169, 179, 183, 190, 191, 201, 
212, 213, 216, 536, 537, 784, 793, 795. 
811, 822-3, 826-30, 832, 833. 

*Comparsa di demoni’, Intermedio 
(MSS., Florence, Bibl. Naz. Magl 
XIX. 66), 793-4 (Ex. 384). 

La Dafne, 793 n?, 826, 829. 

L’Euridice, 154, 155, 784, 826-30 (Ex. 
393 (ii), 395). 

Maschere di bergiere, 150. 

Le Nuove Musiche, 150, 154—9, 160, 
165, 168, 169 nn? ®, 179, 212, 216, 
829. 

Nuove musiche e nuova maniera di 
scriverle, 159-60. 

Primo libro delle musiche, 177 ni. 

Il Rapimento di Cefalo (Le Ravissement 
de Cefale), 829-30. 

Caccini, Lucia, 150. 

Cadéac, Pierre, 2, 5, 220-1, 239, 241, 246, 
301. 

Caffi, Francesco, 275 n’, 792 п. 

Ca'Fossis, Pietro, 280. 

Caietan, Fabrice Marin, 249. 

Caignet, Denis, 252. 

*Calami sonum ferentes', Rore, 48, 56, 
292 n*. 

Calestani, Vincenzio, 167, 176—7, 178. 
Madrigali et Arie, 167 n?, 176 n2, 

Calo, José López, 392 n!. 

Calvi, publisher, 540, 541, 544, 547. 
Symbola, 16, 540. 
Calvin, John, 419, 

450. 

Calvin and Marot, Aulcuns pseaulmes et 
cantiques, 438-9, 440 (Ex. 201 (ii). 

Cambert, Robert, 740. 

Pomone, 740. 

Camerata fiorentina, La, 144, 149, 151-5, 
184, 693, 793-6, 822, 823-4, 832, 835, 
836, 837, 842. 

Cameron, Francis, 627 ni, 

Cametti, Alberto, 368 n?. 

Campion, Thomas, 201, 202, 206, 209-10, 

215, 216, 815. 

The Lords’ Masque, 815. 

The Squires’ Masque, 815. 

Campion and others, Masque of the Golden 
Trees, 815. 

Bookes of Ayres, 202. 

Canali, (Canale), Floriano, 572. 

Canaries (dance-form), 693, 696. 

Cancionero, 375, 689. 

Cancionero musical de la Casa de Medina- 
celi, 130. 


430, 438-42, 


922 


Cancionero musical de Palacio (MSS., 
Madrid, Bibl. del Pal. Real 2, I, 5): 
130, 236, 802. 

*Can doleful notes’, Danyel, 204. 

Cangiasi, Giovanni Antonio, 572. 

Canis, Corneille, 19-20, 227. 

Cantata, 121, 135, 169, 172-5, 181, 411, 
461, 642, 670. 

*Cantemus Domino', Las Infantas, 395. 

Canti carnascialeschi, 2, 33, 34, 54. 

Cantigas de Santa Maria (MSS., Escorial 
j-b-2 and T-j-1), 740 n*. 

Canto alla francese, see Musique mesurée 
à l'antique. 

*Canzona post il Communio', Fresco- 
baldi, 656. 

Canzone Sonetti Strambotti e Frottole 
Libro Primo (Siena, 1515), 565. 

Canzonet, 165, 166, 167, 175, 176-7, 182, 
585. 

Canzonetta, 53, 62, 86, 98, 109, 111, 112, 
113, 115-16, 118, 121, 122, 143, 144, 
181, 183, 575, 634 п!. 

Canzon francese | italiana; canzon da 
sonar, 1, 551, 559, 565-74, 576, 577, 
580, 581, 592, 593, 595, 596, 601, 604, 
608-10, 617, 641, 642, 643, 644, 648, 
649, 650, 651, 680, 688, 696, 707, 708 
800; see also Fantasia, Sonata. 

*Canzon sopra Il é bel e bon', G. Cavaz- 
zoni, 604. 

Capilla flamenca, 317, 379, 497. 

Capilupi, Geminiano, 116. 

Capirola, Vincenzo, 690 n*. 

* Capitaine, Ung', Barbé, 20. 

Capriccio, 559, 567, 572, 576, 596, 621, 
642. 

*Capriccio sopra re fa mi sol', Macque, 
642 (Ex. 304). 

*Caquet des femmes, 
6. 

*Cara la vita mia', Wert, 293, 356. 

Cara, Marchetto, 34, 125, 141. 

Carapetyan, Armen, 285. 

Cárceres, 380, 410. 

Cardoso, Manuel, 
John III, 416 n!. 

Cardoso, Manuel, 413, 415, 416. 

Livro de varios motetes, Officio da 
Semana Santa . . ., 416. 

*Care for thy soul', Pilkington, 505 n*. 

Carillon, see Instruments: Bells. 

Carlton, Richard, 92. 

*Carman's whistle, The' (F.V.B.), 703. 

Carmargo, Miguel Gómez, 380. 

Carmen, carmina (instrumental piece), 
553, 556-7 (Ex. 242). 

Carol, Christmas, 251. 

Lyric form, 504. 


Le’, Janequin, 


archipraecentor to 


INDEX 


‘Carole, cur defles Isabellam’, Payen, 226. 
Caroso, Fabrizio, 687, 692, 693, 694, 806. 
Il Ballarino, 694, 806 oi. 
Nobiltà di Dame, 687. 
Carpentras (= Elzéar Genet), 241, 242. 
Carse, Adam, 744 n!. 
Cartwright, Thomas, 468. 
Casimiri, Raffaele, 61 n*, 312 n*, 315 n*, 
368 n?, 398 op, 403 n*, 656 ni. 
Castanets, see Instruments: Percussion. 
Casteliono, Antonio, 691, 692, 693. 
Intabolatura (di Liuto), 691. 
Castello, Dario, 573, 579, 580. 
Sonate concertate in stile moderno, 
580. 
Castiglione, Baldassare, 83, 128, 141, 153, 
157, 551, 787 n*. 
Il Cortegiano, 83, 128, 141, 153, 157, 
551, 787 n*. 
Castileti, see Guyot de Chatelet, Jean. 
Castilleja, Pedro Fernández de, 380, 381, 
382, 388. 
Castrillo Hernandez, J. B. de, 385 n*. 
Castro, Jean de, 26. 
Sonets, chansons à deux parties, 26. 
Casulana, Maddelena, 797. 
Catcott, John, 474. 
Catherine de' Medici, 445, 805. 
Cauchie, Maurice, 2 n*, 6n*, 9, 10n? 
26 n!, 445 ni, 
Саша, Giacomo, 807 oi. 
Causton, Thomas, 501. 
Cavaccio, Giovanni, 566, 579. 
Cavalieri, Emilio de', 71, 151, 784, 785, 
793, 795, 796, 799, 824, 836-7. 
Il Giuoco della cieca, 824, 837. 
Rappresentazione di Anima e di Corpo, 
784, 799, 836-7. 
Cavalli, Pietro Francesco, 573, 576, 758, 
795. 
Musiche sacre, 576. 
Le nozze di Teti e di Peleo, 758. 
Cavazono (= Cavazzoni,  Cavajono), 
Marco Antonio, 602. 
Cavazzoni, Girolamo, 602-5, 609, 611, 
612, 688. 
Intabolatura d'organo . . . libro secondo, 
602. 
Intavolatura . . . libro primo, 602. 
Cavendish, Michael, 201, 202. 
Ceballos, Francisco, 393. 
Ceballos, Rodrigo, 376, 380, 385, 393-4. 
Cecil, William, Lord Burghley, 467. 
Celani, E., 374 п*. 
‘Celle qui a fâcheux mari’, Manchicourt, 
18. 
Celliers, Nicolle des, see Hesdin, Pierre. 
Cembalo, see Instruments: Keyboard. 
"Ce moys de may’, Janequin, 4. 


INDEX 


Cerone, Pietro, 222, 369, 413, 712 nê, 
716 ni, 720 n5, 742, 744, 745, 746, 
749. 

El Melopeo y Maestro, 413, 712 п?, 
716 пі, 720 në, 742 nt, 744 nt. 
Regole, 369. 

Cerreto, Scipione, 712 n?, 716 n*, 749. 
Della prattica Musica, 712 n?, 716 п. 
Certon, Pierre, 12, 185, 237 n*, 243-4, 

248-9, 301, 445 n*. 
Cerveau, Pierre, 188. 
* C'est à grand tort', Baston, 20. 
Clemens non Papa, 14. 
* C'est un amant, ouvrés la porte’, Anon., 
192 (Ex. 70). 

*C'est une dure départie', Sermisy, 5. 

*Ce tendron est si doulce', Janequin, 11 
(Ex. 2). 

Cetra, Cetula, see Instruments: (Plucked9 
Stringed Instr., Lute Family, Cittern. 

(Chaconne), ciacona, 561, 686. 

Chalemie (Bagpipe), see Instruments: 
Wind-Instr., Reeded Woodwind. 

Chalumeau, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reed Woodwind, Shawm. 

Chamberlayne, Arthur, 474. 

Chambers, E. K., 795 ni. 

Chambonniéres, Jacques, Champion de, 
677. 

Champion, Thomas, 251. 

Chancy, Sieur de, 723 (Ex. 363 (i)). 

Change-ringing, see Instruments: Bells. 

Channey, Jean de, printer, 242. 

Chanson, 1—32, 39, 74, 82, 97, 102, 104, 
105, 112, 126, 184, 185, 186, 189, 192, 
218, 220, 222, 231, 237, 238, 239, 241, 
242, 244, 247, 253, 280, 443, 550, 559, 
561, 565, 604, 617, 677, 694, 695, 700, 
704, 705, 706. 

Chansoneta, 409. 

*Chant des oyseaux, Le', Janequin, 6; 
adapted by Gombert, 7. 

Chapman, Roger, 711 n*. 

Chappell, William, 197 n?. 

Chappington, John, 472. 

Chardavoine, Jehan, 188, 206. 

Recueil des plus belles | excellentes 
chansons, 188, 206. 

Chardon, H., 231 oi. 

Charles V, Emperor, 103, 220, 222, 227, 
228, 235, 236, 237, 261, 266, 377, 378, 
379, 385, 394, 397, 612. 

Charles, P. of Wales, 512; afterwards 
Charles I, K. of England, 95, 472, 514, 
519, 588, 765. 

Charles IX, K. of France, 445. 

Chartier, Alain, 23. 

Chartier, F. L., 238. 

Chase, Gilbert, 392 n?, 802 oi. 


923 
Chassant, A., 249 n?. 
* Chasse, La', Janequin, 6. 
*Chasse du liévre, La', (i, ?Anon, 


? Janequin, 7-8 (Ex. 1). 
(ii) Gombert, 7, 8. 

*Che se tu se "il cor mio’, Monteverdi, 69. 

Chesnaye, Sieur de, 806. 

Chiabrera, Gabriello, 166-7. 

Geri, 167. 

* Chiare, fresche e dolci acque’, Petrarch, 
44. 

Chiarenzana (Italian dance-form), 692 
(Ex. 349). 

*Chiarenzana de Magio’ with ‘Il suo 
saltarello’, Pifaro, 692 (Ex. 349). 

Chigi-Saracini, Count Guido, 542 n?. 

Child, William, 497, 516 n?. 

Chilesotti, Oscar, 165 n!, 188 n*, 646 n!, 
687n*, 691nn^*, 692nn»?, 693 
nn?-5, 694 n5, 695 п. 

*Chiome d'oro’, Monteverdi, 182. 

Chirimia, see Instruments: Miscellaneous. 

‘Chi salirà per me’, Wert, 59-60 (Ex. 17). 

Chittarone, see Instruments: (Plucked) 
Stringed Instr., Lute Family. 

Choirboy plays, 196-8, 619, 624, 813, 817, 
819-20. 

Chomifiski, Józef, 302 n°, 305 n!, 696 n!, 
697 ni. 

Chorale (settings and variations), 636, 
640, 661, 662, 664—5, 667, 668, 671, 672, 
673-5. 

Choralmotette, 431, 433, 668-70, 672. 

Chorea anglica, 696. 

Chorea polonica, taniec polski, 599 (Ex. 
271). 

‘Chorus nove Hierusalem’, 
621 пі. ` 

‘Christe, du Lamm Gottes’, 427. 

Christenius, Johann, 598. 

‘Christe qui lux’, Blitheman (Mulliner 22), 
620-1 (Ex. 286); see also ‘O Lord the 
maker’. 

Christian IV, K. of Denmark, 756. 

‘Christ ist erstanden’, A. von Bruck, 

433. 

Mahu, 434. 

In Protestant Easter Mass, Galliculus, 
263-4 (Ex. 97). 

* Christ lag in Todesbanden', Harzer, 432. 
Scheidt, 670 (Ex. 331). 

‘Christo smarrito' (‘Il Lamento della 
Madonna’), Saracini, 542 (Ex. 237). 

"Christ rising again’, 499. 

Byrd, 504. 

‘Christum ascendentem’, Le Heurteur, 
245. 

‘Christ, unser Herr, zum Jordan kam’, 
M. Praetorius, 665-6 (Ex. 327). 


Redford, 


924 


‘Christus resurgens’, Byrd, 488. 
Lassus, 342-4 (Ex. 150-1). 
Morales, 386. 
Redford, 477. 
Richafort, 232. 
Chromatic Harp, see Instruments: 
(Plucked) Stringed Instr., Lute. 
Chromaticism, 46-50, 249, 274, 485, 502, 
509, 536, 540, 542, 545. 
‘Chrystus Pan zmartwychwstał’, 301. 
*Churf. Sachs. Witwen Erster Mummerey 
Tantz’, Nörmiger, 618. 
Chybiüski, Adolf, 301 nn}: °, 
307 nn^ 2. 
*Cibavit eos’, Leopolita, 302 п. 
*Cicalamento delle donne al bucato, Il’, 
Striggio (the elder), 74. 
Cifra, Antonio, 160, 169, 181, 182 n*. 
*Cigne, je suis de candeur', Le Jeune, 
31. 
Cilli, Alessandro, 304. 
Cima, Gidvan Paolo, 570, 572, 611. 
Cini, Giovambattista, 770-2. 
Cinthio, Giovanni Battista Giraldi, Or- 
becche, 786 n!, 823. 
Circé (ballet), see Beaujoyeulx, Balet 
comique de la royne. 
*Circumdederunt me dolores mortis’, 
Josquin, 231. 
Cittern, Cithren, see Instruments: 
(Plucked) Stringed Instr., Lute Family. 
*Clamabat mulier’, Anchieta, 373. 
Clarinet, see Instruments: Wind Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind. 
‘Claro pascali gaudio’ Allwood (Mulliner 
18), 621. 
(Mulliner 21), 622. 
Clavicembalo, clavecin, clavicytherium, see 
Instruments: Keyboard. 
Clavichord, clarichord, see Instruments: 
Keyboard. 
Clavicymbal, see Instruments: Keyboard, 
Clavichord. 
Clavijo del Castillo, Bernardo, 380, 406, 
677-8, 679. 
Motecta ad canendum, 406. 
Tiento de segundo tono, 677-8 (Ex. 
337). 
Claviorganum, see Instruments: 
board, Clavichord. 
Clemens non Papa, Jacobus, 5 п?, 13, 14, 
18, 19, 20, 185, 222, 227-30, 234, 267, 
336, 481, 488, 489, 544. 
Souterliedekens, 5 n*, 228, 230, 449. 
Clement VII, Pope, 377. 
Clement VIII, Pope, 250. 
Clerex, Suzanne, 82n!, 178 n?, 520 nt, 
758 п. 
Cléreau, Pierre, 239 пе, 246. 


302 n, 


Key- 


INDEX 


Clermont de Vivonne, Claude-Catherine 

de, 185. 

Clulow, Peter, 486 nt. 
Coates, William, 582 n?. 
Coclico, Adrian Petit, 348 n?. 

Compendium musices, 348 n°. 

Coelho, Manuel Rodriguez, 679, 680-1, 
708. 

Flores de musica, 680-1. 

"Coeur langoureulx’, Clemens non Papa, 

19. 

‘Coeur prisonnier’, Canis, 20. 
Colerus, Valentin, 593, 597. 
Neue lustige liebliche und artige Intraden, 
Taentze und Gagliarden, 593. 
Colet, John, 465. 
Colin, Pierre, 241. 
Collaer, Paul, 833 n?. 
Collarde, 703. 
Collet, Henri, 380 n!, 381 n?, 398 n°, 
Coloma, Rafael, 380, 409. 
‘Colourists’, colouristic, 617-18. 
‘Comadrina gagliarda’, 645. 
‘Come away, come, sweet love!', Dow- 

land, 206 (Ex. 75). 

‘Come away, sweet love’, Greaves, 92 oi. 
Comes, Bartolomé, 410. 
Comes, Juan Bautista, 380, 411. 

Gozos, 411 o, 

‘Come sorrows now’, Weelkes, 87-88 

(Ex, 32). 

‘Come tread the path’ (‘Guiciardo’), 

Byrd, 198. 

‘Come, woeful Orpheus’, Byrd, 91. 
Comici, I, 831. 
Commedia dell’arte, 76, 81, 785-6, 796, 

798. 

*Comme femme’, Agricola, 259. 
* Comme la tourtourelle', Monte, 25. 
Commer, Franz, 267n?, 269, 271n®, 

293 nn* *, 335 nn! ?, 341 ni, 

349 nn!-?, 363 n!, 364 n?, 365 n?, 367 n$, 

368 nn?:¢. 

Company, Francisco, 380. 
Compére, Loyset, 2, 4, 240, 286. 
Concerto ecclesiastico, geistliches Konzert, 

307, 456, 459, 460-1, 462, 521-7, 532-49 

passim. 

Concerto grosso, antecedents of, 579, 

713. 

*Con che soavità', Monteverdi, 157. 
*Conde Claros', 130. 

Variations on: Mudarra, 686 (Ex. 343 
(D), 687; Narvaez, 684; Pisador, 689; 
Valderrábano, 685-6 (Ex. 343 (ii), 
688. 

‘Conditor alme sidera’, Coyssard, 251. 

Chorale-variations on, Titelouze, 673. 

* Confitebor tibi', Lassus, 359. 


INDEX 


Conforti (Conforto), Giovanni Luca, 552, 
706. 


Fantasie Recercari Contrapuncti, 552. 
Il primo libro de Ricercari a 4 voci, 552. 
* Congregati sunt’, Janequin, 243. 
Conrart, 449. 
Conserti strepitosi e grandi, 568. 
‘Conserva me’, Parsley, 480. 
Consonanza (instrumental form), 512. 
*Consonanze stravaganti’, Macque, 

641-2. 

* Continuer je veux', Bourguignon, 10. 

‘Continuo lachrimas’, Vaet, 234. 

Continuo-songs, 210, 214 n°, 216. 

Contrafacta, 106, 107-8 (Ex. 38). 

Contrapunto, 559, 683. 

Coperario, Giovanni (= John Cooper), 
201, 211, 586, 707, 734 п. 

Fantasia for 4 viols (MSS. Oxford, 
Christ Church, 2, and Bodl. F. 
568-9), 586 п, 

Coppini, Aquilino, 538 n!. 
Coranto, courante, 205, 206, 556, 581, 594, 

631, 696, 702. 

Corita (Zorita), Nicasio, 376 n?, 413. 

Liber I Motectorum, 1584, 376 n?, 413. 

Corkine, William, 513, 707. 
Corna-musa (Bagpipe), see Instruments: 

Wind-Instr., Reeded Woodwind. 

Cornamuse, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 

Reeded Woodwind. 

Cornamute, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 

Reeded Woodwind, Krummhorn. 

Cornazano, Antonio, 556. 
Cornemuse (Horn pipe), see Instruments: 

Wind-Instr., Reeded Woodwind. 

Cornet, Christoph, 592. 

Cornett, Cornetto, Cornettino, see Instru- 
ments: Wind-Instr., Horn. 

Corno da caccia, see Instruments: Wind- 

Instr., Horn. 

Cornysh, William (junior), 813, 814. 

Coro spezzato (coro battente), 276-80, 
296 n?, 449, 481, 485, 487, 528, 545. 

Corradini, Nicolo, 579. 

Correggio, see Merulo, Claudio. 

Corregio, Nicolo, Cefalo, 786. 

Corsi, Jacopo, 151, 824—5, 831. 

La Dafne, 824-5 (Ex. 392, songs by 
Corsi). _ 

Cortaut, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 

Reeded Woodwind. 

Corteccia, Francesco di Bernardo, 41, 

140, 148, 313, 770-2, 788. 

Corteccia and Striggio, Psyche ed Amor, 

770-2. 

Cosin, John, Master of Peterhouse, 469, 

470, 472. 

“Cosi suav’é '| foco’, Festa, 43 (Ex. 11). 


925 


Costeley, Guillaume, 26, 27, 186, 672. 
Musique, 186. 
Cosyn, Benjamin, 627. 
Cosyn, John, 501. 
Cotarelo y Mori, Emilio, 802 oi. 
Cotes, Ambrosio Coronado de, 380, 394. 
Council of Trent, 250-1, 272, 317, 325, 
335, 363, 364, 383, 387, 389, 390, 409. 
Couperin, Frangois, 635. 
Courtois, Jean, 12, 235. 
Cousu, Antoine de, 591. 
Coutagne, Henri, 720. 
Coverdale, Miles, 498. 
Goostly Psalmes and Spirituall Songs, 
498. 
Coyssard, Michel, 251, 252. 
Hymnes sacrez, 251. 
Craesbeck, Peter van, printer, 415, 416. 
Cramer, Johannes, 598. 
Cranford, William, 501. 
Cranmer, Thomas, Archbp. of Canter- 
bury, 498. 
Cranz, Heinrich, 729. 
"Credo quod Redemptor’, Lobo, 396 ni. 
Créquillon, Thomas, 14, 16-18, 19, 20, 
185, 220, 222-7, 230, 237, 267, 274, 302, 
488, 489 пі, 677. 
Créquillon, and others, Cantiones selectis- 
simae, 227. 
Liber septimus cantionum | sacrarum, 
225 nni: 3, 
Liber tertius ecclesiasticarum cantionum, 
227 nt. 
Crevel, M. van, 348 п, 
*Cris de Paris, Les’, Janequin, 6. 
Cristina of Lorraine, 793. 
Festivities on marriage to Ferdinando 
de’ Medici, 793-6. 
Cristo, Pedro de, 418 n*. 
Croce, Giovanni, 74, 81, 505 п?, 526, 
527 nt, 569. 
Mascarate piacevole et ridicolose, 74. 
Sacrae Cantilene Concertate, 526, 527 n!. 
Li Sette Sonetti Penitentiali, 505 n*; 
Latinized as, Septem psalmi peniten- 
tiales, 505n*; Englished, Musica 
Sacra, 505 n?. 
Sonate a 5, 569. 
Triaca musicale, 74, 81. 
Croce, Giulio Cesare, poet, 75. 
Crosby, C. Russell, Jnr., 112 n?, 453 n. 
Crotti, Archangelo, 527 n!, 528 nê. 
Concerti Ecclesiastici, 527 bi. 
Crowd, crwth, see Instruments: (Bowed) 
Stringed Instr. 
Crowley, Robert, 500 n*. 
The Psalter of David, 500 n?. 
*Cruda Amarilli', Monteverdi, 69. 
Wert, 70. 


926 


‘Cum audisset', Cardoso, 415 n*. 

*Cum natus esset Jesus', Lassus, 344—6 
(Ex. 152-3). 

*Currite populi', Monteverdi, 541 (Ex. 
236). 

Curtal basson, see Instruments: Wind- 
Instr., Reeded Woodwind, Fagott. 

Cutting, Francis, 703. 

Cutts, John P., 196 n*, 813 nt, 815 nn? 4, 

Cuyler, Louise, 254, 255 n*. 

Cvetko, Dragotin, 275 n?. 

Cymbals, see Instruments: Percussion. 

Czepatiska, Marja, 600 ni. 


Dach, Simon, 121. 

Dachstein, Wolfgang, 429, 433, 440. 

Dagnino, E., 313 nt. 

‘Da grave incendio oppresso’, 
179-80 (Ex. 67). 

*Da Jakob nun das Kleid ansah', Greiter, 
431-2. 

*Da Jesus an dem Kreuze stund', trad., 
452. 

Dale, Kathleen, 833 n*. 

Dalla Casa, Girolamo, 36 n!. 
Vero modo di diminuir, Il, 36 її, 

Dalla Libera, Sandro, 605 п!, 608 n°, 
610 ппќ-?, 611 п.л 

Dallam, Robert, organ-builder, 472. 

Dallam, Thomas, organ-builder, 472. 

Dalla Viola, Alfonso, 790—1. 

Dallis, Thomas, Lute-Book (MSS., Dublin, 
Trin. Coll. D. iii, 30), 196. 

Dalza, Joanambrosio, 692, 694; see 
Petrucci, Intabolatura de Lauto, Lib. IV. 

Daman, William, 496, 501. 

*Damigella, turra bella', Calestani, 167 
(Ex. 61). 

*D'amour me plains', Guyot, 13. 

*D'amour me vient', Manchicourt, 18. 

Dance-forms (instrumental, 116, 205, 
551, 552, 553-6, 563, 578, 590, 594-8, 
618-19, 624, 631-4, 636, 644-6, 649, 
667, 671, 682, 686, 692, 695, 699, 700, 
701, 702, 704, 707, 708, 734 n!, 797; 
see also Allemande, Ballo, Bassadanza, 


Berti, 


Bassedanse, Bergamasco, Branle, 
Canaries, Chiarenzana, Coranto, 
Dompe, Duma, Galliard, Gavotte, 


Gigue, Hornpipe, Intrada, March, Mor- 
ris Dance, Passamezza, Pavane, Piva, 
Quarternaria, Rotta, Saraband, Salta- 
rello, Tochada, Tordion, Volta. 

Dance-pairs (e.g. Basse-danse/tordion: 
Chiarenzana/saltarello/: Pavane/gal- 
liard) leading to Suite (Vol. III, p. 451), 
692-3. 

Dance-songs, see Ballata. 

Danckert, Werner, 575 n?, 


INDEX 


Dandin, Laurens, 250. 

Instruction pour apprendre à chanter à 4 
parties, 250. 

Daniel, Jean (— Mitou), 231. 

Dannreuther, Edward, 314 n?, 

Dante Alighieri, 37, 153. 

Divine Comedy, 153, 824. 
Ugolino's Lament, Canto XXXIII 
(Galilei), 153, 824. 

Danyel, John, 204. 

Songs for the Lute Viol and Voice, 204. 

Danyel, Samuel, 204. 

Danza della muerte, 556, 

*Da pacem Domine', Sweelinck, 640. 
‘D’aquel buen tiempo passado’, Milan 
(from ‘Durandarte’), 134-5 (Ex. 47). 

Dark, John, 476. 

Dart, R. Thurston, 84 n*, 198 n?, 200 n?, 
201 ni, 206 n? *, 207 nn?: 2. *, 211 nê, 
489 п5, 495 oni, з, 504 n?, 505 n*, 513 
nn5-?, 562 n?, 582 n*, 583 n?, 586n!, 
632 пі, 644 n!, 739 nt, 

Daser, Ludwig, 335. 

Davidson, Ake, 32 n!. 

Davison, Archibald T., 6n*, 61n?, 
131 n5, 179 n*, 229 пі, 259 n*, 271 n*, 
274 n?, 275 nt, 284 n?, 331 n°, 348 п?, 
368 n!, 371 пі, 386 nt, 389 n!, 421 nf, 
430 n?, 431 n5, 441 oi. 446 n*, 513 n*, 
516 nt, 533 ni, 554 n!, 566 nnt: #, 570 n!, 
577 ni. 604 nn? 4, 608 п?, 614 n!, 615 n}, 
618 пі, 625 пі, 637 п?, 641 nf, 643 nt, 
646 п?, 653, 655n', 681n!, 683 п?, 
684 ni, 686 пі, 699 n*, 836 n!, 840 пп. 4, 

Day, John, printer, 499 пз, 500-1, 502, 

510 nt. 

Mornyng and  Evenyng praier and 
Communion, 499 n?, 500-1. 

Libro de müsica . . . initulado el Parnaso, 
127, 129, 690. 

*Death songs’, 197, 198. 

Debussy, Claude Achille, 194. 

*Decantabat populus’, Rychnovsky, 
309 n. 

*Decidle al cavallero’, 383. 

Dedekind, Henning, 109. 

Deering (Dering), Richard, 497, 586. 
Cantica Sacra, 497 п. 

*Déesse Vénus, La', Monte, 25. 

*Defiled is my name’, R. Johnson, 84 n°. 

*Defunctum charites Vaetem moerore 
requirunt', Regnart, 267. 

*Deh! dolc'anima mia', Falconieri, 178. 

de Lafontaine, H. C., 472 пп? *%' 
740 n5, 755 n?, 765 ong, 4, 

Del Castillo, Diego, 392, 406. 

Delétra, D., 438 oi. 

*Dejicta juventutis’, from *'Erravi sicut 
ovis', Clemens non Papa, 229. 


INDEX 


*Déliette mignonette', du Caurroy, 31. 

*Deliver me from mine enemies', Parsons, 
503. 

Della Corte, Andrea, 691 n!, 692 n. 

Della Gostena, Giovanni Battista, 692, 
694 пі, . 

Della Valle, Pietro, 784-5. 
“Discorso della musica, 784—5. 

Della Viola, Alfonso, 706, 823. 

Della Viola, Orazjo, 706. ` 

Delporte, J., 235, 238. 

*Del tu proprio dolore’ Monteverdi (from 
‘Anima mia perdona"), 69 (Ex. 24). 
Demantius, Christoph, 115-16, 454, 544, 

597, 598, 599, 601. 
Convivialium concentuum farrago, 116. 
Corona harmonica, 454. 
Neue deutsche weltliche Lieder, 115, 
116 n?. 
77 Newe ausserlesene liebliche zierliche 
Polnischer und Teutscher Art Tünze, 
599 (Ex. 271). 
*De mes ennuys', Arcadelt, 247. 
Denss, Adrian, 126. 
Florilegium, 126. 
Dent, E. J., 151 n?, 157 n*, 198 n, 364 n!, 
784—820. 
*De profundis clamavi', A. Gabrieli, 296. 
Los Cobos, 398. 
Morley, 496. 
*Derelinquat impius', Tallis, 481. 
*De retourner, mon ami, je te prie', 
Willaert, 14. 
Descartes, René, 190. 
Deslouges, Philippe, 38. 
Desportes, Philippe, 21, 30, 32, 184, 186, 
251, 252, 449. 
*Deus in adjutorium', Senfl, 259 (Ex. 96). 
*Deus in nomine tuo', Mielczewski, 307. 
‘Deus misereatur nostri’, A. Gabrieli, 
296. 
Vermont, 244. 
‘Deus sanctificatus', Palestrina, 314 n*; 
see also Mass-settings. 
Devoto, Daniel, 127 n*. 
*Dialogo del Figliuol Prodigo', Soto, 
835-6 (Ex. 398). 
*Dialogo di Christo e della Samaritana’, 
Soto, 835. 
*Dialogo per la pascua', Schütz, 525. 
Dialogues, 180. 
Spiritual dialogues, autos sacramentales, 
457, 460-1, 729-30, 800-4. 
*Dice la mia bellissima Licori', Monte- 
verdi, 182, 
Dido's Farewell, Arcadelt, 143. 
Dieckmann, J., 701 n?. 
*Die mit Tränen säen werden mit Freuden 
ernten', Schein, 458-9 (Ex. 204). 


927 


*Dies est laetitiae', Rhaw, 435. 

*Dies irae', A. von Bruck (MS. Munich, 
Bay. Staatsbibl. Mus. 47), 264-5 Ex. 
98). 

Dietrich, Fritz, 617 n*, 671 n!. 

Dietrich, Sixtus, 254, 260, 261, 262, 434, 

436. 

. Novum opus musicum, 261 n*. 

Diferencias, see Divisions on a ground. 

*Diffusa est gratia', G. M. Nanino, 368. 

Diomedes Cato (= Diomedes Venetus 
or Sarmata), 696, 697. 

Diruta, Girolamo, 608, 611. 

Il Transilvano, 611. 

Disertori, Benvenuto, 124n*, 610 n’. 

Disguising, momerie, mummings, see 
Mascarade, Masque. 

*Dispersit, dedit’, Castilleja, 381 n?. 

* Dissimulare etiam sperasti’, Rore, 291. 

‘Ditemi o si o no’, Morales, 82 пе, 382. 

Dithmers, O., 662-3. 

*Diversi diversi orant', Gombert, 220. 

Divisions on a ground; diferencias, parte, 
partita, variations: 561, 582, 587, 614— 
16, 627-31, 636, 638, 641, 645, 646, 
651—3, 667, 668, 681—6, 688, 703, 706, 
714. 

Division Viol, see Instruments: (Bowed) 
Stringed Instr., Viol Family. 

Divitis, Antoine, 232, 436. 

‘Dixit Dominus’ (from Vespro della 
Beata Vergine), Monteverdi, 528, 529. 

Diugoraj, Albert, 696, 701 n*. 

Lute-Book (MSS., Leipzig, City Library, 
YI. 6. 15), 701 n*. 

*Docebo praevaricatores vias tuas’, (from 
* Miserere"), W. Mundy, 479-80 (Ex. 
210). 

Dodge, Janet, 185 п>. 

Dolcaine, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind, Bassoon. 

Dolce, Lodovico, 818. 

Giocasta, English adaptation, Jocasta, 
by Gascoigne and Kinwelmersh, 
818. 

‘Dolce mio ben’, Donato, 147. 

‘Dolce vista, La’, Monte, 359-62. 

*Dolcissimo sospiro’, Caccini, 158-9 (Ex. 
57), 162, 168, 216. 

Dolmetsch, Arnold, 197 n*, 215 nl, 750, 
778. 

‘Dolorosi martir, fieri tormenti’, Maren- 
zio, 310. 

Dolzflött, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Woodwind, Flute-Family. 

‘Domine clamavi', Johannes de Cleve, 
268. 

*Domine convertere', Lassus, 347 (Ex. 
155). 


928 


*Domine Deus magne et terribilis’ (from 
*Pro remissione peccatorum"), Kerle, 
272-3 (Ex. 100). 

* Domine Dominus noster', Morley, 495. 

*Domine Jesu Christe', Anchieta, 373 n*. 
Johannes de Cleve, 268. 

*Domine meus', P. Guerrero, 388 n*. 

‘Domine ne in furore tuo’ (Psalm 6), 
Schütz, 464 (Ex. 207). 

‘Domine non est exaltatum', Morley, 495. 

‘Domine non secundum peccata’, Ferra- 
bosco, 489. 

‘Domine quis habitabit’, Byrd, 486. 

‘Domine secundum actum’, Byrd, 484-5 
(Ex. 213), 488. 

‘Domine si tu es’, Maillard, 246 (Ex. 
90). 

Domp, Dumpe, (English dance-form), 
556; see also ‘My Lady Carey’s 
Dompe’. 

Donati, Ignazio, 148 n?, 536, 542-3. 

Donato, Baldissera, 147. 

Donfried, Johannes, 271, 536, 541. 
Promptuarium musicum, 271, 536. 

Doni, Giovanni Battista, 153-4, 155, 168, 

197, 207, 822. 

Compendio del trattato de’ generi e de’ 
modi della musica, 155 n*, 168 п?, 
207 n*. 

De' trattati di musica, 154 n*. 
Donington, Robert, 562 n?, 751 n*. 
Donne, John, 212. 

*Donnés au Seigneur gloire', Monte, 354. 
Marot's Ps. 107, 354. 

Doorslaer, George van, 25 nn?-5, 58 п?, 
227 n?, 231 n*, 312 n*, 350 n*, 351 oni, ?, 
374 w, 377 n*. 

Doppiono, doblado, see Instruments: 
Wind-Instr., Reeded Woodwind. 

Dorat (Daurat), Jean, 805. 

Dorici brothers, publishers, 382. 

*Dormendo un giorno', Verdelot, 390. 

Douai, English College at, 468-9. 

Douen, Orentin, 251 n°, 443 n°, 445 n?. 

*Doulce memoire', Sandrin, 10, 288, 291, 

333, 336, 337-40 (Ex. 143-6). 
“Бойле cella, La’, (? ‘La d'ou vient cela’, 
Mulliner, No. 116), 624. 
‘Doux regard, Un’, Manchicourt, 18. 
Dow, Robert, 474 n°. 
Dowland, John, 5, 200, 201, 202, 203-4, 
206-7, 210, 211, 213-15, 501-2, 
505 n®, 586, 591, 696, 703, 721, 722. 
First Booke of Songs or Ayres, The, 203, 
206-7, 210. 

Lachrymae, or Seaven Teares figured in 
Seaven passionate Pavans, 586. 

A Pilgrimes Solace, 203, 204, 207, 213, 
505 рё, 703. 


INDEX 


Dowland, Robert, 211, 212, 216, 704, 
722 n*. 

ed. A Musicall Banquet, 211, 212, 216. 
Varietie of Lute Lessons, 704, 722 n?. 

Dowling, Margaret, 202 п, 

*Down caitiff wretch', Ward, 506-8 (Ex. 
218 (i). 

Dramma in | per musica, 
evolution of. 

Drayton, Michael, 736 n°. 
Polyolbion, T36 n°. 

Dretzel, Valentin, 593. 

Drinking-songs, 98, 105-6 (Ex. 37), 112, 
117, 189. 

Drums, see Instruments: Drums. 

*Du beau tétin', Janequin, 12. 

Du Bellay, Joachim, 23, 25. 

Düben, Andreas, 672. 

du Caurroy, Eustache, 30, 249, 252-3, 

591, 672 n*. 

Fantaisies, 591. 
Meslanges, 31. 
Preces ecclesiasticae, 253. 

du Chemin, Nicholas, printer, 9, 241, 
246, 241, 389, 443. 

Ducis, Benedict, 254, 260, 261—2, 432-3, 
436. 

Duckles, Vincent, 215 nn?: *. 

Dufay, Guillaume, 1, 22, 282, 620. 

Duiffoprugcar, Duiffopraucart, 720 n!. 

*Dulces exuviae', Willaert, 283. 

Dulceuses, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind. 

Dulichius, Philippus, 544. 


see Opera, 


, Duma (Polish dance-form), 600 (Ex. 272), 


696. 
‘Dum complerentur', Palestrina, 
329—30 (Ex. 134—5). 
Dumont, Henry, 252, 591. 
Meslanges, 591 (Ex. 267). 
*Dunaj, voda hluboká' (Office), Rychnov- 
sky, 309. 
Dunicz, J. J., 305 n?, 600 n?, 
Dunstable, John, 620. 
*Durandarte', Milan, 134. 
Durante, Ottavio, 536, 537. 
Arie devote, 1608, 536, 537. 
*Durch Adams Fall', J. Praetorius the 
younger, 664. 
Durezze e ligature (Falsas), 671, 619. 
*Durmiendo yva el Sefior', Mudarra, 131. 
Dvořák, Antonin, 601. 
Slavonic Dances, Op. 46, No. 1, 601. 


326, 


Earl, Giles, Song-Book (MSS., London, 
Brit. Mus. Add. 24665): 215 n*. 

East, Michael, 94, 513, 584, 586. 
The Third set of Bookes, 513 n*. 
The Fourth set of bookes, 513 n*. 


INDEX 


The Fifth set of Books, 94. 
The Sixth set of Bookes, 513 n*. 

East (Este), Thomas, printer and pub- 
lisher, 188, 206, 501. 

Eccard, Johannes, 109, 111-12, 451-2. 
Crepundia sacra, 452. 

Geystliche Lieder auff den Choral, 452. 

Newe geistliche und weltliche Lieder, 
452. 

Newe teutsche Lieder (1578), 111-12, 
452. 

Newe teutsche Lieder mit 5 und 4 
Stimmen (1589), 111-12. 

Odae sacrae, 452. 

Preussische Festlieder, 452. 

*Ecce, ecce sic benedicetur homo’ (from. 
* Beati omnes"), Vecchi, 365-6 (Ex. 172). 

*Ecce iam noctis', Ferrabosco (the elder), 
493-5 (Ex. 216). 

*Ecce quomodo', Handl, 275. 

Echo-chamber, see Instruments: 
Mechanical. 

*Edera o l’acanto, L’’, Marenzio (from 
*Scendi dal Paradiso’), 53-54 (Ex. 14), 
63. 

Edward VI, K. of England, 465, 466, 498. 

Edwards, Richard, 84, 195, 196, 197, 

501 m, 624, 813. 
Damon and Pithias, 197. 

Egenolff, Christian, printer, 99. 

‘Ego sum pastor bonus’, Waclaw z 
Szamotul, 302. 

* Egressus Jesus’, Giaches de Wert, 523 n!. 

Eichhorn, Adelanius, 597. 

*Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott’, paraphr. of 

Ps. 46, Luther, 423, 429, 440. 
Mahu, 434. 
Michael, 451 n!. 
M. Praetorius, 665. 

‘Ein neues Lied wir heben an’, Luther, 422. 

Einstein, Alfred, 42 n?, 43 nnb 8. 45 n!, 
46 пі, 48, 49n!, 51, 52, S3nn!'^, 
54 n!, 55 nn?» ?, 56 n!, 58 n!, 60 n!, 61, 
62, 65, 67 ni, 74 n°, 78, 125, 139 ппз-5, 
141 nn! 5. 6, 143 пп!-°, 144 oni, 2, 147, 
148 n*, 153 n*, 155 nn? 5, 169 п“, 181, 
183, 275-7, 280n!, 285, 287 пп!. ?, 
296 n*, 325 п?, 567 п?, 609 n!, 789 n!, 
792, 823 n*. 

Eisenring, Georg, 240 n!. 

Eitner, Robert, 9, 10 п“, 12 nn *, 13 n!, 
102 nn“, 107 n?, 110 n*, 111 п“, 221 n!, 
434 ni, 452 ni, 551 п!, 579 ni, 731 п?, 
799 n!, 826 n?, 830 n!, 832 п?, 

Eleonora da Toledo, 788. 

Festivities on marriage to Cosimo de" 
Medici, 788-90. 

Elizabeth I, Q. of England, 83, 206, 467, 

503, 727, 755, 813, 819. 


929 


Elizabeth of York (Consort of Henry 
VID, 743. 

Elizabeth, Princess of England, later ‘the 
Winter Queen’ of Bohemia, 512. 

Elliott, Kenneth, 502 n*. 

Ellis, Alexander J., 731. 

Elsbeth, Thomas, 109. 

Elüstiza, J. B., 373 n°, 374 n!, 385 n°, 
388 nt, 389 n!, 392 ont, 5, 393 n?, 398 në. 

*Emendemus in melius', Byrd, 482. 
Morales, 386. 

*Emperor's Pavyn, The’, Anon. (MSS., 
London, Brit. Mus. Roy. App. 58), 
624-5 (Ex. 289). 

Emsheimer, Ernst, 659. 

Emslie, McD., 815 nn!» ?, 

Encina, Juan del, 800-2, 803. 

Del escudero que se tornó pastor, 800. 
De los pastores que se tornaron palacie- 
gos, 800-2 (Ex. 385). 

*Gasajémonos de hucia', 802. 
*Ninguno ciere las puertas', 801-2. 
*En désirant que je vous voie', Canis, 

20. 

*En entrant en ung jardin', Sermisy, 4. 

Engel, Hans, 62 n*, 364 n*. 

Engelbrecht, Christiane, 296 mi. 

Engelke, Bernhard, 457 nt, 590 n!. 

Engelmann, Georg, 597, 598. 

Englisch Marsch, see March. 

‘English Comedians’ (Englische Komó- 
dianten), 800. 

Ensaladas, 83, 385 n®, 407-8, 410, 680; see 
also Quodlibets. 

*En son temple sacré' 
Mauduit, 447. 

"Entre vous, filles de quinze ans’, Clemens 
non Papa, 18, 336. 

*En un chasteau, madame', Lassus, 23. 

Épinette, see Instruments, Keyboard: 
Virginals. 

Eppstein, Hans, 221 n?. 

Erasmus, Desiderius, 415, 465, 466. 

Erbach, Christian, 271, 657-8. 

Canzona cromatica, 658. 

‘Erbarm dich mein’, variations on, 
Sweelinck, 640 (Ex. 303 (i)). 

Erben, K. J., 309 n*. 

Ercole II, D. of Ferrara, 239. 

‘Erhalt uns, Herr, bei deinem Wort’, 


(Psalm 150), 


Harzer, 432. 
‘Errant par les champs de la gráce', 
Goudimel, 27. 
*Erravi sicut ovis’, Clemens non Papa, 
228-9 (Ex. 86). 


Escobedo, 397 n°. 

Johannes de Cleve, 268. 
Escobar, Pedro, 373. 
Escobedo, Bartolomé, 380, 397. 


930 


*Escoutez, escoutez . . . tous’ (from ‘La 
` guerre’), Janequin, 406 (Ex. 184). 
Escribano, Juan, 380, 396-7. 

‘Es ist das Heil uns kommen her’, 
Speratus, 424. 

Eslava, Miguel Hilarión, 374, 381 п?, 
386 nn}. 3, 389 n!, 392 пќ, 393 n?, 395 п?, 
396 n!, 397 nn*.*, 398 oi 407 n, 
411 nn? 6, 412 n. 

Espagne, F., 315 n*. 

Esquivel Barahona, Juan, 376 n‘, 380, 

405-6. 
Missarum. . . . lib. I., 376 nt. 
Motecta, 376 n*. 
Salmos, Himnos . . ., 376 n*. 

Este, Alfonso (I) d', D. of Ferrara, 144, 
145, 285. 

Este, Cesare d', Festivities in honour of 
marriage with Virginia de’ Medici, 144. 

Este, Ercole (T) d', D. of Ferrara, 45, 288; 
see also Mass-settings, Hercules dux 
Ferrariae. 

Este, Ercole (1) d’, D. of Ferrara, 287, 
288. 

Este, Ippolito, Cardinal, 280, 697. 

Este, Isabella d’, Duchess of Mantua, 34, 
37. 

*Estote fortes in bello', Caietain, 249. 

“Es wollt ein Jäger’, Greitter, 340 n!. 

‘Et ambulabunt’ (part II of ‘Surge 
illuminare"), Palestrina, 328-9 (Ex. 133). 

‘Et dont revenez vous’, Compère, 4. 

*Et d'oü venez-vous, madame', Lassus, 
23. 

*Eterne rerum conditor’, 
(Mulliner 51), 622. 

*Eterne rerum conditor’, Redford (Mul- 
liner 14), 621 oi. 

* Eterne rex altissime', Redford (Mulliner 
26), 621 nt. 

‘Et exsultavit spiritus meus’ (from Mag- 
nificat à 4), Aguilera de Heredia, 412-13 
(Ex. 185). 

‘Et gloria ejus in te videbitur' (from ‘Et 
ambulabunt’), Palestrina, 328-9 (Ex. 
133). 

Etlicher gutter Teutscher und Polnischer 
Tentz, 554, 

“Et me laissez’, Lassus, 22. 

*Euge caeli porta’ (from Lady-Mass ‘Ave 
praeclara), Tallis, 474. 

Evelyn, John, 728, 821. 

Everyman, 799. 

‘Exaudiat te Dominus’, Whyte, 479. 

‘Excellent Meane, An’ (‘Felix namque’), 
Blitheman (Mulliner 32), 622. 

Expert, Henry, 2n‘, 6nn**?, 9, 21 n*, 
26 nn?7, 27 пз, 28, 30 nn? *, 31 ont, ?, 
186 n?, 188 n!, 237 n?, 243 nn? 5, 247 


Blitheman 


INDEX 


nn? *, 443 nt, 446 n?, 447 nn’: *, 554 п!, 
591 n?. 
*Exspectans exspectavi’, Lassus, 346-7 
(Ex. 154). 
Rore, 292 (Ex. 108). 
*Exsultet in hac die’, Sturmys, 474. 
‘Exsurge’, Kerle, 274. 
*Exsurge Christe', W. Mundy, 478. 
*Exsurge, quare obdormis', Escobedo, 
397. 


Fabricius, Petrus, 701 n°. 

Facoli, Marco, 644, 645. 

Il secondo libro d'Intavolatura di Balli 
d’Arpicordo, 644, 645. 

‘Factus est’, Aichinger, 271. 

Fagott, see Instruments: 
Reeded Woodwind. 

*Faire Weather', J. Mundy, 634. 

*Fair young Virgin, The', Byrd, 84. 

*Faisons un coup', Courtois, 12. 

‘Falai miña amor’, Milán, 136. 

Falconieri, Andrea, 175, 178. 

Falsas, see Durezze e ligature. 

Fancy, see Fantasia. 

Fantasia (anglice Fancy), 91, 305, 552, 
556, 557, 559, 560, 561, 565, 580, 592, 
601, 628, 634—5, 636-7, 672, 675, 682, 
683, 686, 687, 688, 689, 690, 691 (Ex. 
348), 692, 693, 694, 695, 696, 703, 
734 n!; see also Tentar de vihuela. 

Fantasia, Byrd (F.V.B.), 628. 

*Fantasia en el tercedo grado remedando 
al motete de Gombert Inviolata’, 
Valderrábano, 688. 

*Fantasia sobre un benedictus de la Misa 
de Mouton Tua est potentia', Valderrá- 
bano, 688. 

‘Fantina gagliarda’, 645. 

Fantini, Girolamo, 593, 598, 756, 757, 
758. 

*Far from the triumphing court’, R. Dow- 
Jand, 212. 

Farina, Carlo, 575, 578, 598. 

Farnaby, Giles, 627, 634-5. 

*Farnabye's Conceit’, Farnaby, 635. 

(Farnaby) *His Humour', Farnaby, 635. 

(Farnaby) ‘His Rest’, Farnaby, 635. 

Farnese, Ottavio, 287. 

Farrant, Daniel, 727, 

Farrant, Richard, 196, 619, 624, 813, 817, 

820. 
Panthea and Abradatas, 817. 

*Father of love’, Stubbes, 506. 

Fattorini, Gabriele, 611. 

*Faulte d'argent', Josquin, 231, 604. 

Fauré, Gabriel, 194. 

Favereo, Joannin, 566. 

Favola pastorale, pastoral play, 786. 


Wind-Instr., 


INDEX 


‘Favorites d’Angelique, Les’ (i.e. An- 
gelique Paulet), Francisque, 697 (Ex. 
352 (ii). 

Federhofer, Hellmut, 
368 п?, 377 nt, 

Beicht, Hieronim, 301 n*, 302 n?, 600 п!, 

Feininger, Laurence, 532 n!. 

‘Felix namque’ (based onthe Offertory 
for the Vigil of the Assumption), 
622. 

Anon. (MSS., London, Brit. Mus. Roy. 
App. 56), 627. 

Tallis, 623, 627. 

See also “Excellent Meane, An’, Red- 
ford. 

Fellerer, К. G., 106 n*, 252 n?, 314 nn ®, 
317 04, 369 n*. 

Fellowes, E. H., 84 nn?-*, 85 n?, 86 пп“ 5, 
87 пі, 89 nn!3, 90 пт, 92 nn, 93 п!, 
94, 198, 199 nn: *, 201 n!, 202 nt, 203 n!, 
204 nn}, 206 nn? 5, 207 nn. 3. 4, 210 
nn?-, 211 n3, 212, 213 nn’, 216 n°, 
469 n!, 480 n?, 481, 489 nn! > *, 498 n5, 
499 oi, 504 nn?» 3 *, 514 n*, 584 nn? 2°, 
587 nt. 


265 n', 268 п, 


Felstin (Felsztyn), Sebastian de, see 
Sebastian z Felsztyna. 
Ferand, Ernest, 36n!, 78n!, 125n%, 


148 nn! #, 190 n?, 356 n?. 

Ferdinand I, Emperor, formerly K. of 
Bohemia and Hungary, 260, 264, 265 n!, 
266, 280 n*, 308, 444. 

Ferdinand II, Archduke of Austria, later 
Emperor, 271, 309, 377. 

Ferdinand (‘the Catholic’), K., V of 
Castile, II of Aragon, 374, 397, 407. 

*Fere selvaggie', Caccini, 169. 

Fernández, Lucas, 802. 

Auto de la Pasión, 802. 
Farsas y églogas al modo y estilo 
pastoril y castellano, 802 n?. 

Ferrabosco, Alfonso (the elder), 84, 86, 
481, 488, 489-93. 

Ferrabosco, Alfonso (the younger), 201, 

211, 212, 489 n5, 496, 586, 587, 703, 
Ayres, 212. 

Ferrabosco, Domenico, 325. 

Ferrara, Ladies of (Lucrezia Bendidio, 
Tarquinia Molza, Laura Peperara), 62, 
70, 143-5, 168. 

Ferrari, Benedetto, 178. 

Musiche varie, 178. 

Ferrari, Gaudenzio, 720 п. 

Festa, Costanzo, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 259, 
313, 708. 

Fétis, Frangois Joseph, 569. 

Févin, Antoine de, 238, 436, 687. 

Fiamma, Gabrieli, 57. 


931 


Ficker, Rudolf von, 48 n?, 50 ni. 

Fiddle, fidicula, see Instruments: (Bowed) 
Stringed Instr., Violin Family. 

Fife, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., Wood- 
wind, Flute Family. 

Figueras, J. Romeu, 408 п!, 410 пі, 

*Filiae Jerusalem', Johannes de Cleve, 
269 (Ex. 99). 

Filippi, G., 577 n*, 578. 

Sonata a 5, 577 п? (Ex. 254), 578 
(Ex. 255). 

*Fillete bien gorriére, Une', Clemens non 
Papa, 13. 

‘Filli, l'acerbo caso’, Marenzio, 66-67 
(Ex. 22). 

Filmer, Edward, 194. 

Finck, Heinrich, 99, 260, 261, 265, 266, 

436, 551, 553, 668. 
Practica musica, 219 n*, 220 nt. 
Schöne auszerlesene Lieder, 551. 

Finck, Hermann, 219, 220, 222. 

*Fine knacks for ladies', Dowland, 210. 

Finetti, Jacopo, 536. 

Finscher, Ludwig, 235 n?. 

Fischer, J. K. F., 650. 

Fitzwilliam Virginal Book, The, 622, 623, 
627 nn! ?, 628, 629, 630, 632-3, 634 п?, 
635 n?, 687 n?, 703. 

Flade, Ernst, 731 n*. 

Flageolet, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Woodwind, Flute Family. 

Flecha, Mateo (the elder), 380, 385 п*, 
407-8. 

Flecha, Mateo (the younger), 82, 380, 

397, 407-8. 

Divinarum completarum psalmi . . ., 
408. 

Madrigali, 408. 

Fleming, Paul, 121. 

Fletcher, John, 818, 819. 

Flood, Valentine, 590. 

Flugelhorn, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Horn Family. 

Flury, Roman, 294 n*. 

Flute, see Instruments: 
Woodwind. 

Fock, Gustav, 118 n*. 

Folengo, Teofilo (= Merlinus Coccaius), 

33, 34, 35, 38. 
Baldus, 33-34, 35, 38. 

*Folgerate Saetate Occhi’, 
176-7 (Ex. 65). 

Folia, La, vars. on, Frescobaldi, 651. 
*Pavana con diferencias' on, Valder- 

rábano, 688 (Ex. 345). 
*Pavana llana’ on, Pisador, 689. 
Other works based on, 140, 195. 

Folk-music and song, 54, 553, 581, 593, 

600, 601, 671, 699, 798. 


Wind-Instr., 


Calestani, 


932 


*Fonde youth is a bubble', Tallis (Mul- 


liner No. 20), 624. 

Fontana, G. B., 576-7. 

Sonate a uno, duo, tre, 576-7. 
Ford, Thomas, 201, 509-11, 585, 587. 
*Forlorn Hope’ (Fancy), Dowland, 703. 
Formé, Nicolas, 252. 

Formschneider, Hieronymus, publisher, 
99, 254; see also Ott, Johann. 

Fornagon, Siegfried, 446 n!. 

Forrest, William, 473 n”. 

Forrest-Heather Part-books (MSS. Ox- 
ford, Bodi. Mus. Sch. e. 376-81), 
473 п?. 

‘Fors seulement rigueur’, Baston, 20. 

Forster, Georg, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 

553, 557. 
Frische teutsche Liedlein, ed. G. Forster, 
99, 100, 101, 102, 103. 

‘Fors vous n'entends jamais’, Appenzeller, 
16. 

Fortune, Nigel, 125-217, 143 në, 153 n!, 
157 n®, 160 n!, 161 nn* 2, 164 п!, 167 п?, 
177 n!, 179 n!, 191 n*, 206 nn*: 5, 207 
nn?. з, 4 t 

*Fortune my Foe', ballad tune. Scheidt 

variations, 800. 

Dowland, 703. 

*Fortune si d'elle ne puis tourner (from 
‘Souffrir me convient’), Gombert, 14, 
15 (Ex. 3). 

Fowler, J. T., 498 në. 

Franc, Guillaume, 442, 443. 

Francesco da Milano, 45 п?, 690-1, 693, 

701, 704, 778. 
Intavolatura di Liuto, 45 п?, 691 (Ex. 347, 
348), 778. 

Francis I, K. of France, 238, 251, 441, 
695, 805. 

Francisque, Antoine, 695-7. 

Le Trésor d'Orphée, 695-7. 

Franck, Melchior, 116-17, 455, 544, 592, 

597, 598. 

Geistliche Gesüng und Melodeyen, 455, 
544 n*. 

Geistlicher musikalischer | Lustgarten, 
455. 

Gemmulae Evangeliorum Musicae, 455. 

Musicalischer Grillenvertreiber, 117. 

Les Pseaumes mis en rime frangoise, 422, 

443. 

Threnodiae Davidicae, 455. 
Frangipani, Cornelio, Tragedia, 

823. 

‘Fratres me elongaverunt’, 


792, 
Maillard, 
Frederick (‘the Wise’), Elector of Saxony, 


262, 428-9. 
Freitas Branco, L. de, 414 n!, 415 n?, 


INDEX 


Frere, W. H., 54 n, 466 n*, 467 пт. 
468 n!, 473 n!, 498 n*. 
‘Frère Thibault’, Certon, 248-9. 
Frescobaldi, Gerolamo, 178, 182 n*, 270, 
287, 576, 577, 607, 621, 641, 642, 643, 
644, 646—56, 667, 668, 681. 
Canzon dopo I’ Epistola, 656. 
Canzoni alla francese in partitura, 
Libro quarto, 651. 
Capricci, 651, 681. 
Fiori musicali, 650, 655-6, 667. 
Primo libro d'arie musicali, 177. 
Il primo libro delle Canzoni ad una, due, 
tre e quattro voci, 650. 
ll primo libro delle Fantasie, 643, 647 
(Ex. 310). 
Recercari et canzoni franzese, 648-9 
(Ex. 311). 
Toccate d’intavolatura, I (1615), 642, 
651, 653, 654. 
П (1627), 642, 650 (Ex. 312), 651, 
655-6. 
Toccata nona, 655. 
Toccata terza, 654 (Ex. 315). 
Frey, Н. W., 367 n*, 368 nt. 
Freymann, R., 534 nt, 
Friderici, Daniel, 118, 
Hilarodicon, 118. 
*Frisque et gaillard', Clemens non Papa, 
13 


Frissard, Claude, 188 n*. 

Fritsch, Balthasar, 597. 

*Frog Galliard, The’, 206. 

Froidebise, P., 616 n*. 

*From deepest horror of sad penitence' 
Tomkins, 516-18 (Ex. 222). 

*From Virgin's womb', Byrd, 198. 

Froschauer, ? Christoph, 438. 
Neues Gesangbuchlein, 438. 

Frost, Maurice, 498 n°, 
500 nn? * 501 nn 1 45, 
505 n?, 510 oi, 

Frotscher, Gotthold, 672 п, 732 п, 

Frottola, 1, 2, 3, 14, 34, 35, 36, 39, 52, 78, 
85, 97, 125, 130, 143, 275, 565, 789, 798. 

Fuenllana, Miguel de, 127, 128, 129, 131, 

138, 140, 379, 561, 683 n?, 690. 
Orphenica lyra, 127, 128, 129, 131 n*, 
140 n, 561, 690. 

‘Fuga a Гипіѕопо, dopo sei tempi’, 
Galilei, 693. 

*Fuga suavissima', Luython, 270. 

Fugue (versus), 657, 658, 667, 671; see 
also Allegro-fugato; Introitus and versus; 
Praeambulum; Prelude. 

Fuller Maitland, J. A., 623 ni. 

Füllsack, Zacharias, 597, 

Funghetta, Paolo, 570. 

Funk, Joseph, 271 n*. 


499 nn? *, 
502 nn? 4, 


INDEX 


‘Fuor dell’humido nido’, Strozzi, 149-50 
(Ex. 53), 154, 155. 

*Fusca, in thy starry eyes’, Tomkins, 94 
(Ex. 34 (iii)). 

Fux, J. J., 521 n*. 
Gradus ad Parnassum, 521 пз. 


Gabrieli, Andrea, 61 n!, 74 n?, 112, 271, 
277, 285, 286, 292, 293, 294-6, 369, 
370, 453, 489 п!, 520 n?, 523, 525, 532, 
533, 545, 552, 559, 566, 567, 569, 603, 
604 ni. 605-8, 609, 610, 611, 612, 617, 
796 n!, 823. 

Canzoni francesi, 552. 

Keyboard Works, ed. Pidoux, 605 n?, 
606-8. 

Motets, 523. 

Psalmi Davidici, 523. 

Ricercari, 566 n?, 605, 606 (Ex. 276), 607 
(Ex. 277). 

Sonate a 5 instrumenti, 569. 

Gabrieli, A. and G., Concerti (1587), 285, 

295 nn? ®, 296, 520 n?, 523. 
Dialoghi musicali, 796 n. 
Gabrieli, A. and Vecchi, 
reformatum, 369. 

Gabrieli, Giovanni, 61 n!, 71, 73, 183, 270, 
277, 285, 294—5, 296-300, 305, 462, 
463, 498, 520 n?, 523, 526, 527, 533, 
536, 543, 545, 549, 566—72, 573, 574, 
575, 576, 577, 578, 579, 580, 605, 610, 
635, 658, 796 nt. 

Canzona, 610-11 (Ex. 280). 
Canzoni e Sonate, 570, 575 n*. 
Canzon per sonar, Primi Toni (from 
Sacrae Symphoniae), 568-9 (Ex. 248), 
577 (Ex. 253). 
Canzon Primi Toni, 577 (Ex. 253). 
Canzon Septimi Toni a 8, 510 (Ex. 249). 
Ecclesiasticae cantiones, 296. 
Ricercar, 610 (Ex. 279). 
Sacrae symphoniae, 296, 299, 498, 523, 
549, 566, 568, 569, 573. 
Sonata con tre violini (from Canzoni e 
Sonate), 575, 576. 
Sonata pian' e forte a 8, 570-1 (Ex. 250), 
576, 580. 
Gabrielli, A., 368 п“, 
Gafurius, Franchinus, 221, 729 n*. 
Theorica Musice, 729 n*. 

Gagliano, Giovanbattista da, 182 n*. 

Gagliano, Marco da, 160, 170-1, 181n *, 
575, 793 n?, 824 п?, 829, 830-2, 833, 
834, 843. 

La Dafne, 793 n?, 830-1 (Ex. 396), 832, 
834, 843 nt. 
“Non curi la mia pianta', 830-1 
(Ex. 396). 
La Flora, 829, 831. 


Graduale 


933 


Istoria di Iudit, 831. 
Il Medoro, 831. 
La Regina Sant’ Orsola, 830. 
Gaillard, P. André, 441 n!, 449 n?. 
Galilei, Vincenzo, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154, 
155, 161, 692, 693, 729 n!, 730, 824. 
Dialogo . . . della musica antica e della 
moderna, 149, 152, 153. 
Divina Commedia: Inferno, Canto 
XXXIII, Ugolino's Lament, 153, 824. 
Il Fronimo, 693, 730. 
Intavolatura de lauto, 693. 
Lamentations and Responds for Holy 
Week, 153, 824. 
‘Gallans qui par terre’, Lassus, 22. 
Galliard, gagliarda, Hupfauf, Nachdantz, 
Proportz, Sprungk, Tripla, 113, 205, 
207, 552, 554, 555 (Ex. 241), 692, 701. 
‘paired’ with Pavane, 594, 595, 618, 
624-5, 631, 632-4 (Ex. 295-7), 642, 
645, 692, 693, 694, 695, 696, 701, 702. 
See also Saltarello. 
Galliards ‘Fillide’, ‘Terpsichore’, ‘Tiresia’, 
694. 
Gallico, Claudio, 39 n’. 
Galliculus, Johannes (= Hähnel, or Alec- 
torius), 263-4, 436. 
Gallus, Jacobus (— Jacobus Handl, Car- 
niolanus), 274—5, 308, 544, 545. 
Opus musicum, 275. 
Gallus, see Lecocq, Jean. 
Galoubet, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Woodwind, Flute Family. 
Galpin, Francis, 739 nê, 740 n*, 743 n5, 
744 nn?» 7, 746, 756 пі, 759, 768 oni, 5. 
Ganassi, Silvestro, 705, 706, 713 n', 
718 n*, 751 m. 
La Fontegara, 705, 751 ni. 
Lettione Seconda, 705. 
Regola Rubertina, 705,. 713 n*, 718. 
Gandolfi, Riccardo, 144 n?. 
Gante, Fray Pedro de, 236. 
Garcia, V., 82 n*, 389 n?. 
Gardano, Antonio, and Son, publishers, 
61 n!, 276-7, 286, 287, 288, 386, 389, 
400 ni, 410, 551, 565, 605 п!, 606, 
607 n*, 787 ni 
Canzoni francese а 2 voci . . . buone da 
cantare et sonare, 551, 565. 
Concerti, 61 ni. 
Intabulatura nova di varie sorte di baili, 


644. 
Masses, 1566, 288. 
Motecta quinque vocibus, 410. 
Musiche, 169 n?. 
Gardiner, Stephen, Bp. of Winchester, 
465. 
Garnier, 12. 
Garton. J. N. 695 n?, 


934 


* Gasajémonos de hucia', see Encina, Los 
pastores. 
Gascoigne, George, 726, 818. 
Jocasta, 726. 
Gascongne, Mathieu, 2, 5, 238. 
Gasparo da Saló, 720. 
Gastoldi, Giovanni Giacomo, 61, 86, 114, 
116, 241. 
Balletti a cinque voci, 61 п?. 
Gatard, Augustin, 250 п. 
‘Gaudeamus omnes’, Gombert, 222. 
*Gaude Barbara', Mouton, 384. 
*Gaude gloriosa', Tallis, 481. 
‘Gaude Maria’, R. Johnson, 476. 
Morley, 495. 
*Gaudete caelicolae', Sheppard, 476. 
*Gaude virgo mater Christi’, Ashton, 
480. 
Gaultiers, 'The, 186. 
Denis, 698. 
Jacques, 704. 
Pierre, 723 (Ex. 363 (ii)). 
CEuvres de Pierre Gaultier (1638), 723 n?. 
Gautier, Ennemond, 676. 
Gavotte, 696. 
Gawara, Walentyn, 301, 304. 
Gay, José, 380, 412. 
‘Gay bergier, Ung’, Créquillon, 18, 222-3, 
214. 
Gee, H., 467 nn?: 5. 
Geering, Arnold, 100 пз, 102 п?, 271 n°. 
Gehrmann, H., 371 п}. 
Geigenwerck, see Instruments: (Bowed) 
Stringed Instr., Organistrum. 
Geiger, Albert, 405 nn? $, 
Geiringer, Karl, 594. 
* Gelobet seist du, Christe', Senfl, 431. 
*Gelobet sei'st du, Jesus Christ', Rhaw, 
435. 
Schein, 456-7 (Ex. 203). 
Gemshorn, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Horn. 
Genet, Elzéar, see Carpentras. 
George Il of Hesse-Darmstadt, 798. 
Festivities on marriage to Princess 
Sophia of Saxony, 798-9. 
Gerber, Rudolf, 117 n?, 373 n2, 374 ni. 
Gerdes, G., 664 n?, 671 n!, 672 ni. 
Gerle, Hans, 551, 698, 700-1, 712 n!. 
Ein newes sehr künstlichs Lautenbuch, 
701. 
Musica Teusch, 551, 700, 712 п!. 
Germi, 786. 
Gerold, Théodore, 68, 189 n!, 190 n?, 
Gerstenberg, Walter, 258 n?, 280 nn? 7, 
281 nt, 283 nn? ?, 
Gervaise, Claude, 554 n!. 
Gesangbuch (Breslau, 1525), 429. 
(Zwickau, 1525), 429. 


INDEX 


Gesius, Bartholomaeus, 437. 
Geistliche Lieder, 431. 
Gesner, E., 459 nn‘: 5. 
Gesualdo, Carlo, Prince of Venosa, 65 nê, 
67—69, 71, 81, 642. 
Ghisi, Federico, 149 oni, ?, 150 пз, 156 n!, 
770 п“, 788 n!, 789 n!, 793, 824 në. 
Ghizzolo, Giovanni, 160, 165, 536. 
Giacobbi, 825-6. 
Andromeda, 825-6. 
Gibbon, Edward, 764 n*. 
Gibbons, Christopher, 516 n?, 817. 
Cupid and Death, 813, 817. 
Death, 1659. 

Gibbons, Orlando, 44, 91, 92-93, 94, 202, 
478, 502, 505 ob, SlOn!, 512-14, 
581-2, 584—5, 586, 587, 591, 626, 632, 
633, 703, 713. 

Fantasias (MSS. Dublin, Marsh, Z2. I. 
13), 581-2 (Ex. 258). 

Fantasies of Three Parts, 584 n? (Ex. 
259), 713. 

Madrigals and Mottets, 92. 

Gieburowski, W., 305 mi. 

Giesbert, F. J., 552 пі, 555 n*, 575 nt. 

Gigli, Vincenzo, see Lilius, Vincentius. 

Gigue, giga, jig (dance-form), 556, 631, 

702. 


*Giles Farnaby’s Dreame’, Farnaby, 635. 

Giles, Nathaniel, 496. 

Gintzler, Simon, 694. 

Intabolatura de lauto, 694. 

*Gioco dell’Oca, Il’, Croce, 74. 

*Gioco di Primiera, Il’, Striggio (the 
elder), 74. 

Giovanelli, Pietro, 267, 301. 

Novus thesaurus musicus, 267. 
Giovannelli, Ruggiero, 191, 366, 368. 
Giovanni Maria da Crema, 691, 701. 

* Girolmeta', Frescobaldi, 655. 

Gittern, Cistre, Sittron, see Instruments: 
(Plucked) Stringed Instr., Lute Family: 
Cittern. 

*Giunto alla tomba', Marenzio, 64 (Ex. 
19). 

Giustiniana (type of popular song), 54. 

Giustiniani, Leonardo, 54. 

Giustiniani, Vincenzo, 143. 

Discorso, 15, 143. 

Glanner, Caspar, 103. 

Glareanus (— Heinrich Loris), 152, 261, 

415. 

Dodecachordon, 261, 415. 

Gläsel, Rudolf, 7 п!, 74 n*, 559 n*. 

Glinski, Mateusz, 304 n?. 

‘Gloria tibi, Trinitas’, Blitheman (Mul- 

liner 91, 92), 619-20 (Ex. 285). 

(Mulliner 91-96), 622. 

See also ‘In nomine". 


INDEX 


‘Glorious and powerful God’, Gibbons, 
513 пз, 
Gluck, Christoph Willibald, 796. 
Gobert, Thomas, 449. 
Paraphrase des pseaumes, 449. 
‘Go, crystal tears’, Dowland, 207. 
Godeau, Antoine, 449. 
*Godi, godi festo’, see Mazzocchi, La 
Catena. 
‘God the Father’, Bull, 512. 
*Goe from my window’ (F.V.B.), 629, 
J. Mundy, 630-1 (Ex. 294). 
Morley, 630 n!, 703. 
Goes, Damiäo de, 415. 
Goldoni, Carlo, 799. 
Goldschmidt, Hugo, 831 ni, 
838 oni, з, 840 oni, * 4, 5, 
Gombert, Nicholas, 7, 8, 13, 14, 18, 219, 
220-2, 227, 230, 232, 234, 237, 267, 
293, 301, 335, 383 n!, 384, 385, 397, 
481, 488, 489, 527, 602, 674, 683, 688, 
690. 
Motecta, 397. 
Opera omnia, ed. J. Schmidt-Górg, 
Gombosi, Otto, 195 n*, 266 nn}: *, 280 пе, 
690 nt, 691 n?, 699 n?, 813 ni, 
Gomólka, Mikolaj, 448. 
Gonzaga, Francesco, 834. 
Gonzaga, Guglielmo, D. of Mantua, 
369. 
Gorgious Gallery of Gallant Inventions, A, 
196, 205. 
Gori, Antonio Francesco, 154 n*. 
Gorzanis, Giacomo, 692, 693, 696. 
Secondo libro d'intavolatura, 696. 
Gosslau, Werner, 431 n!. 
Gosswin, Anton, 106. 
Neue teutsche Lieder, 106. 
Goudimel, Claude, 27, 237 n?, 247-8, 301, 
320, 443-4, 445, 446 n*, 447. 
Les CL. Pseaumes de David nouvelle- 
ment mis en musique (1564), etc., 443— 
4 (Ex. 202). 
Les Pseaumes mis en rime francaise 
(1565), 443 n°, 
Premier livre contenant huyt Pseaulmes 
de David, (1551), 443 n*. 
Tiers livre (de Pseaulmes) (1557), 443. 
Gozzi, Carlo, 785 n?. 
Graduale Romanum, 394. 
*Grand'applauso di man', Vecchi (from 
L'Amfiparnaso), 79 (Ex. 30). 
Grandi, Alessandro, 172, 178, 464, 536, 
543. 
Cantade et Arie, 172. 
Grandi, O. M., 579. 
Sonate, 579 n*. 
Gravicembalo, see Instruments: Keyboard, 
Harpsichord. 


836 n!, 


935 


Gray, Cecil, 65 n?. 

Grazzini, Antonio Francesco, 787 oi. 

* Great King of gods', O. Gibbons, 512. 
Greaves, Thomas, 92 n?, 201, 202. 
‘Greensleeves’, Anon., 196. 

Greer, David, 202 n!, 210 nt, 

Greeting, Thomas, The Pleasant Com- 

panion, 752 п. 

Greff, Valentin, see Bacfarc. 

Grefinger, Wolfgang, 99. 

Greg, W. W., 795 nl. 

Greghesca (type of popular song), 54. 
Gregor, Joseph, 798 n?. 

Gregorian chant, ‘reform’ of, 250, 368-71, 

394-5, 

Gregory XII, Pope, 332. 
Gregory XIII, Pope, 369, 388, 394. 
Greiter, Matthäus (Mathis), 99, 429-30, 

431, 439. 

*Grief, keep within’, Danyel, 204-5 (Ex. 

74). 

‘Grillo, El’, Josquin, 2. 
Grillo, Padre Angelo, 536. 

Pietosi affetti, 536. 

Grindal, Edmund, Archbp. of Canter- 

bury, 467. 

Gritti, Andrea, Doge, 281. 

Groh, Johann, 597. 

Gros, César, 241. 

‘Gros Jehan’, René, 12. 

*Ground(e), A’, Byrd, 629 (Ex. 292 (v), 

(vi), (vii). 

Grout, D. J., 790 n!, 827. 

Grynäus, 433. 

Guami, Gioseffo, 566, 572, 611. 

*Guardame- las vacas’, romance, also 
called *Romanesca O Guardame’ and 

‘Passamezzo antico’; variations / Difer- 

encias on, Cabezön, 614-15 (Ex. 282); 

Frescobaldi, 651, 653 (Ex. 314); 

Mayone, 625; Mudarra, 687; Narvaez, 

684; Pisador, 689. 

Guarini, Giovanni Battista, 57, 59, 81, 
159, 160, 163-4, 169, 786. 

Il Pastor Fido, 1590, 159, 163-4, 786. 
Guaynard, publisher, 240. 

Contrapunctus seu figurata musica, 240. 
Guédron, Pierre, 189-90, 193, 812. 
Guédron, Bataille, Boesset, Mauduit, La 

Delivrance de Renaud, 811-12. 

‘Guerre, La’, Janequin, 6, 243, 390, 405. 

adapted by Verdelot, 7. 

‘Guerre de Renty, La’, Janequin, 9. 
Guerrero, Francisco, 82, 236, 375, 376, 
379, 380, 381, 385, 388-91, 403, 408. 
Canciones y villanescas espirituales, 82, 
389, 390 n?. 
Liber primus Missarum, 389. 
Missarum liber secundus, 389. 


936 


Guerrero, Francisco (cont.): 
Liber Vesperarum, 389, 390. 
Magnificats, 389, 390. 
Moteta (1556) 376 n’. 
Motette (1570), 403 n°. 
Mottecta Lib II, 389, 390. 
Viage de Hierusalem, 1596, 381 n!, 
389. 
Guerrero, Pedro, 380, 388. 
Guidetti, Giovanni Domenico, 250, 369. 
Directorium chori, 369. 
Guidotti, Alessandro, 837. 
Guillaume, Edmé, 764. 
Guillet, Charles, 591, 657 oi 672 n?. 
Guilmant, Alexandre, 672 п. 
Guitar, see Instruments: 
Stringed Instr., Lute Family. 
Gullino, Giuseppe, 691 n*, 694 n'. 
Gumpeltzhaimer, Adam, 544, 545, 546. 
Sacri Concentus, П, 545-6. 
Gurlitt, Willibald, 421 nt, 665 nn? *. 
Gussago, Cesario, 570, 572. 
Sonate a 4, 6, et 8, 570. 
*Guter Wein ist lobenswert, Ein', Lassus, 
105-6 (Ex. 37). 
Gutknecht, Jobst, printer, 420. 
Achtliederbuch, 420. 
Enchiridien, 420. 
Guyon, Jean, 247. 
Guyot de Chatelet, Jean (— Castileti), 
13, 19, 230, 267. 
Guzman, J. B., 411 n?. 
Gyffard Part-books (MSS., London, Brit. 
Mus. Add. 17802-5): 473 nn? 8, 474 
nn! 5, 476 nn}; ® $, 477 n?, 501 nê. 


(Plucked) 


Haar, James, 2 n?, 21 n. 

Haas, Robert, 36n!, 148 п5, 183nj 
311 n?, 520 n!, 522 nn? 4, 532 п!, 533 n!, 
537 n*, 542 nt. 

Haberl, Franz Xaver, 61, 281 n!, 283, 
315n?, 317 n$, 325n*, 326m, 332, 
334 n?, 342 n!, 366 n!, 367 nt, 368 oni, 2, 
374 nt, 533 n!, 537 п“, 573 n?, 646 n°, 

Haddon, Walder, 468. 

Liber precum publicarum, 468. 

Hadow, W. H., ed. The Oxford History of 
Music, 1901, etc., 14. 

* Haec dicit Dominus', Byrd, 485. 

*Haec dies', Byrd, 486; G. M. Nanino, 
368; Palestrina, 331; Zielenski, 305 n’. 

Hagius, Konrad, 109, 448, 597. 

Hähnel, J., see Galliculus, Johannes. 

Haiden, Hans Christoph, 115. 

Hake, Hans, 592. 

Hake, John, 474, 501 nt. 

Hakenberger, Andreas, 118. 

Neue deutsche Gesänge, 118. 

Halbig, Hermann, 615 п!, 618 nn? 2, 


INDEX 


Halfpenny, Eric, 739 п?, 740 nn‘: 5, 758 n*. 

Hall, Edward, chronicler, 813. 

Haller, Michael, 314 n?, 364 n?. 

Hamburger, Poul, 677 п, 

Hammerschmidt, Andreas, 598, 601. 

Handefull of Pleasant Delites, A, 196. 

Handel, George Frideric, 62, 93, 791, 
819. 

Handl, Jacobus, see Gallus, Jacobus. 

Hänisch, Johann, 598. 

Hansen, P., 242 n!. 

Hans von Constanz, see Buchner, Johann. 

Harant z Polžic, Kryštof, 309-10. 

Harding, Rosamund E. M., 644 n!, 645 п, 

Harman, R. A., 85 n*, 478 n*, 482n!, 
489 nt, 495, 500 nn? ?. 

Harms, Gottlieb, 459 n*, 670 n!. 

Harnisch, Otto Siegfried, 118. 

Harp, see Instruments: (Plucked) Stringed 
Instr. 

Harpsichord, see Instruments, Keyboard, 

Harsdörffer, Philipp, 799. 

Harsdörffer and Staden, Seelewig, 799- 
800. 

Hartmann, Arnold, Jr., 159 n*. 

Hartnoll, Phyllis, 785 n?. 

Harzer, Balthazar (= Resinarius), 254, 

260, 261, 262-3, 265, 432, 436. 
Responsorium Numero octoginta, 263. 

Hase, 597. 

Hasse, Karl, 457. 

Hassler, Hans Leo, 83, 97, 103, 108, 109, 
112-13, 114, 118, 121, 122, 261 n!, 
271, 370-1, 452-3, 455, 544, 545, 546, 
592, 593, 597, 635, 657, 658-9. 

Cantiones sacrae, 453. 

Canzonette a quattro voci, 108, 112. 

Kirchengesäng, Psalmen und geistliche 
Lieder, 453. 

Lustgarten, 112, 113-15. 

Neue teutsche Gesäng, 112, 113. 

Psalmen und Christliche gesäng, 453. 

Sacri concentus, 453. 

Hasylton, Robert, 501. 

Hatton, Sir Christopher, 92. 

* Hau, hau, hau, le boys’, Sermisy, 4. 

Haussmann, Valentin, 103, 113, 116, 592, 
593, 597, 598. 

Geistliche und Weltliche Teutsche Ge- 
seng, 103. 

Hautbois de Poictou, see Instruments: 
Wind-Instr., Reeded Woodwind, 
Shawm. 

Hautin, Pierre, printer, 35. 

‘Have you seen but a white lily grow’, 
? Ferrabosco, 215. 

Hawkins, Sir John, 84 n?, 415 n*, 622. 

Hayden, Hans, 769. 

Hayes, Gerald, 744 n, 765 n., 773 п!. 


INDEX 


*Hearken ye nations’, Hooper, 512. 

* Hear my prayer O good Lord', Tomkins, 
518, 159 (Ex. 224). 

*Hear the voice and prayer', Tallis, 502. 

Heartz, Daniel, 21 nt, 127 në. 

Heath, Thomas, 499 n*. 

Heckel, Wilhelm, 744 n!. 

Heckel, Wolff, 698, 701. 

Discant . . . Lautten Buch, 701. 

Hedar, J., 664 n?. 

Heinz, W., 256 n. 

*Hélas, j'ay sans merci’, Lassus, 23. 

‘Hélas, mon dieu’, Lassus, 25. 

‘Hélas, que vous a fait’, Chardavoine, 206. 

Hellinck, Lupus, 235, 433. 

Helm, Everett, 10 n*. 

Helmbold, Ludwig, 451, 452. 

“Help us О God’ (secunda pars of * Arise 
O Lord’), Byrd, 503. 

Hemmel, Siegmund, 447, 450. 

Hendrie, Gerald, 211 n?, 632 n’. 

Henestrosa, Luys Venegas de, 612, 616, 

708, 782. 
Libro de cifra nueva, 612, 613, 782. 

Henrietta Maria (Consort of Charles 1), 
497. 

Henry УП, K. of England, 743 п), 753, 
813. 

Henry VIII, K. of England, 83, 195, 465, 
466, 467, 474, 498, 504, 554, 702, 734, 
735, 744, 750, 753, 754, 755, 756, 766, 
769, 813. 

Henry II, K. of France, 251, 695, 718. 

Henry Ш, K. of France, 792, 806, 823. 

Henry IV (of Navarre), K. of France, 806. 
Festivities on marriage with Marguérite 

de Valois (Le Paradis d' Amour), 806. 
Festivities on marriage with Maria de' 
Medici, (La Dafne), 826. 

Henry, Prince of Wales (son of James I), 
512, 765. 

Hentzner, Paul, 766-7. 

Hentzschel, ? Kaspar, 596. 

Herbst, Johannes Andreas, 115, 596. 
Musica Poetica, 596. 

Theatrum Amoris, 115. 

Heredia, see Aguilera de Heredia. 

Hérissant, Jean, 247. 

Hermelink, Siegfried, 340 n!. 

Hernández, С. C., 373 në, 374 n!, 388 п, 
389 n!, 392 nn* 5, 393 n?, 398 në. 

‘Herr, du bist unsere Zuflucht für und fiir’ 
(Ps. 90), Le Maistre, 451. 

Herrmann, W., 61 п. 

Hertzmann, Erich, 53 n?, 280 n*. 

Hesdin, Pierre (= Nicolle des Celliers), 
12, 244, 281. 

Heseltine, Philip, 65; see a/so Warlock, 
Peter. 


937 


Hesse, brothers, 554. 

Het ierste musyck boexken (Antwerp, 
1551), 551. 

Hetz, Adam, 598. 

‘Heulen und schmerzlich’s 
Schein, 122 (Ex. 44). 

‘Heu mihi, Domine’, Castilleja, 381 n?. 

* Heureux qui se peut plaindre’, Guédron, 
193-4 (Ex. 72). 

Heurich, Hugo, 89 п. 

Heuss, Alfred, 833 n*. 

Heybourne, Ferdinand, see Richardson, 
Ferdinand. 

Heyden, Sebald, 430. 

*Heyligen drey Könige Auftzugh, Der’. 
Nórmiger, 618. 

*Hic est beatissimus', G. M. Nanino, 
368 лл. 

Hiersemann, K. W., 239 n*. 

Hildebrand, Christoph, publisher, 597. 

Hilton, John, 84, 513 n*. 

Ayeres, 84. 

Hipkins, A. J., 731 n*. 

Hiscock, W. G., 472 nt, 

Historical Manuscripts Commission, 471 
nn? ?, 472 nê. 

Hoby, Thomas, 141 n*. 

*Hodie Christus natus est', Byrd, 488. 

G. M. Nanino, 368. 

Palestrina, 326-7, 329. 

'(Der) Hoff Dantz' (based on "Der 
schwarze Knab’, q.v.), Judenkünig, 699 
(Ex. 354 (i); ‘Der ander Hoff Dantz’, 
699. 

Hoffmann-Erbrecht, 
265 n?; 266 n°, 

Hofhaimer, Paul, 99, 255, 260, 553, 617, 

699. 

Introductio, 699. 

Hoftanz, 699, 700. 

Hofweisen, 99-100, 102, 103, 104. 

Holborne, Anthony, 583, 586, 591, 703, 

725 n?. 

The Cittharne School, 725 n*. 
Hollande, Jean de, 20, 235. 
Hollander, Christian, 21, 106. 
Holliger, Hans, 446 n!. 
Holmes, Randle, 727, 745. 

Academy of Armory, 727. 
Holst, Imogen, 201 т, 

‘Homo natus de muliere’, 
496 пз. 

Hondt, Gheerkin de, 235. 

Hooker, Richard, 468. 

Hooper, Edmund, 506, 512. 

Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus), 255, 
280 n*, 43, 699, 798. 

‘Hör Menschenkind', Le Maistre, 450 n*. 

Horn, see Instruments: Wind-Instr. 


Weinen’, 


Lothar, 260 oi, 


Baldwin, 


938 


Horn, Johann Caspar, 124. 

*Hornepype, A’, Aston, 624 (MSS. 
London, Brit. Mus. Roy. App. 58), 
628, 629 (Ex. 292 (1)), 684, 685. 

*Hornepype, A’, Byrd, 629 (Ex. 292 (iv)). 

Hornpipe (dance-form), 702. 

See also Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Woodwind, Cornemuse. 

Horsley, Imogene, 148 n!. 

*Hosanna to the Son of David’, Weelkes, 
513. 

Hoskins, Christopher, 475-6. 

Hotteterre, Jacques, Principes de la 
Flüte Traversiére, 754 n*. 

Howard, Lady Frances, Countess of 
Essex, later of Somerset, 512. 

Howell, Almonte C., 613 oi. 

“Но, who comes here’, Morley, 86 o. 

‘How long shall mine enemies triumph’, 
Byrd, 503. 

Huber, K., 313 n*. 

*Huc me sidereo' (on Josquin), Vaet, 267. 

Hudson, Frederick, 523 nt. 

Hughes, Dom Anselm, 474 n?, 497 n!. 

Hughes, F., 468 n?. 

Huigens, Cecilianus, 271 nn? 4, 

Hume, Tobias, 201, 203, 583, 585, 707, 

715 (Ex. 358 (i). 
Musicall Humors, 203. 

Hunnis, William, 196, 500, 504—5. 
A Hyve full of Hunnye, 500. 
Seven Sobs, 505. 

Hunt, Edgar, 704 n!, 751 n*. 

Hunt, J. E., 498 n‘, 499 n°, 

Hupfauf (dance-form), see Galliard. 

Hurdy-gurdy, see Instruments: (Bowed) 
Stringed Instr., Organistrum. 

Huschke, Joachim, 335 nn? 3. 

Hyett, 474. 

Hymns of the Reformed Church, see 
Psalms: Vernacular paraphrases and 
*spiritual songs’: singing of these in 
congregational worship, also under 
Composers (works) and Titles. 

Hymns of the Roman Church, see under 
Titles and Composers (works). 


‘ibant diluculo ad monumentum' (from 
"Maria Magdalene’), A. Gabrieli, 295- 
6 (Ex. 109). 

*Ich fuhr mich über Rhein', variations on, 
Sweelinck, 639 (Ex. 301). 

‘Ich ruf zu dir, Herr Jesu Christ’, 662. 
Fantasia on, Scheidt, 668-70 (Ex. 329, 

330), 672. 

*Ich scheid von dir mit Leide', Hassler, 
112. 

*Ich will den Herrn loben', paraphr. on 
Ps. 34, Luther, 426 (Ex. 193). 


INDEX 


*Ideo precor' (secunda pars of 'Domine 
secundum actum"), Byrd, 484. 

‘If King Manasses’, Weelkes, 513. 

‘If that a sinner's sighs’, Byrd, 504. 

*If the Lord himself', Smith, 512. 

‘If ye love me’, Tallis, 499 п. 

Ileborgh, Adam, Rector of Stendal, 662. 

‘Il estait une fillette’, Canis, 20. 

‘Il est bel et bon’, Passereau, 10, 604. 

*Il estoit une religieuse", Lassus, 22. 

‘I lift my heart’, Tye, 503. 

Illing, Carl-Heinz, 390 n*. 

‘Il me suffit’, Sermisy, 5 n°. 

‘Il n’est plaisir ne passe temps’, Janequin, 
12. 

‘Il n'est trésor’, Lupi, 10. 

*Im Garten leidet Christus Not’, Eccard, 
452. 

Imitation, paired-imitation, 
688, 689, 690, 691, 693. 

*Im Mayen', Lassus, 274. 

*Immutemur habitu’, Escobedo, 397 n*. 

‘In Aeternum', W, Mundy, 479 n!. 

*In Bethlehem Judeae’ (from ‘Cum natus 
esset Jesus’), Lassus, 345 (Ex. 152). 

*In black mourn I', Weelkes, 87 (Ex. 31). 

*Incessament suis triste’, Clemens non 
Papa, 19. 

‘Inclina cor meum’, Monte, 354 (Ex. 
161), 356. 

‘In conspectu tuo egi' (from ‘Domine 
secundum actum’), Byrd, 484-5 (Ex. 
213). 

‘In darkness let me dwell’, Dowland, 
213-15 (Ex. 79). 

India, Sigismondo d’, 160, 161, 163, 164, 

178, 181, 182, 201, 212, 213. 
Le Musiche a due voci, 181. , 
Musiche da cantar solo, 161 n?, 163 n!. 
Le Musiche ...libro terzo, 165, 212 n°. 

*In dich hab ich gehoffet', Scheidemann, 
672. 

‘In dir ist Freude’, Anon., 451. 

*In dulci jubilo, nu singet und seid froh', 

Rhaw, 435. 
Scheidt, 459. 
Trumpet arrgt., 757. 

Indy, Vincent d’, 9 ni. 

‘In ecclesiis’, G. Gabrieli, 523, 525. 

*In exitu Israel', Dandin, 250. 

Du Caurroy, 253. 
Sheppard, W. Mundy and (?) T. Byrd, 
478.- 
*Infelix ego', Byrd, 485. 
Ingegneri, Marc Antonio, 71, 366, 552, 
566. 
Il secondo libro de Madrigali, 552, 566. 
Masses, 367. 
Responses for Holy Week, 367. 


673, 684, 


INDEX 939 


*Ingemuit Susanna’, Créquillon, 225. 

*In going to my naked bed', Edwards, 84, 
624. 

*Ingredere', Corteccia, 788. 

*[n ieiunio et fletu', Tallis, 482. 

‘In illo tempore', Gombert, 527. 

‘In justitia tua libera me’ (from ‘In te 
Domine speravi"), Wacław z Szamotuł, 
303—4 (Ех. 113 (ii)). 

*In manus tuas', Sheppard, 476. 

“In nomine’ (on ‘Gloria tibi Trinitas’), 

197, 561-3 (Ex. 245-7). 

Alwood (Mulliner 23), 621 (Ex. 287), 
622 п. 

Blitheman (Е. У. В.), 622. 

Bull (Е. V.B.), 627 (Ex. 291). 

Taverner (Mulliner 35), 622 п. 

*In nomine Jesu’, Johannes de Cleve, 268. 

‘In pace in idipsum’, Senfi, 256. 

*In passione positus', Navarro, 392. 

*In principio et nunc et semper' (from 
‘Laudate pueri’), Ruffino, 277-8 
(Ex. 102 (i)). 

Willaert, 279 (Ex. 102 (ii). 

‘In resurrectione tua’, Byrd, 486. 

INSTRUMENTS: 

BELLS: 

Carillon, 766. 
Change-ringing, 766-7. 

CONCERTED CHAMBER INSTRUMENTS: In- 
strumental ‘Choirs’: see Chap. V (d); 
Chap. X; Chap. XI; Chap. XIV; 
Chap. XV. 

Consorts (Broken or mixed), 583, 702,. 
704, 705, 728, 751, 770-3. 

Drums, 449, 707, 752, 765-6, 797, 818. 
Kettle-drums, 765-6. 

Nakers, 765. 

Tabor, Tabrett, 449, 752; developed 
as Side-drum, 765. 

Trumpet and Drum, 797, 818. 

KEYBOARD INSTRUMENTS, 550, 562, 565, 

635-46; tablature, 780-3 (Ex. 379- 
82). 

Clavichord, Manichord, 409, 645, 
702, 709, 734. 

Claviorganum, Clavicymbal, 734, 
735. 

Harpsichord, Arpicordo, Cembalo, 
Clavicembalo, Clavecin, Gravicem- 
balo, 560-1, 583, 644-5, 654, 676-7, 
696, 706, 709, 729, 734-6, 788, 
826, 834, 837. Archicembalo, 270. 
Clavicytherium, 735, 736. 

Organ: 275, 408, 409, 436-7, 459, 
462, 463, 466, 467, 468, 469, 470, 
471, 472, 514-16, 518, 523, 525, 
527, 531, 532, 533, 540 п!, 545, 
546, 552, 557, 561, 571, 576, 579, 


602-26, 641, 643, 644, 647-82 
passim, 705, 706, 728-36, 768, 788, 
794, 818, 833, 834, 835, 837. 
Virginals, Épinette, Spinet, Spinet- 
tino, 94, 203, 576, 583, 586, 619, 
622, 623, 626-35, 645, 703, 704, 
726, 728, 734—6, 769. 
MECHANICAL INSTRUMENTS: 
Echo-chamber, 769. 
Xylophone, Cloquebois, Strohfidel, 
769. 
MISCELLANEOUS INSTRUMENTS: 
Aeolian Harp, 768-9. 
Chirimia, 409. 
Jew’s Harp, 767-8. 
PERCUSSION: 
Castanets, 767. 
Cymbals, 767. 
Tambourine, Timbrel, 767. 
Triangle, 767. 
STRINGED INSTRUMENTS: 
(Bowep/PLUCKED) STRINGED INSTRU- 
MENTS: 
‘Strings’ (unspecified instruments), 
462, 472, 551, 568, 574, 700. 
(BOWED) STRINGED INSTRUMENTS: 
Crowd, Crwth (bowed descendant of 
plucked Chrotta), 718. 
Marine Trumpet, Trumscheit,717,741. 
Organistrum, Geigenwerck, Hurdy- 
gurdy, Symphony, Vielle 4 roue, 
718, 769. 
Viol Family, 94, 200, 203, 409, 552, 
568, 574, 581, 583, 584, 585, 588, 
704, 705, 706, 709-17, 721, 723, 
724, 727, 734, 748, 750, 770, 773, 
791, 793, 794, 818, 831, 834. 
Consort of viols, 94, 203, 583, 584, 
705, 712, 834. 
Division-viol, 705, 713 n?, 714. 
Lira da braccio, 707, 716. 
Lira da gamba, Lirone, Archiviola 
da lira, 706, 716-17, 773. 
Lyra-viol, 203, 583, 704, 705, 
706-7, 715-17, 723. 
Lyra-way tuning, 714—15 (Ex. 358), 
723; (Viola bastarda), 705, 706, 
715, 794. 
Par-dessus de viole, 712. 
Sopranino viol, 794. 
Tenor viol, 584, 585. 
Treble/descant viol, 584, 586, 719. 
Vihuela de arco, 409, 560-1, 574, 
724. 
Viol da gamba, 203, 583, 584, 
585-6, 791. 
Violone (modern Double-bass), 
521, 576, 599, 706, 713-14, 773, 
789, 834. 


940 INDEX 


INSTRUMENTS (cont.): 
Violin Family, 568, 574, 706, 707, 
708, 710, 712, 718-21, 819, 837. 

Fiddle, Fidicula, 583, 599, 719, 720. 

Rebec, Rebecchino, Rebequin, 707, 
717-18, 719, 720, 773. 

Viola, Alto Violin, Viola da 
braccio, Violetta, Violino, 523, 
527, 528, 571, 718, 719, 720. 

Violin, Violino ordinario da brac- 
cio, 531, 571, 573, 574, 576, 579, 
581, 583, 588, 700, 719, 720, 
794. 

(PLUCKED) STRINGED INSTRUMENTS: 
Harp, 94, 409, 449, 583, 588, 708, 726, 
727-8, 793, 794, 826, 831, 837. 

Chromatic harp, 588. 

Double harp, 583, 708, 728, 794. 

Irish wire-strung harp, 94, 726, 
728. 

Lute Family: 

Bandora, Pandora, 94, 200, 583, 
585, 704, 726, 727, 728, 818. 

Chittarone (bass-lute), 157, 537, 
576, 724, 794, 837. 

Cittern, Cithren, Cetra, Cetula, 
Gittern, Sittron, 140, 185, 203, 
462, 583, 704, 708, 709, 725-7, 
818. 

Guitar, Bandurria, 687, 690, 708, 
725, 779-80; tablature, 779-80. 
Lute, Lutenists, Lute-music and 

Songs: Chap. IV passim, 422, 
462, 550, 552, 557, 561, 568, 
573, 574, 583, 585, 588, 592, 
617, 677, 695-709, 714-15, 
721-4, 728, 773-9, 780, 782, 
789, 793, 794, 798, 809, 818, 
819. 

Lute-tablatures, 773-9, 780, 782. 

Lute-tunings, 714-15, 723-4 (Ex. 
363). 

Lira grande, 826, 831, 837. 

Lyre: Arch-lyre, 793, 794. 

Orpharian, Orphion (developed 
from Cittern), 203, 727. 

Penorcan (type of Cittern), 583, 
721. 

Polyphant (type of Cittern), 727. 

Psaltery, 768, 794. 

Stump (type of Cittern), 727. 

Theorbo, Arch-lute, Liuto attior- 
bato, Tiorba, 576, 583, 588, 724, 
726, 728, 794, 826, 827, 837. 

Vihuela de mano, Vihuelistas, 
Vihuela-books, 125, 126—30, 131, 
135-40, 200, 375, 388, 398, 
560-1, 574, 682-90, 724-5. 

Zither, 599. 


WIND INSTRUMENTS: 
Horn Family: 
Cornett, Cornetto, Cornettino, 
Zinck, 409, 462, 470, 472, 515, 
523, 526, 531, 568, 571, 573, 
574, 576, 579, 581, 593, 596, 
707, 709, 736, 748, 759, 760, 
761, 762, 763, 764, 788, 796. 
Registers, 762-3. 
Serpent (bass cornett), ? Lysar- 
den, 762, 763-4. 
« Horn, 757, 760. 
Corno da caccia (hunting horn), 
707, 758. 
Flugelhorn, 739. 
Gemshorn, 768. 

Sackbut, Posaune, 409, 470, 472, 
515, 583, 707, 736, 745, 759-60, 
764, 788, 789, 796, 818. 

Trombone, 462, 523, 526, 528, 530, 
568, 569, 571, 573, 574, 576, 579, 
581, 593, 596, 707, 739, 794, 

Trumpet, 410, 573, 599, 707, 

736 n?, 739, 755-8, 759, 760, 
761, 797, 818. 

Trompette de guerre (later, or- 
chestral trumpet), 756-8. 

Trompette de ménéstrels (later, 
trombone), 756. 

Trumpet and drum, 797, 818. 

WIND INSTRUMENTS, WOODWIND: 
Flute Family: 

Dolzflött, 752-3. 

Fife, 736, 753, 754, 755, 765. 

Flageolet, 750, 752, 765; tablature, 
779-80. 

Flute (transverse), 422, 462, 526, 
530, 583, 599, 707, 736, 737, 739, 
753-5, 794. 

Galoubet, 750, 752, 765; tablature, 
719-80. 

Mirliton, 767. 

Pan-pipes, 750. 

Pilgrim's staves, 755. 

Recorder, 551, 583, 593, 705, 707, 
709, 736, 739, 750-2, 753, 754, 
755, 779-80, 837; tablature, 
719-80. 

Rüspfeyffe, 751-2, 768. 

Wind Instruments, Reeded Wood- 

wind: Bagpipe Family, 449, 599, 
707, 742-3, 744, 788. 

Corna-musa, Chalemie, 743. 

Musette, 449. 

Sourdeline, 743. 

Bassoon, Dolcaine, 576, 579, 593, 736, 
737, 738, 744, 745, 746. 

Racket (early form of bassoon), 

583, 744, 747-8. 


INDEX 


See also Fagott and Shawm. 

Clarinet (descended from Phagotum, 
q.v.), 740, 744. 

Cornamuse (relative of Krummhorn), 
742, 744, 747, 749. 

Cornemuse (Hornpipe), 736. 

Cortaut, 744, 746, 747, 749, 755. 

Doppiono, Doblado, 744, 745 nf, 
746, 749. 

Dulceuses, 744. 

Fagott, Curtal basson, Dolcaine, 
Kortholt, Tarot (forerunner of 
Bassoon), 744, 745-6, 747, 751, 
773. 

Krummhorn, Cornamute, Lituus, 
Tournebout, Storte, 593, 707, 
736, 740-1, 742, 747, 749, 768. 

Bassanello, 741-2, 746, 747, 749. 
Pastoral horn, 768. 

Oboe (descended from Shawm, q.v.), 
736—7, 738, 739, 740, 818. 

Phagotum (ancestor of Clarinet), 


743-4. 
Shawm: Chalumeau,  Pumhart, 
Schalmey, Wait (ancestor of 


Bassoon), 599, 707, 736-40, 747, 
748, 749, 751, 755. 
Basset-shawm, Hautbois de Poic- 
tou, Nicolo, 740, 743 п, 747, 749. 
Bombard, Pommer, 737, 738, 747, 
748. 
Schreierpfeif, 740, 747. 
Sordono, Sourdine, 744, 745, 746, 
741, 749. 
Tartólde, 744, 747, 748, 749, 764. 
Waldhorn, Szamotut, Lituus, 741. 

‘In te Domine speravi’, Le Heurteur, 244. 
Pastrana, 397 п. 

Wacław z Szamotuł, 302-4 (Ex. 113 (1)). 

Intermedii, Entremets, 74, 75, 80, 81, 148, 
770-2, 787-96, 797, 804, 816, 818, 822, 
837, 838. 

Intermedii et concerti (Festivities for the 
marriage of Ferdinando de’ Medici), 
793-6. 

*Inter natos mulierum’, Gombert, 222. 

‘Interrotte speranze', Monteverdi, 181. 

‘Inter vestibulum et altare', Ceballos, 

393-4 (Ex. 179). 
Morales, 390. 

Intonazioni, 608, 610, 611. 

Intrada, Aufzug, 556, 594, 595, 601. 

Intrada, Otto, 601 (Ex. 275). 

Introitus and versus (forerunner of Pre- 
lude and fugue), 658, 659. 

*In trouble and adversity', Causton, 
adapting Taverner’s ‘In nomine’, 501. 
‘Invenerunt puerum’ (from ‘Cum natus 
esset Jesus’), Lassus, 345-6 (Ex. 153). 


941 


*Inviolata', Gombert, 221. 
Fantasia on, Valderrábano, 688. 

‘In winter's just return’, Surrey, 195. 

‘Yo che dal ciel’, Caccini, 146 n*. 

‘Io che d'alti sospir vaga', see Caccini/ 
Peri, L’Euridice. 

‘Io mi son giovinetta', Domenico Ferra- 
bosco, 325-6 (Ex. 129-30). 

*Io non son peró morto', Wert, 60. 

‘Io parto, amati lumi’, Caccini, 169. 

Isaac, Heinrich, 99, 102, 253-4, 255, 256, 
259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 266, 270, 422, 
432, 436, 553. 

Isaac/Senfl, Choralis Constantinus, 254, 
255, 262. 

Isabella, Empress (consort of Charles 
У), 227, 377, 379. 

Isabella, Governor ofthe Netherlands, 413. 

Isabella (‘the Catholic’), Q. of Castile, 
later of Spain, 373. 

‘Iste confessor’, Tallis (Mulliner 106), 
623 (Ex. 288). 

‘Iste confessor’, chorale-variations on, 
Titelouze, 673 (Ex. 333). 

Ives, Simon, 586, 589-90, 816. 
Fantasia for 4 viols, 589-90 (Ex. 265). 
The Triumph of Peace, 816-17 (Ex. 391). 

*I weigh not fortune's frown nor smile’ 
O. Gibbons, 92. 


Jachet da Mantova, 267, 276, 277, 288, 
292, 313. 

Messe a cinque voci, 288. 

Jachimecki, Zdzislaw, 301, 

305 n?, 600. 

Jackman, J. L., 487 ni. 

Jacob Polak, or Polonois, 696 n!. 

Jacotin, Jacques Godebric, 10. 

Jacquot, Jean, 189 n?, 377 nt, 786 nè. 

James I, K. of England, 469, 472, 512, 519. 

James IV, K. of Scotland, 702. 

James, Philip, 736 рї. 

Jamyn, Amadis, 184. 

Janequin, Clement, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 27, 
39, 74, 237 n?, 243, 251, 288 n?, 390, 
405, 445, 559, 691 n!, 700. 

Chansons de maistre Clement Janequin, 
6 n*. 
Octante deux  pseaumes de David 
traduit en rhythme françois, 445. 
Premier ` livre | contenant XXVIII 
Pseaulmes de David, 445 n!. 
Jaqui, Frangois, publisher, 443. 
Jarzebski, Adam, 307, 600. 
Canzon a 4, 600 (Ex. 274). 
Canzoni e Concerti a due tre e quattro 
voci con basso continuo, 600. 
Tamburetta a 3, 600 (Ex. 273). 
‘Jay cause de moy contenter’, Sohier, 4. 


304 nn! 


942 


‘Jay mys mon caur', ? Vaet, 267. 

Jeep, Johann, 117. 
Studentengärtlein, 117. 

Jeffries, Matthew, 506, 513 rf. 

‘Jehan de Lagny’, Berchem, 12. 

‘Je l'ayme bien’, Guyot, 19. 

*J'endure un tourment’, Lassus, 23. 

‘Je ne veux plus que chanter de tristesse’, 
Lassus, 23. 

Jenkins, John, 589, 707. 

‘Je n'oserays le penser’, Villiers, 10. 

‘Je ny scaurois’, Gascongne, 5. 

‘Je perds espoir’, Appenzeller, 16. 

Jeppesen, Knud, 159 n!, 165 n*, 168 n!, 
169 n?, 170 n?, 181 nn“ 5, 182 nt, 274 n!, 
313 n!, 314 nn} 2, 315 n?, 317 n°, 318 n*. 

‘Je prends en gré la dure mort’, Anon., 16, 
Baston, 16. 

*Jesaia dem propheten das geschah . .. 
Heilig ist Gott' (Sanctus of the 
German Mass), Luther, 424, 427 
(Ex. 195-6). 

Rhaw, 435. 

Jesu Hilf! Erster Theil Geistlicher Koncer- 
ten (1569), 308. 

*Je suis amour', Guyot, 19. 

*Je suis Amour, le grand maistre des 
Dieux', La Grotte, 186-7 (Ex. 68). 

* Je suis désheritée', Cadéac, 5, 220-1, 222, 
325. 

*Je suis plus aise que les dieux', Regnard, 
21. 

*Je suis tellement amoureux', Bertrand, 
28-29 (Ex. 8). 

*Jesus Christus unser Heiland', Stephan, 
663 (Ex. 325). 

*Jeune galant qui d'envieux effort', 
Manchicourt, 18. 

‘Jeune moine, Un’, Lassus, 22. 

‘Je voys des glissantes eaux’, Costeley, 26. 

Jew's Harp, see Instruments: Miscel- 
laneous. 

Jigs (comic interludes based on popular 
ballads), 470, 581, 800; see also Gigue 
(dance-form). 

Jimenez, 679, 680. 

Jistebnicky, Pavel Spongopaeus, 309. 

Joaquim, Manuel, 415 nn* 5, 418 nn? 4. 

Jobin, Bernhard, 701. 

Das erste (ander) Buch newerlessner 
Lautenstück, 701. 

*Job, tonso capite', Morales, 386. 

*Jocus nuptialis', Schein, 122. 

Jöde, Fritz, 421 n. 

Jodelle, Étienne, 184. 

Johannes de Cleve, 267 n?, 268. 
Cantiones sacrae, 268. 

Johannes Polonus (= Hans Pohle), 304. 
Cantiones 304. 


INDEX 


John III, K. of Portugal, 414. 

John IV, K. of Portugal, 414-15, 416. 
Defensa de la müsica moderna, 414. 
Respuestas, 414-15. 

Johnson, Alvin, 287 n!, 288 n?, 290. 

Johnson, Robert, 84 n?, 215, 476, 499, 702, 
703, 813 n!. 

Jonas, Justus, 428. 

Jones, Inigo, 795, 814. 

Jones, Robert, 201, 203, 210, 513. 

First Booke of Songs, 203. 

Jonson, Ben, 215, 586, 814, 815. 
Chloridia, 814. 

Lethe, or Lovers made Men, 815. 
Oberon, 813. 

Josquin des Prez, 2, 10, 13, 14, 20, 22, 218, 
219, 220, 222, 231, 233, 237, 238, 241, 
244 n?, 256, 258-9, 261, 262, 267, 268, 
281-2, 283, 288, 290, 291, 356-8, 356 n’, 
375, 383, 385, 387, 411, 422, 424, 436, 
602, 604, 616, 622 n', 651, 683, 684, 
686, 688, 689. 

*Jouons, jouons, beau jeu', Clemens non 
Papa, 18. 

*Jour vis un foulon, Un', Lassus, 22. 

*Joyeusement', Guyot, 19. 

Juana, d. of Charles V, consort of Joan 
Manoel of Portugal, 377, 397, 406, 
407. 

Jubilate, Child, 497. 

‘Jubilate Deo’, Marenzio, 364 n?. 
Palestrina, 326. 

*Jubilet', Monteverdi, 539-40 (Ex. 233). 

Judenkünig, Hans, 698-9. 

Ain schone kunstliche Underweisung, 
698-9, 709 n!. 

Julian, J., 502 n*. 

Julius IH, Pope, 315, 317, 399. 

Junta, Jacobus, printer, 384; see also 
Petrucci, Ottaviano. 

*Justorum animae', Byrd, 488. 

*Justus germinabit' (on Barbion), Vaet, 
267. 

Juxon, William, Bp. of London, 469, 
518 n!. 

*Juxta crucem tecum stare' (from 'Stabat 
mater"), Palestrina, 331. 


Kade, Otto, 240 п?, 241 п?, 258 n?, 263 пз, 
284 n*, 292 n*, 384 n?, 385 n°, 389 пі, 
397 n®, 402 m, 421 n!, 450 n?, 545 n°. 

Kade, Reinhard, 454 nt. 

Kapsperger, Johann, 183. 

Arie passegiate, I, 183. 
П, 183. 

Kargel, Sixtus, 698, 701. 
Lautenbuch, 701. 

Karlstadt, 425. 

Karolides, Daniel, 448. 


INDEX 


Kastner, M. Santiago, 612n!, 614 п?, 
615 n?, 680 n!, 681 пг. 

Kawerau, G. and H., 426 nt, 

Keiner, Ferdinand, 67 nt, 

Keller, Hermann, 596 n!, 646 n*. 

Kelley, Edward, 514. 

Kempers, K. Ph. Bernet, 
230 nt, 441 oi. 

Kerle, Jacobus de, 272-4, 308. 
Preces speciales, 272, 273, 274. 

Sex Missae, 273. 

Kerman, Joseph, 85nn? 4, 86nn} 5, 
87 пі, 89 пз, 92, 198 пі, 479 n!, 488 n3, 
489 n?. 

Kettle-drums, see Instruments: Drums. 

Kiesewetter, Raphael Georg, 770 n$, 
788 n*. 

Killing, J., 241 n*. 

Kindermann, Heinz, 786 nn^?, 787 n?, 
798 n*. 

Kindermann, Johann Erasmus, 593, 596, 

598. 
Deliciae Studiosorum, 593, 596. 

Kinkeldey, Otto, 62 n?, 146 nn! $, 610 n, 
611 n?, 616 n°, 

Kinsky, Georg, 188 n‘, 768 oi, 

Kinwelmersh, Francis, 818. 

Kirbye, George, 92, 497, 513, 

Kircher, Athanasius, 738 n?, 766 n*, 768, 

769. 
Musurgia Universalis, 738 n*, 766 n°, 
769 ont, 4,5, 
Kittel, Kaspar, 123. 
Arien und Kantaten, 123. 

Klabon, Krzysztof, 304. 

Klassen, Johannes, 314 n*. 

Klavierbuch der Regina Clara im Hoff, 
695. 

Kleber, Leonhard, 617. 

Klemm, Johann, 596. 

Klingenstein, Bernhard, 271. 

Rosetum Marianum, 271. 

Klug, Josef, publisher, 429. 

Knófel, Johann, 109. 

XXX newer lieblicher Galliardt, 109. 

*Know ye not', Tomkins, 512. 

Knüpfer, Sebastian, 124. 

Knyght, Thomas, 474, 475, 501. 

Koczirc, Adolf, 140 ni. 690 n!, 698 п“, 


228 nn? 3, 


"Komm, heiliger Geist’, Arnold von 
Bruck, 433. 

‘Kommt her zu mir alle’, Scheidt, 460-1 
(Ex. 205). 


Konrad, Karel, 309 n°. 

Köpphel, Wolf, 429. 
Psalmen, Gebet und Kircheniibung, 429. 
Psalter (complete), 429. 

Körte, Oswald, 125 nt, 126n!, 700n!, 
701 n. 


943 


Kortholt, instr. resembling Sordono, q.v., 
also syn, with Curtal basson, q.v. 
Kotter, Hans, 617. 
Kraus, Hedwig, 292 пе. 
Krebs, Carl, 611 n?. 
Krieger, Adam, 117. 
Arien, 117. 
Kriesstein, Melchior, publisher, 222. 
Kroyer, T., 47, 48 n?, 50 ni, 271 n*. 
Krumbhorn, Kaspar, 597. ` 
Krummhorn, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind. 
Kugelmann, Johann, 430, 450. 
Concentus novi trium vocum, 430. 
Kuhn, Мах, 36 n!, 148 ni. 
Kunze, Stefan, 566 n°. 
‘Kyngs Pavyn, The’, Anon. (MSS., 
London, Brit. Mus. Roy. App. 58), 
624, 625, 


La Barre, Pierre, 677. 
‘Laboravi in gemitu’, Ferrabosco (the 
younger), 496-7 (Ex. 217). 
Morley, 496. 
Navarro, 392. 
Laborde, J. B. de, 712, 764 пі. 
Essai sur la musique, 712 n°. 

Lacroix, P., 811 o, 

Ladislas IV, K. of Poland, 307, 

*Laetantur caeli’, Byrd, 485. 

Lafontaine, Н. C. de, 741 n°. 

La Grotte, Nicolas de, 27, 186, 672. 

La Hele (Helle), Georges de, 379. 

‘Lalafete’, Neusiedler (intabulation of 
Janequin's *L’Alouette?), 700. 

*La, la, je ne l'ose dire', Certon, 12. 

*La, la, la, Maitre Pierre', Clemens non 

Papa, 18. 
Sermisy, 248-9, 340-1. 

La Laurencie, Lionel de, 5 п?, 82n, 
126 n!, 131 në, 134 n!, 172 п, 184 nn?» 4, 
185 oni, ?, 186 oni, ?, 188 пз, 392 р?, 
804 n?. 

*Lamentabatur Jacob', Morales, 386. 

‘Lamentation’ for Henry Noel, Dowland, 
501. 

Lamentations, Déplorations (Office of 
Tenebrae), 219; Cadéac, 241; Carceres, 
410; Créquillon, 222, 224; Escribano, 
397; Genet, 241, 242; Leleu, 240; 
Luython, 270; Mahu, 265; Morales, 
386-7 (Ex. 177); Parsley, 477; Phinot, 
240; Robledo, 411; Sermisy, 240; 
Tallis, 476-7; Vila, 408; Waclaw z 
Szamotul, 302; Whyte, 476-7; Willaert, 
280. 

'Lamento d'Arianna', Monteverdi, 73, 
537, 538, 541-2; see also ‘Pianto della 
Madonna'. 


944 


‘Lamento della Madonna, Il’, Saracini, 
542 (Ex. 237). 
Lammers, Henri, 25 п“. 
Landi, A., playwright, 788. 
Il Commodo, 788. 
Landi, Stefano, 160, 168, 169 n!, 170, 
770 n5, 837-8, 840. 
La Morte d'Orfeo, 838, 840. 
* Bevi, bevi’, 840. 
Sant' Alessio, 838, 840. 
‘Poco voglia di far bene’, 840. 
Lanfranco, Giovanni Maria, 716, 718. 
Scintille di Musica, 716 пі, 718 n, 
725 п“. 
Lange, Gregor, 109, 
*Languet anima mea', Grandi, 543 n!. 
*Languir me fais', Clemens non Papa, 14. 
Sermisy, 14, 230. 
Langwill, Lyndesay G., 744 ni. 
Lanier(e), Nicholas, 211, 795, 815. 
Lappi, Pietro, 536, 572, 579. 
Larchier, Jean, 239, 
La Rue, Pierre de, see Pierre de la Rue. 


*Lasciate i monti', see Monteverdi, 
Orfeo. 
‘Lasciatemi moriri’, see Monteverdi, 


Arianna, ‘Il Lamento di Arianna’. 
Las Infantas, Fernando de, 369, 380, 
394-5. 
Motets, 394. 
Plura modulationum genera, 394. 
‘Las, je n'iray plus jouer au boys’ 
Costeley, 26. 
Lassus, 23. 
*Las me faut-il', Lecocq, 20. 
*Las povre coeur’, Janequin, 6 ni. 
‘Las! que nous sommes misérables’, La 
Grotte, 186. 
*Lasso, vita mia’, Dowland, 213. 
Lassus, Orlando (Roland), 4, 5 n?, 13, 18, 
21-25, 26, 27, 48, 55, 56-57, 58, 68, 
75, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 109, 111, 
118, 186, 218, 219, 220, 234, 246, 
247-8, 250, 251, 261, 266, 267, 271, 
274, 287, 294, 301, 312, 326, 333- 
50, 354, 359, 360, 363, 399, 403, 448, 
451, 452, 481, 488, 489, 520, 522, 
523 n!, 544 пі, 546, 553, 560 (Ex. 244), 
677, 680, 796, 797, 805, 806, 810, 811. 
Ballet Polonais, 805, 806, 810, 811. 
Cantiones sacrae, 342, 346. 
Geistliche Psalmen, 104. 
Lamentationes, 349. 
Lagrime di San Pietro, 57. 
Magnificats, 349-50. 
Magnum Opus Musicum, 342 n'. 
Melange de chansons, 811. 
Moduli quinis vocis, 248. 
Patrocinium musices, 350 m. 


INDEX 


Psalmi Davidis penitentiales, 348-9. 

Sacrae Lectiones ex propheta Job, 342, 
349. 

Villanelle, 15. 

Lassus, Rudolf, 342 n!, 349, 

*Las voulez-vous qu'une personne chante', 
Lassus, 22. 

Laud, William, Archbp. of Canterbury, 
469, 471, 472, 473, 513. 

*Lauda Jerusalem', Monteverdi, 528. 

‘Laudate Dominum omnes gentes’ 

Monteverdi, 539-40 (Ex. 234). 
Palestrina, 325. 

‘Laudate pueri’, Lassus, 342. 
Ruffino, 277-8 (Ex. 102 (1). 
Sheppard, 478. 

Willaert, 279 (Ex. 102 (ii)). 

Laude, laudi spirituali, 33, 54, 141, 363, 
392, 835-6. 

*Laudibus in sanctis', Byrd, 485. 

Launay, Denise, 253 n!, 591 n!. 

Laurencinus Romanus (= Lorenzini da 
Liuto), 696, 697. 

Lautrey, Louis, 141 ni. 

Lavignac, Albert, 82 п", 131 n°, 134 n!, 
172n!, 188 n*, 392 n*, 616 n*, 657 n!, 
675 n?, 677 n*, 692 n3, 695 oi, 

La Voye, Henry de, 591. 

Lawes, Henry, 516 oi. 

Lawes, William, 516 n*, 581, 583, 588-9, 

707, 708, 816-17. 

Fantasia for violin, bass viol, and 
harpsichord, 588-9 (Ex. 264). 

The Triumph of Peace, 816-17 (Ex. 
391.) 

Lawrence, W. J., 813 n?. 

Layolle, Frangois, 241. 

Lea, Kathleen M., 785 n?. 

Le Bailly, Henry (or Bailly, Henry de), 
190, 717. 

Lebeuf, L'Abbé, 764. 

Le Blanc, Didier, 188. 

Airs de plusieurs musiciens réduits 
à quatre parties, 188. 

Le Blanc, Virgile, 252. 

Paraphrase des hymnes et cantiques 
spirituels, 252. 

Lechner, Leonhard, 109-11, 112, 126, 452, 

459, 591. 

Deutsche Sprüche, 111, 452. 

Neue lustige Teutsche Lieder nach Art 
der Welschen canzonen, 111. 

Newe teutsche Lieder, 110. 

Lecocq, Jean (Gallus), 20. 

Legg, J. W., 513 n*. 

Legrenzi, Giovanni, 576. 

Le Heurteur, Guillaume, 244-5. 

Motets on Antiphons of our Lady, 
244. 


INDEX 


Le Huray, Peter, 514 n*. 

Leichtentritt, Hugo, 160 n!, 268 n’, 275 nl, 
293 ni, 295 n?, 296 n?, 326 ni, 342 n!, 
364 пі, 385 n°, 399 nt, 455 nt, 458 nê, 
522 n5, 526n*, 532, 533n!, 535 n?, 
537 nn^5, 542 рпі. *5, 543 n?, 838 
nn? ?, 840 nn? 5, 

Leighton, Sir William, 505, 514, 741. 

The Teares or Lamentations of a Sorrow- 
full Soule, 505, 741 ni. 

Le Jeune, Cécile, 446. 

Le Jeune, Claude, 30, 31, 32, 239, 248, 
249, 445—7, 591, 811. 

Les cent cinquante psaumes de David 
(1601), 446. 

Dix Psaumes de David (1564), 446. 

Dodecacorde, 446. 

Livre de mélanges, 30. 

Le Printemps, 30—31. 

Pseaumes en vers mesurés, 446-7. 

Le Jeune, Henri, 591, 763. 

Fantaisie à 5, 591. 

Leleu, J., 240. 

Le Long, 252. 

Nouveaux cantiques spirituels, 252. 

Le Maistre, Matthaeus, 8 п!, 103, 104, 

108, 450-1. 

Geistliche und Weltliche teutsche Ge- 
senge, 450, 451. 

Schöne und auserlesene teutsche und 
lateinische geistliche Gesenge, 450. 

Lemlin, Lorenz, 99. 

Lenaerts, René B., 228 n!, 236 n*, 281. 

Leo X, Pope, 275, 280 n°, 396. 

Leo XIH, Pope, 369. 

León, Cristóbal de, 378. 

Leonardo, Giovanni, 143. 

Leopolita, Marcin, 301-2. 

Le Roy, Adrian, publisher, 9, 21 n, 26 n?, 
27, 185, 186, 187, 238, 246, 247, 248, 
250, 292, 336 n®, 443, 446, 695, 703; 
see also Ballard, R. 

Instruction de partir toute musique 
facilement en tablature de luth, 185, 
186 пі. 

Litanies in Alma дото Lauretano, 250. 

Livre d’airs de cour (1571), 185, 186. 

Livre de chansons nouvelles à cincq 
parties (1571), 21 n?. 

Livres de guiterre, 185. 

Les Meslanges d'Orlande de Lassus, 
21 n*. 

Missae variis concentibus ornatae ab 
Orlando de Lassus, 336 n*. 

Musique de Guillaume Costeley, 26 п?. 

Psaumes et Cantiques, 250. 

Quart livre de Chansons, 247. 

Lestainnier, Jean, 227. 

L'Estocart, Paschal de, 249, 251, 446. 


945 


Lesure, François, 6 n°, 9, 184 пз, 237-53» 
385 n?, 445 пз, 

Lettere amorose, 164. 

Levitan, J. S., 280 n*. 

Levy, Kenneth Jay, 187 n. 

L’Heritier, Jean, 242. 

L'Hospital, Michel de, 27. 

‘Libera me’, Romero, 407 п. 

*Libera me, Domine' (respond), Byrd, 
481. 

'Libera me Domine et bone’, 
482-3 (Ex. 211), 484. 

*Libera nos', Sheppard, 478. 

Lied, 96, 104, 106, 107, 109, 112, 115, 122, 
123, 124, 126, 556, 557. 

‘Lieto водеа’, G. Gabrieli, 61 oi. 

‘Like as the doleful dove’, Tallis, 84 n°. 

Liliencron, Rochus von, 798 n?. 

Lilius, Franciszek, 307. 

Lilius, Vincentius (= Vincenzo Gigli), 

304—5, 307. 
Melodiae sacrae, 304—5. 

Lima Cruz, M. A. de, 415 п. 

Limido, Stefano, 376 п“. 

Lindner, Friedrich, 355. 

Missae quinque, 355. 

Lipphardt, Walther, 240 n!, 254 n?, 262 n5, 
263 п°, 452 n*. 

Lira da braccio|da gamba, see Instru- 
ments: (Bowed) Stringed Instr., Viol 
Family. 

Lirone, see Instruments: (Bowed) Stringed 
Instr., Viol Family. 

Lissa, Zofia, 302 n°, 305 ni. 

Litaize, G., 675 n*. 

Lituus, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind, Krummhorn, also 
Waldhorn. 

Livermore, Ann, 801 n!, 

Llorens, J. M., 396 nt, 

Lloyd, David, 469 n?. 

Lobo, Alfonso, 376 nt, 380, 396. 

Liber Primus Missarum, 376 n*, 396. 

Lóbo, Duarte, 415. 

Lobwasser, Ambrosius, 447. 

Lochamer (— Locheimer) Liederbuch, 96. 

Locke, Matthew, 761 n!, 817. 

Cupid and Death, 813, 817. 
Present Practice of Music Vindicated, 
761 п, 

Lockwood, Lewis H., 317 пп, ®, 

Loewenberg, Alfred, 826 n!, 838 n?. 

Lohet, Simon, 592, 657, 658. 

Lóhrer, Edwin, 256 n*. 

Long, John H., 195 п, 

Long Parliament, Committee to consider 
*jnnovations', 473. 

Longueval (Longaval), Antoine, 263, 292. 

Loosemore, Henry, 589. 


Byrd, 


946 


‘Lord of Salisbury his Pavin, The’, О. 
Gibbons (F.V.B.), 633-4 (Ех. 297). 
‘Lord remember David’, Jeffries, 513 п. 
‘Lord, who shall dwell’, Whyte, 503. 
Lorenzini da Liuto, see Laurencinus 
Romanus. 
Loris, Heinrich, see Glareanus, 
Los Cobos, Francisco de, 398. 
Loss, Joachim von, Lute-Book, 701 п, 
Lotti, Antonio, 69. 
Louis XII, K. of France, 238. 
Louis XIII, K. of France, 812. 
Louys, Jean, 444-5, 449 n!. 
Pseaumes cinquante de David, 444—5, 
449 п. 
Lowinsky, Edward E., 206 n!, 230, 235 n*, 
342 пі. 
Lozano, Antonio, 411 n*. 
Lübeck, Vincent, 547. 
‘Lucis creator optime’, Ingegneri, 367. 
Lucke, W., 421 лі. 
Ludford, Nicholas, 474. 
Lueger, Wilhelm, 223 nn'^?*, 336 m, 
340 n!. 
Lufft, Hans, 429. 
Enchiridion, 429. 
Lullabies, 198. 
*Lulla lullabye my sweet little baby’, 
Byrd, 504. 
Lully, Giovanni Battista, 758, 811. 
Lumsden, David, 702 n!, 703 nn? 8. 
Lüneburg tablatures, 671. 
Lupacchino, Bernardino dal Vasto, 552. 
Il primo Libro a note negre, 552. 
Lupato, Pietro, 280. 
Luper, A. T., 415 n*. 
Lupi, Johannes, 5, 10, 22, 221 п!, 232, 
235, 336. 
Lupo, Thomas, 496, 513, 582, 585-6. 
Fantasia a 6, 585-6 (Ex. 261). 
Luson, William, 468. 
*Lust hab' ich ghabt zur Musica', Senfl., 
254-5. 
Luther, Martin, 253, 254, 255-6, 260, 265, 
419-29, 431, 433, 434, 435, 438, 465. 
Deudsche Messe, 425-6. 
Formulae Missae, 420. 
Wider die himmlischen Propheten, 425. 
‘Lux perpetua lucebit sanctis tuis’, 
Monte, 352-4 (Ex. 159-60). 
Luython (Luthon, Leuthon), Charles, 
269-70, 271, 274, 308, 657. 
Fuga suavissima, 657. 
Lamentationes, 270. , 
Luzzaschi, Luzzasco, 47 n°, 62, 67, 71, 
145-7, 157, 287, 572, 611. 
Madrigali per cantare et sonare, 62 п?, 
73, 145-7. 
Secondo libro, 47 n°. 


INDEX 


Lynar tablatures, 664 n°, 671. 

Lyra-viol, see Instruments: 
Stringed Instr., Viol Family. 

Lyre, Lira grande, see Instruments: 
(Plucked), Stringed Instr. 

Lysarden, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Cornett. 

Lyttich, Johann, 597. 


(Bowed) 


‘Ma bergère, Non legere En amours’, 
Bataille, 191-2 (Ex. 69). 
MacClintock, Carol, 60n!, 

148 në, 161 n?, 712 n*. 

Mace, Thomas, 722, 723 пі, 724, 733 ni, 

734 n. 
Musick's Monument, 722 n?, 723 n!, 724, 
733 n*, 734 nt. 

McGowan, Margaret M., 811 n?. 

Machaut, Guillaume de, 1. 

Machiavelli, Niccoló, 785. 

Macque, Jean (Giovanni) de, 82, 592, 

641-2, 758. 
Toccata a modo di trombette, 758. 

*Madonna qual certezza', Verdelot, 42 
(Ex. 10). 

Madrigal, 1, 18, 20-32 passim, Chap. Il; 
Chap. III; 141, 143, 144, 155, 156, 158, 
160, 164, 165, 167, 168, 169, 170, 172, 
174, 175, 177, 178, 182, 191, 199, 200, 
201, 202, 212, 213, 280, 285, 288, 332, 
407, 408, 505, 528, 538, 550, 552, 561, 
566, 575, 581, 585, 642, 693, 694, 696, 
705, 706, 716, 786, 787, 788, 789, 793, 
794, 797; see also Titles in the Index, 
and 'Table of Contents. 

Madrigal Comedy, The, 73-81, 835. 

Madrigale, verse-form, 35, 

* Madrigalisms', 21, 26, 32, 112, 113, 122, 
123, 368, 449. 

Madrigali spirituali, 57, 58, 61, 91. 

Maessins, Pieter (= Massenus), 266, 267. 

Maffei da Solofra, Giovanni Camillo 

148 oi. 
Lettere, 148 oi. 

Magalhães, Felipe de, 415, 416-18. 
Cantica Beatissimae Virginis, 417. 
Cantus ecclesiasticus, 416-17, 

Masses, 417-18 (Ex. 188). , 

Magdeburg, Joachim, 5 n°. 

Christeliche und Tróstliche Tischgesenge, 
5 n*. 

Magnificat: Aguilera de Heredia, 412-13 
(Ex. 185); Appleby, 476; Cabezón, 612; 
Cardoso, 416; Cavazzoni, 604, 605; 
Clemens non Papa, 228; Coelho, 680, 
681; Colin, 241; Dandin, 250; Dark, 
476; Dietrich, 261; Erbach, 658; Escri- 
bano, 396-7; Festa, 313 n!; Frescobaldi, 
655; G. Gabrieli, 297-9 (Ex. 111); 


143 nn* $, 


INDEX 947 


Gombert, 220; Goudimel, 247, 443; F. 
Guerrero, 389; Kerle, 272; Lassus, 333, 
334, ‘Aria di un sonetto', 349-50 (Ex. 
157); Lechner, 452; Lobo, 396; Lóbo, 
415; Mahu, 265; Merulo, 305; Mitou, 
231; Monte, 356; Monteverdi, a 6 voci, 
531, a 7 voci 6 instr., 529-31 (Ex. 227), 
549; Morales, 386; Mundy, 476; Na- 
varro, 413; Ortiz, 398; Paiva, 418 n?, 
Pastrana, 397; H. Praetorius, 664; 
Rener, 262; Ribera, 397; Richafort, 
231; Robledo, 411; Scheidt, 459, 667; 
Schóffer, 434; Senfl, 259; Sermisy, 243; 
Sheppard, 476; Sixt, 311; Sturmys, 476; 
Tallis, 476; Vaet, 234; Victoria, 305, 
399; Vila, 408; Vivanco, 406; Whyte, 
476; Zielenski, 305-6 (Ex. 114). 

Mahrenholz, Christhard, 459 nn^ ?. 5, 
665 n!, 670 n!, 733 nt. 

Mahu, Stephan, 260, 263, 265, 430 n, 
434. 

‘Maidens Song, The’ (F.V.B.), 629. 

Maillard, Jean, 239, 240, 245, 247, 248. 

Main, Alexander, 259 nt, 313 n!. 

Maio, Giovan Tommaso di, 53. 

Mairy, Adrienne, 5n*, 126n!, 184n?, 
185 nn: *, 186 nn!» è. 

‘Mais languirais-je toujours’, Clemens 
non Papa, 19. 

‘Maistre Jhan’, see Nasco, Giovanni. 

Maldeghem, Robert Van, 25, 234m, 
268 onn, 7, 273 пп! 3, 276n°, 313 m, 
356 n^, 359 oi. 

* Maledetto sia l'aspetto', Monteverdi, 175. 

Maler, Laux, 721. 

‘Mal et souci', Canis, 19. 

Maletty, Jehan de, 27. 

Malherbe, Michel, 249. 

Malipiero, Gian Francesco, 145 n!, 174 n?, 
536 nt, 571 nt, 789 n?, 832 n?, 834 nn? *. 

‘Mal mi preme, Il’, Taglia, 51-52 (Ex. 13). 

Malvezzi, Cristofano, 552, 793, 796. 
Recercari a 4 voci, 552. 

* Ma mére, hélas mariez moi’, Pierre dela 
Rue, 10. 

*Ma mie a eu de Dieu', Canis, 20. 

Manara, Francesco, 50. 

Manchicourt, Pierre de, 16, 18, 230, 234—5, 
379, 397 nt. 

Mancinus, Thomas, 109. 

Mangeot, André, 83 oi, 

Manichord, see Instruments: Keyboard, 
Clavichord. 

Manni, Agostino, 836. 

Manoli, Antonio (Manoli Blessi), 54-55. 

Mantica, Francesco, 154 n, 836 п!. 

Mantuani, J., 275 n*. 

MANUSCRIPTS: 
Avila, Monasterio de Sta Ana, 390 n’; 


see Mass-settings; ‘L'homme arme’, 

Guerrero. 

Barceloma, Bibl. Central, M.588/2: 
385 n5; see *La Caga', Flecha (the 
elder). 

Bibl. Central, Dept. de Musica: 
408 n*, 409 n?; see Magnificat a 4, 
Vila, alse Coloma. 

Iglesia del Palau, S.S.: 408 n?; see 
‘O crux fidelis’, Vila. 

Orfeó Català, 6: 408 n?, see 'O vos 
omnes', Vila. 

Berlin, Deutsche Bibl. 30184: 308 п, 
see ‘Benedictio et claritas', Miel- 
czewski. 

Deutsche Bibl. 40025: 356 n°, see 
Mass-settings: M. sine nomine, 
Monte. 

Deutsche Bibl. 40613 (Lochamer 
Liederbuch): 96. 

Deutsche Bibl. 40147: 731 ni. 

Bologna, Codex Rusconi: 280, see 
Mass-settings: ‘Mente tota', Wil- 
laert. 

Liceo Mus.: 294: see Mass-settings: 
Mass à 4, Zarlino. 

Breslau (Wrocław), Municipal Libr., 
Mus. 111: 600n?, see Jarzebski, 
Adam, Canzoni e Concerti. 

Brussels, Cons. Roy. de Musique, MS. 
704: 150 n°, see ‘Vedrò '| mio sol’, 
Caccini. 

Cambrai, Bibl. de la Ville, MS. 125-8: 
232 n?, see ‘Philomena praevia tem- 
poris ameni’. 

Cambridge, King's College, Rowe 2 

(Turpyn’s Book of Lute-Songs): 
216 nt. 

Peterhouse 31—32, 40-41 (Peterhouse 
Part-books): 474 nn? *, 477 nè. 
Cambridge (Mass.) Harvard, Mus. 30 

(Byrd, Consort songs): 198 n°. 

Capirola, Vincenzo, collection of Lute- 
music, c. 1617: 690 nt. 

Chicago, Newberry Library (Italian 
madrigals from the library of 
Henry УШ): 83 n*. 

Coimbra, Univ. Lib., М.М. 12 and 44 
(Masses, Magnificats and motets): 
418 п, 

Cologne, St. Maria im Kapitol, Codex 
Salvatore-Kapelle (Masses by Ph. de 
Monte): 362 n!. 

Copenhagen, Kon. Bibl., Gl. Kgl. Sami. 
376, 2° (Keyboard music of early 
17th cent): 677 n*, see Mézan- 
geau. 

Kon. Bibl. (Trumpet music 1598 and 
c. 1615): 756-7. 


948 INDEX 


MANUSCRIPTS, Copenhagen (cont.): 

Kon. Bibl. Thott. 841, 4° (Lute- 
Book of Petrus Fabricius): 701 në. 

Danzig, Bibl. miejska, Cath. q. 7. no. 

2: 308 n4, see * Audite et admiramine’. 

Mielczewski. 

Dresden Staatsbibl. B.1030 (Lute-Book 
of Joachim von Loss): 701 n?. 

Staatsbibl. Misc. Dresd. J307 m, c. 
1580 (Dances on popular songs by 
Nórmiger and others): 618 n?. 

Dublin, Trin. Coll. D. iii, 30 (Dallis 

Lute-Book, c. 1583): 196. 

Escorial (Aguilera de Heredia organ- 
pieces): 413 m. 

(Spanish keyboard music before 
1600): 677 пз. 

j-b-2 and Т-)-1 (Cantigas de Santa 
Maria): 740 n*. 

Libro 8 de facistol: 386 пі, see 
‘Emendemus in melius’, Morales. 

Florence, Bibl. Naz. Magl. XIX 66 
(Caccini, ‘Comparsa di demoni’, 
intermedio): 793-4. 

Bibl. Naz. Magl. XIX 66 (Intermedio 
songs and madrigals): 149 n?, 
150 n?, 156 n!, 793-4. 

Cons. Cherubini, Barbera MS.: 
150 пз, 156 п!, see ‘Vedrò '1 mio 
sol’, Caccini. 

Gamble MS., The (1659), 214 n*. 
Granada, Capilla Real, Libros de 
polifonia, 1: 396 n?, see Lobo. 
Hertogenbosch, 72A, see Mass-settings, 
‘Benedicta es’, ? Willaert, ? Hesdin. 
Kónigsberg 1968 (Stolzer, Missale, 

1543): 266. 

Leipzig, City Library, II. 6. 15 (Lute- 

Book of A. Dlugoraj, 1619): 701 n°. 

London, Brit Mus. Add. 15117: 
196 n?, 197 nn? 3, 215 п}, see “The 
poor soul sat sighing’; “О death, 
rock me asleep’; ‘Have you 


seen...”. 

Brit. Mus. Add. 15166, post 1567: 
499 në, see ʻO Lord of Hosts’, 
? Tye. 

Brit. Mus. Add. 17786-91: 197 n!, 
see Choir-boy Plays. 

Brit. Mus. Add. 17802-5 (Gyffard 
Part-books): 473 пп, *, 474 nn! 4, 
476 nn}: 3, 8, 477 n?, 501 nt, 

Brit. Mus. Add. 24665 (Giles Earle's 
Song-Book, 1615): 215 n*. 

Brit. Mus. Add. 28550 (Robertsbridge 
MS.): 780. 

Brit. Mus. Add. 29289, c. 1629: 
499 n?, see ‘О Lord of Hosts’, 
? Tye. 


Brit. Mus. Add. 29372-7 (T. Myriell, 
Tristitiae Remedium, 1616): 505 n?, 
506 nt, 512, 513, 516 пп“ 5, 

Brit. Mus. Add. 29472, 817 n*: see 
* Abradate', Byrd. 

Brit. Mus. Add. 29481: 215 nn? 5, 

Brit. Mus. Add. 30491: 758 n!, see 
Macque, Toccata a modo di trom- 
bette. 

Brit. Mus. Add. 30513 (The Mulliner 
Book, 1560): 84 n?, 478 n*, 502, 
619—26. 

Brit. Mus. Add. 31390: 562, see 
*In nomine', Tye. 

Brit. Mus. Add. 31922 (Songs, etc. 
by Henry VIII, Cornysh and 
others): 814. 

Brit. Mus. Add. 34191 (part book of 
liturgical pieces for the Anglican 
Rite): 499 n*. 

Brit. Mus. Augustus, A. iii: 765 n?. 

Brit. Mus. Egerton 2971: 216 nn*-*. 

Brit. Mus. Harl. 1419: 735 п!. 

Brit. Mus. Harl. 2034: 717 në, 745 n*. 

Brit. Mus. Harl. 2037; 745 n*. 

Brit. Mus. Roy. 18 D. II: 735 nt. 

Brit. Mus. Roy. 24. d. 2: 496 n?, see 
Baldwin, John. 

Brit. Mus. Roy. App. 55: 216 n?. 

Brit. Mus. Roy. App. 56: 627, see 
* Felix namque', Anon. 

Brit. Mus. Roy. App. 58, c. 1503-40: 
195 п?, 624, 628, 684, 702. 

Brit. Mus. Roy. App. 74-76 (*Wan- 
ley’ Part-books): 498 n', 499. 

Roy. Coll of Music, 1045-51: 
513 n?°, 

Roy. Coll. of Music 2035, 479 n?, see 
* Miserere’, ? W. Mundy. 

Loreto, Arch. della Santa Casa 34: 
356 n°, see Mass-settings, M. sine 
nomine, Monte. 

Madrid, Bibl. del Pal. Real 2, I, 5 
(Cancionero musical de Palacio): 130, 
236, 802. 

Madrid, Bibl. Medinaceli, 607: 408n!, 
see Mass-settings, M. ‘La batalla’, 
M. *La bomba', Flecha. 

Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, Mus. E46: 
383, see Mass-settings, *Decidle al 
cavallero', Morales. 

Modena MS. C311: 148 n*. 

Bibl. Estense, a. MI, 11, 12 (Olim 
lat. 454—5): 276 n*. 

Hibl. Estense, MSS. Mus. F. 1526-7: 
156n!, see ‘Vedrò "1 mio sol’, 
Caccini. 

Munich, Bay. Staatsbibl. Cim. 52 

(Rore Codex): 287 n?, 291, 292. 


INDEX 


Bay, Staatsbibl. Mus. 9: 288, see 
Mass-settings, M. ‘Vivat felix 
Hercules', Rore. 

Bay. Staatsbibl. Mus. 40: 223 nt, see 
Mass-settings, *Se dire si l'osoie', 
Créquillon. 

Bay. Staatsbibl. Mus. 45: 288, see 
Mass-settings, M. a note negre, 
Rore. 

Bay. Staatsbibl. Mus. 47: 264, see 
Mass-settings (M. pro Defunctis), 
*Dies irae', A. von Bruck; M. pro 
Defunctis, P. de la Rue. 

Bay. Staatsbibl. Mus. 263: 271 п, 
see Amon, Blasius. 

Bay. Staatsbibl. Mus. 1512: 701 ni, 

New York, Sambrooke MS.: 496 n*, 
see ‘Laboravi in gemitu meo’, 
Ferrabosco the younger. 

Nuremberg, Lorenzkirche Bibl. sign. 
227: 270n!, see Mass-settings, M. 
quodlibetica, Vaet. 

Oxford, Bodl. B2-3 (W. Lawes, Fantasia 
for violin, bass-viol, and harpsi- 
chord): 588-9. 

Bodl. C64—9 (S. Ives, Fantasia for 
4 viols): 589-90. | 

Bodi. F. 568-9 (Coperario, Fantasia 
for 4 viols): 586 nt. 

Bodl. Mus. Sch. e. 376-81 (Forrest- 
Heather Part-books): 473 n’. 

Bodl. Mus. Sch. e. 420-2 (Wanley 
Part-books): 498 n', 499. 

Bodl. Rawl. Poet. 23 (Word-book of 
anthems used in the Chapel of 
Charles D): 474 n*. 

Christ Church, 2 (Coperario, Fantasia 
for 4 viols and T. Lupo, Fantasia 
a б): 585, 586 n*. 

Christ Church: 45, 474 n*, see Mass- 
settings, M. ‘Ave praeclara', Tallis, 
also *Euge coeli porta’ (Ladymass 
sequence), Tallis; ‘Tellus flumina' 
(Ladymass sequence), Tye; ‘Unde 
nostris eya’ (Ladymass sequence,) 


Tye. 

Christ Church, 56-60: 505 п“, 506 n!, 
509 n!, 510 n!, 513. 

Christ Church, 78-82 (Hymns, etc. 
by A. Ferrabosco the elder): 
489 пе, 49] n!, 493 n’, 496. 

Christ Church, 463-7 (Hymns, etc. 
by A. Ferrabosco the elder): 
489 n°, 491 n!, 496 nt. 

Christ Church, 532: 727 n?. 

Christ Church, 979-83: 476 n’, 
477 nt, 478 nt. 

Christ Church, 984-8: 85, 197 п!, 
474 п, 502 n*. 


949 


Christ Church, 1001: 514 n™. 

Christ Church, Music 1187 (The 
Talbot MS., c. 1690-1700): 739 n*, 
740. 

St. John's Coll.: 518 n!, see Tomkins, 
Thomas. 

Palma de Mallorca, Cathedral Lib.: 
409 n!, see Vilallonga, Pablo. ; 

Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 10989 (Jesuit 
regulations concerning forms of 
church music): 251 oi. 

Plasencia Cathedral, Arch. musical, 1: 
405 nt, see Esquivel Barahona, Juan. 

Prague, Närodni a universitni knihovna, 
XI Bi: 309, see Mass-settings: M. 
‘super Maria Magdalena’, Rych- 
novsky. 

Rome, Sta. Maria Maggiore Archives, 

Reg. ‘Cappella 1552-62’: 388 n*. 

Vatican, Capp. Giulia, VIII 39: 386. 

Vatican, Capp. Giulia, XII 3(c): 
397 nt. 

Vatican, Capp. Sist. 17: 383. 

Vatican, Capp. Sist. 44: 396 n*. 

Vatican, Capp. Sist. Cod. 39, 13, 24: 
397 n*. 

Vatican, Codex Chigi Q. IV (Fresco- 
baldi organ works): 656 n!, 

Saragossa: 397 п“. 

Seo., S.S.: 397 n*. 

Tarragona Cathedral, 5 and 17: 397 nt, 
Tenbury, St. Michael's Coll, 389: 
817 nt, see * Abradate', Byrd. 

St. Michael's Coll, 791, Adrian 
Batten's Organ-book, 1534: 514 n*. 

St. Michael's Coll, MS. 1018: 
156 nn? 2, 

St. Michael's Coll., 1382: 518 n!. 

Toledo Cathedral, MS. 7: 393. 
Cathedral, Libros de polifonia, 6: 

397 n*. 

Cathedral, Libros de polifonia, 21, 
24: 396 пз. 

Trent, Castel del Buon Consiglio, 
1947-4: 705. 

Valladolid, MS. Parroquia de Santiago: 
392 n*. 

Vienna, Minoritenkloster, Mus. 8: 

271 n*, see Amon, Blasius. 

Staatsbibl., 18491 (Klavierbuch der 
Regina Clara . . ., с. 1625): 695. : 

Washington, Folger Lib., 448. 16: 
195 n*. 

Winchester College, 1564: 83-84, see 
Waelrant, Hubert. 

Wolfenbüttel, Herzogi. Bibl, 677: 
290 n!, see Mass-settings, M. ‘a note 
negre', Rore. 

Manzolo, Domenico, 175. 


950 


Marbeck, John, 473, 474, 499, 500, 503. 
Booke of Common Praier Noted, 499. 
The Holie History of King David, 500. 

Marcellus II, Pope, 317. 

March, Ausias, 83. 

March, Englisch Marsch, 594. 

Marcolini, Francesco, printer, 45 n?, 691. 

Marenzio, Luca, 40, 54, 57, 62-67, 68, 69, 

71, 81, 83, 86, 87, 89, 91, 116, 207, 
270, 304, 364, 489 п!, 572, 793-6. 

И Combattimento d’Apolline col ser- 
pente, 793—6. 

Madrigali a cinque voci, 54 пі. 

Nono libro de madrigali a cinque voci, Il, 
63 n*. 

Quarto Libro de Madrigali a cinque voci, 
Il, 64 n!, 66 nt. 

Sacrae cantiones, 364. 

Secondo Libro de Madrigali a 5 voci, Il, 


64. 

Mareschall, Samuel, 447. 

Margaret of Austria, Regent of the 
Netherlands, 219. 

Margareta of Parma, Governor of the 
Netherlands, 287. 

Marguerite d'Angouléme, Q. of Navarre, 
438. 

Maria, Empress, wife of Maximilian II, 
377, 407, 408. 

*Maria Magdalena', A. Gabrieli, 295-6 
(Ex. 109). 
* Maria uns tróst', Aichinger, 271. 
* Mariez-moi, mon pére', Canis, 20. 
Marine trumpet, see Instruments: (Bowed) 
Stringed Instr. 

Marini, Biagio, 707. 

Marino, Alessandro, 572, 578, 579. 
Primo libro de Madrigali spirituali, 572. 

Marino, Giambattista, 159-60, 162, 169, 

701, 838. 

Adone, 838. 
Marinoni, Girolamo, 537. 
Motetti a voce sola, 537. 

Marle, Nicolas de, 240, 247, 248. 

Marlet, Antonio, 380. 

Marlowe, Christopher, 804 n!, 813. 

Marlow, Richard, 634 т. 

Marot, Clément, poet, translator, 6, 10, 
12, 20, 23, 32, 251, 438-9, 441, 442, 
443, 444, 445, 447, 448, 449; see also 
Béze, Théodore de. 

Cinquante psaumes en frangais, 441. 
Psautier Huguenot, 251. 
30 Psalms, 441. 

Martens, Mason, 240 п, 

Martin, E., 253 n*. 

Martin, Jehan, 821. 

Martin, Uwe, 110 nn? *. 

Martinelli, Caterina, 834. 


INDEX 


Martini, G. B., 69, 392. 

Saggio di contrappunto, 69. 
Marx, Josef, 738 oni, *, 740 n*, 
Mary of Hungary, 219, 230, 231, 234. 
Mary Tudor, Q. of England, 466, 474, 479. 
Maschera, Florentio, 566. 

Canzoni per sonare, 566. 

Mascherata (type of popular song), 55, 81. 
Mascherate, Mascarade (private enter- 
tainment), 74, 75, 804-5, 811; see also 

Intermedio, Masque. 

Maslen, Benjamin G., 730 n*. 
Mason, John, 474, 476. 
Masques, English Court ‘disguisings*, 

795, 812, 813-17, 821. 

Masques, Intermedii, madrigals in, 145, 

146, 147-8, 150, 210. 

Mass (Messe, Misa, Missa): 

Mass (inclusive of sub-headings ex- 
tracted below), Chaps. V, VI, VII, 
pp. 218-418; VIII, IX, X, pp. 419- 
549; ХП, pp. 602-708 passim; see 
Table of Contents, also under Com- 
posers (works) in Index. 

* M. quodlibeticae’, 270, 271,.274; ‘Re- 
form-mass', 273; Vernacular Mass, 
420, 425-9. 

Festal and Votive: 

Lady-Mass, Byrd, Propers for the 
seasons, 482, 486-7; Other English 
Lady-masses, 473-4; Villiers, 241; 


see also Mass-sections, Mass- 
settings. 
M. Paschalis, Aichinger, 271 0%; 


Gombert, 220; Leopolita, 301-2; 
Galliculus (Protestant), 263; Rhaw 
(Reformed) for Easter and Christ- 
mas, 435, 

For the Foundation of Sta. Maria 
della Salute, Zarlino, 294. 

For the wedding of K. Sigismund 
Augustus, Wacław z Szamotuł, 302. 

Gregorian Chant: ‘Reform’ of, 250-1; 
Sarum Use, 466, 473-6, 479, 481, 485, 
498, 499. 

Instrumental arrangements of, Chap. 
XII, pp. 602-708 passim; see Mass- 
settings; also Composers (works) in 
General Index. 

Missa parodia, see Chap. V, VI, VI, 
passim, also Mass-settings. 

Proper: 240, 254 n?, 262; Dominicales, 
Cavazzoni, 604; Frescobaldi (Lib. 
Usual. XD, 655-6; Merulo, 609; 
Senf, 256-7 (Ex. 92-94); Viadana, 
533; ‘Victoria’, 402-3. Ferialis, Bene- 
voli, 532; Mendes, 415 п“; Senf (false 
attrib.), 256 n^; see also Isaac, Choralis 
Constantinus. 


INDEX 951 


Mass-section : 

Ordinary: Kyrie; Animuccia, *Conditor 
alme siderum’, 317 në; Cabezón, 
612; Coelho, 680; Cardoso, ‘Fili- 
pina’, 414 (Ex. 185); Hassler, 
*Dixit Maria', 370-1 (Ex. 174); 
G. Gabrieli, Concerto eccl, 533-4 
(Ex. 228); Lassus, ‘Je ne menge’, 
335-6 (Ex. 138); 'Puisque j'ay 
perdu', 336 (Ex. 139); Monte, 
*Benedicta es’, 356-8 (Ex. 163-4); 
*Confitebor tibi', 361-2 (Ex. 163- 
4); *Quaternis vocibus', 362 (Ex. 
169); Morales ‘Ave maris stella", 
383-4 (Ex. 176); Palestrina, *As- 
sumpta est Maria’, 325; ‘Io mi son 
giovinetta’, 326 (Ex. 129); M. 
Brevis, 320; ‘Papae Marcelli’, 
318-19 (Ex. 119), 320 (Ex. 121); 
Rore, M., a note negre, 290-1 (Ex. 
107); Victoria, 'O quam gloriosum', 
403-4 (Ex. 183); Willaert, ‘Bene- 
dicta es’, 282 (Ex. 103 (ii)). 

Gloria; Animuccia, ‘Conditor alme 
siderum’, 317 п5; Clemens non 
Papa, 229; Dufay, 'Ad modum 
tubae', 257; Harant, 'Dolorosi 
martir', 310-11 (Ex. 116); Lassus, 
‘Doulce memoire’, 338-9 (Ех. 
144); M. venatorum, 340 (Ex. 147); 
*Puisque j'ay perdu', 336-7 (Ex. 
140); Monte, ‘La dolce vista’, 
360-1 (Ex. 167 (i, ii); ‘Inclina 
cor meum', 354-5 (Ex. 162 (i); 
Morales, *De beata virgine' (with 
trope ‘Spiritus et alme’), 383; 
Palestrina, ‘Aeterna Christi 
munera’, 322-3; ‘Assumpta est 
Maria’, 323-4 (Ex. 127); ‘Bene- 
dicta es’, 318 n*; M. Brevis, 320 
(Ex. 123); Rore, ‘Vivat felix 
Hercules’, 289 (Ex. 106); Ruffo, 
317 n*; Viadana, Concerto eccles., 
534 (Ex. 229). 

Credo; Cárceres, 5-part Credos, 410; 
Coyssard (vernac. paraph.), 251; 
Créquillon, *Se dire je l'osoie', 223 
(Ex. 81); Esquivel, ‘La Bataille', 
405-6; Kerle, ‘Regina coeli’, 273; 
Larchier, ‘de la Bataille’, 239; 
Lassus, ‘Dixit Joseph’, 341-2 (Ex. 
149); ‘Doulce memoire’, 339 (Ex. 
145); M. venatorum, 340; ‘Puisque 
jay perdu’, 337 (Ex. 141-2); Le 
Blanc (vernac. paraph.), 252; Leo- 
polita, on ‘Patrem super Christus’, 
M. Paschalis, 301; Maillard, 239; 
Monte, ‘La dolce vista’, 359-60 
(Ex. 166); Sine nomine, 363 (Ex. 


170); Palestrina, ‘Io mi son 
giovinetta', 326 (Ex. 130); M. 
Brevis, 321 (Ex. 130); Ruffo, ‘Sine 
nomine’, 317 n°. 

Sanctus; Handl, ‘Elisabeth Zacha- 
riac’, 274-5; Lassus, ‘In te, 
Domine speravi', 341 (Ex. 148); 
Magalhaes, ‘De Beata virgine’, 
417-18 (Ex. 188); Monte, ‘Bene- 
dicta es’, 358-9 (Ex. 165); Pales- 
trina, ‘Aeterna Christi munera’, 


323. 
Benedictus; Goudimel, ‘Audi, filia’, 
247-8 (Ex. 91); Manchicourt, 


*Gris et tanné', 235; Palestrina, 
M. Brevis, 321 (Ex. 125). 

Agnus Dei; Appenzeller, 234; Lassus, 
*Douce memoire', 339-40 (Ex. 
146); Monte, 'Inclina cor meum', 
354-5 (Ex. 162 (ii); Palestrina, 
‘Ecce sacerdos magnus’, 316-17 
(Ex. 118); M. Brevis, 321-2 (Ex. 
126). 

Proper: Antiphon, 
Mendes, 415 n*. 

Introit; ‘Gaudeamus omnes, Arca- 
delt, M. tres, 313 n!; Rychnovsky, 
M. ‘Sanctus Johannes Hus’, 
309 nt, 

Offertory; ‘Si — consurrexistis’, 
Zielehski, 305 (Ex. 115). 

Communion; ‘Domus mea', Zie- 
leüski, 305-6; ‘In monte Oliveti’, 
Zielenski, 305-6. 

For Antiphons and Responds, see 
under those headings in General 
Index, and for those with titles, 
together with Sequences and 
Tracts, see under opening words - 
in General Index. 

Mass-settings (by title): 
M. ‘Adieu mes amours’, Layolle, 241; 

Rener, 262. 

M. ‘Adjuva me’, Certon, 243 n*. 
M. ‘Ad placitum’ on ‘La, la, maistre 

Pierre’, Lassus, 340-1. 

M. ‘Ad te levavi’, Escobedo, 397. 
M. ‘Aeterna Christi munera', Pales- 

trina, 317, 322-3. 

M. ‘Alma redemptoris mater’, Victoria, 

404. 

M. *Anchor che col partire', Monte, 

356. 

M. ‘Angelis suis’, Cardoso, 415 пе, 
M. a note negre, Rore, 47, 288, 290-1 

(Ex. 107). 

M. Apostolorum, Cavazzoni (on 

*Cunctipotens genitor' Vat. IV), 

604; Merulo, 609. 


*Asperges me’; 


952 INDEX 


Mass-settings, (by title) (cont.): 

M. a quattro voci, Monteverdi, 531 n*. 

M. ‘Aspice Domine’, Morales, 384. 

M. 'Assumpta est Maria', Palestrina, 
323-5. 

M. ‘Audi filia’, Goudimel, 247-8 (Ex. 
91), 320. 

M. ‘Ave Maria’, Ashewell, 473 n’; 
Morales, 384. 

M. ‘Ave maris stella", Morales, 383-4 
(Ex. 176). 

M. * Ave praeclara', Tallis, 474. 

M. ‘Ave regina', Victoria, 404. 

M. a voci pari (on Josquin's ‘Vous ne 
l’aurez’), Rore, 288, 291. 

M. ‘La Bataille' (or ‘La guerre’), 
Janequin, 237 n?, 243, 288 n*; ‘La 
batalla’ (on the same theme), Es- 
quivel, 405-6; Flecha (the elder), 
408 п!; ‘Della batalla escoutez', 
F. Guerrero, 390; 'Pro Victoria', 
Victoria, 405. 

M. ‘Beata virgo’, Ribera, 397. 

M. ‘Beatus qui intellegit’, Lassus, 248. 

M. ‘Beatus vir’, Colin, 241. 

M. ‘Benedicam Dominum’, Merulo, 
293. 

M. *Benedicta es' (on Josquin's motet, 
282 (Ex. 103 (i): Hesdin, 244, 
356n*; Monte, 35$, 356-9 (Ex. 
163-5); Palestrina, 318 n?; Willaert, 
280 n’, 281-3 (Ex. 103 (и)—4). 

M. ‘Benedicta es, caelorum regina’, 
Morales, 384. 

M. ‘Be not afraid', Sheppard, 473. 

M. ‘Le bien que j'ay', Goudimel, 247. 

M. ‘La bomba', Flecha (the elder), 
408 n!. 

Missa brevis, A. Gabrieli, 294 n*. 

Missa brevis, Palestrina, 247, 320-2. 

M. ‘Caca’, Morales, 385. 

M. 'Caecilia virgo', Cléreau, 246. 

M. ‘Cantate’, Sheppard, 473. 

M. 'Cara la vita mia', Monte, 356; 
Merulo, 293. 

M. carminum, Isaac, 270. 

Chanson-Mass, Janequin, 243; Gom- 
bert, 220. 

M. ‘Christus factus est’, Comes, 411 n?. 

M. 'Christus resurgens', Colin, 241; 
Palestrina, 232; Pulaer, 232, 238 n!; 
Willaert, 281. 

M. 'Conditor alme siderum', Ani- 
muccia, 317 në. 

M. ‘Confitebor tibi', Monte, 359, 
361-2 (Ex. 168). 

M. ‘Da pacem’, Gombert, 220. 

M. ‘De beata virgine’, Cavazzoni, 604; 
F. Guerrero, 390; Magalhaes, 417-18 


(Ex. 188); Morales (on Kyr. rom. IX), 
383, 385; Ribera, 397; Villiers, 241. 
M. ‘Decidle al cavallero’, Morales, 383. 
M. ‘Degli Apostoli' (M. IV for double 
feasts), Frescobaldi, 656. 

M. ‘Della Madonna’ (M. IX for feasts 
of the Virgin), Frescobaldi, 656. 

M. "De mes ennuys', Goudimel, 247. 

M. ‘De nuestra Sefiora', Archieta, 373. 

M. 'De spiritu sancto', Rhaw, 434. 

M. 'Deus sanctificatus', Palestrina, 
314 n’. 

M. ‘Dies est laetitia’, Szadek, 302. 

M. ‘Dixit Joseph’, Lassus, 341-2 (Ex. 
149). 

M. ‘Dixit Maria’, Hassler, 370-1 (Ex. 
174). 

M. ‘La dolce vista’, Monte, 359-62 
(Ex. 166-7). 

M. ‘Dolorosi martir fieri tormenti', 
Harant, 310-11 (Ex. 116). 

M. ‘Domine Deus omnipotens’, Cré- 
quillon, 223, 224. 

M. ‘Domine quis habitavit’, Sermisy, 
243. 

M. ‘Dormendo un giorno’, F. Guer- 
rero, 3%. 

M. ‘Douce memoire’, Lassus, 333-4, 
336, 337-40 (Ex. 143-6); Sandrin, 
288, 291. 

M. ‘Ductus est Jesus’, Löbo, 415 n°, 

M. ‘Dulcis amica’, Certon, 243-4. 

M. ‘Dum aurora’, Lôbo, 415 në. 

M. ‘Dum transisset sabbatum’, Joh. de 
Cleve, 268. 

M. ‘Ecce ego Joannes’, Palestrina, 323, 
325. 

M. ‘Ecce nunc benedicte’, Lassus, 335. 

M. ‘Ecce sacerdos magnus’, Palestrina, 
315-17 (Ex. 118). 

M. ‘Elisabeth Zachariae', Handl, 274-5. 

M. ‘Entre vous filles de quinze ans’, 
Lassus, 336. 

M. ‘Euge bone’, Tye, 473. 

M. *Exsultet coelum’, Comes, 411 п?. 

M. Filipina, Cardoso, 413-14 (Ex. 186). 

‘French Mass’, Sheppard, 473. 

M. *Frére Thibault', Lassus, 248-9. 

M. ganz Teudsch, 549. 

M. ‘Gaude Barbara’, Morales, 384-5; 
Willaert, 281. 

M. ‘Gloria tibi Trinitas’, Taverner, 562. 

M. ‘Gris et tanné', Manchicourt, 235. 

M. ‘Hercules dux Ferrariae’, Josquin, 
288, 622 п. 

M. ‘Hercules’ (‘Praeter rerum seriem’), 
Rore, 287, 288, 291. 

M. ‘Hercules’ (* Vivat felix Hercules’), 
Rore, 287, 288-90 (Ex. 106), 291. 


INDEX 953 


M. ‘Hodie nobis’, Comes, 411 n?, 

M. 'L'homme arme’, F. Guerrero, 
390; Morales, 383, 385; Palestrina 
(in M. ‘Papae Marcelli"), 320, 325; 
Senfl (in M. Dominicalis 1), 356-7 
(Ex. 92). 

M. ‘Inclina cor meum', Monte, 354-5 
(Ex. 162), 356. 

M. in 48 parts, Agostini, 531; others 
by Agostini, 532. 

M. *In illo tempore', Monteverdi, 527, 
546. 

M. 'In te, Domine speravi', Lassus, 
341-2 (Ex. 148), 360. 

M. ‘Inter vestibulum', F. Guerrero, 
390. 

M. ‘Io mi son giovinetta’ (M. primi 
toni), Palestrina, 325-6 (Ex. 129-30). 

M. 'Iste confessor', Palestrina, 322. 

M. ‘Je ne menge poinct de porcq’, 
Lassus, 335-6 (Ex. 138). 

M. ‘Je suis déshéritée', Maillard, 246; 
Gombert, 220-1, 222; Palestrina 
(‘sine nomine’), 325. 

M. *Jesu nostra redemptio', Palestrina, 
322. 

M. ‘Kein Adler in der Welt’, Créquil- 
lon, 223. 

M. on Kyriale romanum, M. IX, F. 
Guerrero, 390; Morales, 383. 

M. ‘La, la, maitre Pierre’, Lassus, 
248-9. 

M. ‘Languir my fault’, Clemens non 
Papa, 230. 

M. ‘La sol fa re mi’ (= *Lascia fare 
mi’), Josquin, 651. 

M. *Laudate Deum", Willaert, 281. 

M. ‘Laudate Dominum’, Palestrina, 
323, 325. 

M. ‘Locutus sum’, Lassus, 248. 

M. ‘M’amie un jour’, Maillard, 240. 

* Meane Mass', Taverner, 499. 

M. ‘Menta tote’ (on  Josquin's 
* Vultum tuum’), Willaert, 280, 281. 

M. ‘Mille regretz', Morales, 383, 385. 

‘M. ‘Misericorde’, Clemens non Papa, 
228. 

M. ‘Mittit ad virginem' (on 'Quaera- 
mus cum pastoribus"), Willaert, 281. 

M. ‘Mon ceur se recommande', 
Monte, 355. 

M. ‘Mort m'a privé’, Créquillon, 223. 

M. ‘Nasce li gioia mia’, Palestrina, 325. 

M. *Nisi Dominus', Senfl, 258. 

M. *Noe, Noe’, Arcadelt, 313 n!. 

M. ‘Nunca fué pena mayor’, Peñalosa, 
374 oi. 

M. “О admirabile commercium’, Pales- 
trina, 314 n*. 


M. “О gente brunette’, Marle, 240. 

Mass on the hexachord, Kerle, 273. 

M. ‘O quam gloriosum', Victoria, 
403-4. 

M. *Osculetur me’, Willaert, 281. 

M. 'Papae Marcelli', Palestrina, 241, 
273-4, 315, 317-20, 323, 325; arr. 
G. F. Anerio, 368; arr. Soriano, 368, 
531. 

M. ‘Pater peccavi’, A. Gabrieli, 294 п. 

M. *Per arma justitae', Marbeck, 473. 

M. *Per signum crucis', Senfl, 258. 

M. ‘Philippus rex Hispaniae', Esco- 
bedo, 397. 

M. ‘Philomena praevia temporis 
ameni', Gombert, Lupi, Sermisy, 
232. 

M. ‘Playnsong’, Sheppard, 473-4. 

M. ‘Post partum’, Tye, 474. 

M. ‘Praise him, praiseworthy Christ’, 
Allwood, 473. 

M. Pro defunctis, see ‘Requiem aeter- 
nam’. 

M. ‘Puis ne me peult venir’, Créquillon, 
302; Szadek, 302. 

M. * Puisque j’ay perdu’ (M. octavi toni), 
Lassus, 336-7. 

M. ‘Quaeramus cum pastoribus’, 
Morales, 385; Willaert, 281. 

M. ‘Quam pulchra es’, Jachet, 313 n*. 

M. ‘Quaternis vocibus', Monte, 362 
(Ex. 169). 

M. ‘Quem dicunt homines’, Divitis, 
232; Josquin, 232; Morales, 232, 385; 
Mouton, 232; Palestrina, 232. 

M. quodlibetica cum 5 vocibus, Vaet, 
270. 

M. ‘Regina coeli’, Kerle, 273 (Ex. 101). 

M. ‘Regnum mundi’, Certon, 243 n°. 

M. ‘Requiem aeternam’ (pro de- 
functis), Asola, 367; Basurto, 411; 
Brudieu, 384, 408; Clemens non 
Papa, 228; Cléreau, 246; du Caurroy, 
253; F. Guerrero, 389, 390, 408; 
Mauduit, 252; Morales, 384, 408; 
Palestrina, 384; Pierre de la Rue, 264; 
Prioris, 244; Richafort, 231; Vecchi, 
364 ni. 

M. ‘Reviens vers moi’, Monte, 356. 

M. ‘Rex Babylonis’, Joh. de Cleve, 
267 п, 

M. ‘Rorate’, Leopolita, 302. 

M. ‘Salve intemerata’, Tallis, 473. 

M. ‘Salve regina’, Victoria, 404. 

M. ‘Sancta et immaculata virginitas’, 
F. Guerrero, 390. 

M. ‘Sanctus Johannes Hus’, 309 рі, 

M. ‘Seculorum, Amen’, F. Guerrero, 
389. 


954 


Mass-settings, (by title) (cont.): 

M. ‘Se dire je l’osoie’, Créquillo 
223. 

M. ‘Si bona suscepimus', Morales, 385. 

M. ‘Simile est regnum', Victoria, 403; 
F. Guerrero, 389 oi. 

M. ‘super Bassis Philyppi Rogeri', 
Velasco, 406. 

М. ‘super fa, re ut...” Morales, 385. 

M. 'super Maria Magdalena', Rych- 
novsky, 309. 

M. ‘super ut re mi...’ Morales, 385. 

M. ‘Surge propera', Victoria, 403. 

M. *Sur le pont d'Avignon', Certon, 
243 në. 

M. ‘Susanne un jour’, Riquet, 409. 

M. ‘Tant plus je mets’, Goudimel, 247. 

Missae tres, Sermisy, 248. 

M. ‘Tribulatio et angustia', Joh. de 
Cleve, 268. 

M. ‘Tristezas me matan’, Morales, 383. 

M. ‘Tu es pastor ovium’, Palestrina, 
315. 

M. ‘Tu es vas electionis', Morales, 385. 

M. ‘Ultimi miei sospiri’, Monte, 356. 

M. ‘Valenciana’, Morales, 382 oi. 

M. ‘Venatorum’ (octavi toni), Lassus, 
340. 

M. ‘Veni sponsa’, Leleu, 240. 

M. ‘Verbum bonum’, Ruffino, 277 n°. 

М. ‘Vestiva i colli’, Giovannelli, 368 п“; 
G. M. Nannino, 367. 

M. Virginis Mariae, Merulo, 609. 

M. ‘Vous perdes temps’, Joh. de 
Cleve, 268. 

M. *Vulnerasti cor meum', Morales, 
384. 

M. 'Western Wynde', Taverner, 473, 
621 n!; Туе, 473; Sheppard, 473. 

Mass-settings, without title (sine nomine): 


Monte, 356, 362-3 (Ex. 169-70); Pales- - 


trina, 325; Ruffo, 317 n*; Tallis, Tye, 
474. 

Mass-troping, see  Mass-settings, ‘De 
beata virgine' by Cavazzoni, F. Guer- 
rero, Morales and Ribera. 

Massaino, Tiburzio, 532, 569. 

Sacrae Cantiones, 532. 

Massenus, see Maessins, Pieter. 

* Mater digna Dei', Senfl, 258. 

* Mater patris', Brumel, 240. 

Mathew, Richard, 723 (Ex. 363 (iii). 

The Lute’s Apology, 723 n?*. 

‘Matona mia cara’, Lassus, 57, 80. 

*Mattasin oder Toden Tantz’, Nörmiger 
618 (Ex. 284 (ii). 

Matthai, Karl, 665 nn? 2, 

Mattheson, Johann, 635. 

Matthias, Emperor, 309. 


INDEX 


Mauduit, Jacques, 30, 31, 249, 252, 447, 
805, 812. 
Chansonettes mesurées, 31. 

Maugars, André, 716-17, 749. 

Response faite à un Curieux, 749 ni. 
Maximilian I, Emperor, 253, 255, 259, 
261, 267, 432. 
Maximilian II, Emperor, 269, 377, 408, 
444. 
May, Hans von, 398 пе, 399 n‘, 402 n*, 
403 n*. 
Maynard, John, 704. 
Mayone, Ascanio, 641, 642, 644, 667, 708. 
Primo | Secundo libro di diversi capricci 
per sonare, 642. 

Recercare sopra il canto fermo di 
Constantio Festa, 708. 

Toccata Prima, 644 (Ex. 306). 

Mayr, O., 546 n!. 

Mazzocchi, Domenico, 838-9. 

La Catena d'Adone, 838-9 (Ex. 399, 
400). 

Mazzocchi, Virgilio, 532. 

Medici, Catherine de', Q. of France, 794, 
805, 810. 

Medici, Cosimo (D de', Gr. D. of Tus- 

cany, 148, 788. 
Marriage festivities and  intermedii 
(Musiche fatte nelle nozze), 788-90. 
Medici, Ferdinando (I) de', Gr. D. of 
Tuscany, 151, 793. 
Marriage festivities and 
793-6. 
Medici, Ferdinando de’, Cardinal, 369. 
Medici, Francesco (I) de’, Gr. D. of 
Tuscany, 149, 150, 770. 
Marriage festivities, 149, 150 n!. 

Medici, Ippolito de’, 691. 

Medio registro, alto | baxo, 678 (Ex. 338), 
680, 681. 

Medulla Musicke (1603), settings by Byrd ` 
and Ferrabosco of the ‘Miserere’ 
plainsong, 489. 

Megel, Daniel, 798. 

Mei, Girolamo, 151. 

Meier, Bernhard, 48 п?, 5in!, 229 n!, 
291 n?, 334 n!, 348 пз, 

Meiland, Jakob, 109. 

Newe  ausserlesene | teutsche 
109. 
Teutsche Gesáng, 109. 

*Mein Gmüt ist mir verwirret', Hassler, 
114-15. 

‘Mein junges Leben hat ein End’, varia- 
tions on, Sweelinck, 639—40 (Ex. 302). 

* Mein Lieb will mit mir kriegen', Hassler, 
112-13. 

‘Mein Mütterlein', Isaac, 102. 

‘Mein’ Mutter zeihet mich’, Forster, 102. 


intermedii, 


Liedlin, 


INDEX 


Melanchthon, Philip, 435. 

Mellers, Wilfrid, 201 n!. 

Melli (Megli), Domenico Maria, 160, 

212. 
*Me, me, and none but me', Dowland, 
210. 

Mendel, Arthur, 731 n*. 

Mendelssohn, Felix, 602. 

Mendes, Manuel, 415, 416. 

Mendoza, Luis Torres de, 375 n?. 

Menke, Werner, 756 n?. 

* Mensch willst du’, Scheidemann, 671. 

‘Mensch, willtu leben seliglich?’, Hel- 

linck, 433. 
Mensural notation applied to liturgical 
music, 250, 369. 

Mercer, Frank, 808 n!. 

Mercker, Matthias, 597. 

Merian, Wilhelm, 618 oni, ?, 699 nè. 

Merlo, Alessandro, 143. 

Merritt, A., Tillman, 6 n*, 237 n?, 276 n5. 

Mersenne, Marin, 190-1, 446, 447, 591, 
675, 711, 712, 716 n, 717, 723 nt, 
725 nn* 5, 728 n?, 730, 737, 738 п?, 
741, 743, 744n*, 745, 746, 749, 
750 n*, 751 n?, 755, 756, 757, 759-60, 
761, 762, 763, 764, 766, 767, 768, 769, 
780. 

Harmonie universelle, 190 п?, 446, 675 n!, 
711 nê, 712 n*, 716 nê, 723 n!, 725 nê, 
728 n?, 730 n*, 737 n!, 738 п?, 741 n°, 
743 nn*,*, 744m*, 746m*, 750 п, 
751 n?, 755nn^?, 759 п5, 760 n°, 
761 nn?, 4, 762 nt, 763 nn?*, 764 n°, 
767 n*, 780; Latinized as Harmoni- 
corum Instrumentorum, 760 n}, 763, 
766 nn? 5, 767 nn?: 5, 769 në. 

Quaestiones Celeberrimae, 447. 

Merula, Tarquinio, 572, 578, 579. 

Canzoni overo Sonate concertate, 572, 
578. 

Merulo, Claudio (also called Correggio), 
292, 293, 294, 566, 572, 604 ni, 608- 
610, 611, 612, 638, 641, 654, 792, 823. 

Canzoni d'intavolatura d'organo, 610. 

Messe d'intavolatura, 609. 

Ricercare del XII tono, 609 (Ex. 278). 

Merulo, Giacinto, 580. 

Madrigali a 4, 580 n!. 
Metallo, Grammatio, 566. 
Métru, Nicolas, 591. 

Fantaisies à 2, 591. 

Meyer, Ernst H., 267 n’. 

Mézangeau, René, 676-7. 

Allamande de Mr. Meschanson, 676—7 
(Ex. 336). 

Michael, Rogier, 451, 455. 

Gebreuchlichsten und vornembsten Ge- 
senge Dr. Mart. Lutheri, 451. 


955 


Michael, Tobias, 598. 

Mico, Richard, 589. 

Mielczewski, Marcin, 307-8, 601. 

Mielich, Haas, 287. 

* Mignonne, allons voir si la rose’, Charda- 
voine, 188. 

Costeley, 26, 188. 

Milán, Luis, 127, 128, 129, 134-5, 136-7, 
138, 186, 200, 683, 687, 688, 
689. 

Libro de Müsica . . . intitulado El 
Maestro, 127, 128, 129, 134 n!, 135 n!, 
136 nn?-, 683, 687, 688. 

Milanuzzi, Carlo, 174, 175. 

Quarto scherzo delle Ariose Vaghezze, 
174. 

Terzo Scherzo delle Ariose Vaghezze, 
174 пі, 

* Mille regretz, canción del Emperador', 
Josquin, 2, 383, 385. 

Milton, John, 496, 505 n5. 

Mincoff-Marriage, Elizabeth, 449 n*. 

*Mind content, A', O. Gibbons (from 
‘I weigh not Fortune’s frown’), 93 
(Ex. 33). 

Ministriles (instr. players, usually of wind 
instr.), 378, 391, 409. 

* Mirabile mysterium', Gallus, 545. 

Mirliton, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Woodwind, Flute Family. 

Mischiati, Oscar, 602 n!. 

Miserere mei, Deus, Allegri, 333. 

Flecha (the younger), 408. 
Lassus, 349. 

W. Mundy, 478-80 (Ex. 210). 
Pastrana, 397 oi. 

Perez, 411 n!. 

* Miserere my maker', Ford, 509-11 (Ex. 
219). 

* Miserere nostri', Daman, 496. 
Ferrabosco (the elder), 489. 

Tallis, 482. 

‘Miserere nostri Domine’ (from 'Ex- 
spectans exspectavi Dominum’), Rore, 
292 (Ex. 108). 

‘ Miserere’ plainsong, set by Byrd and 
Ferrabosco Medulla Musicke, 489. 

‘Mit deiner Zucht herzliebste Frucht’, 
Schultz, 119 (Ex. 42). 

“Mit Fried und Freud ich fahr dahin’, 

Luther, 423 (Ex. 190). | 
М. Agricola, 434. 

Mitjana y Gordon, Rafael, 82 ппз,', 
237 n!, 381 п?, 388 në, 392 n°, 394 ni. 
398 nê, 412 oi. 

Mitou, see Daniel, Jean. 

Mittantier, 10. 

*Mócht ich jetzt mild deine Gunst 
spüren’, Selle, 124 (Ex. 45). 


956 


Moderne, Jacques, printer, 9, 241, 382, 
398. 
Motetti del fiore, 382, 398. 
Quintus liber Motettorum, 398. 
* Mohren Auftzugkh, Der', Nórmiger, 618 
(Ex. 284 (i)). 

Moliére, Jean-Baptiste Poquelin, 811. 

Molinaro, Simone, 692, 694 o). 

Molitor, Raffael, 250 р?, 395 oi. 

Moll, Jaime, 378 n!. 

Möller, Johann, 597. 

Molza, Tarquinia, 62, 70, 144—6, 169. 

Mompellio, Federico, 161 nn*: $, 163 nt. 

‘Mon coeur, mon corps’, Willaert, 14. 

‘Mon cœur ravi d'amour’, Lassus, 23, 

24 (Ex. 6). 
*Monicha', variations on, Frescobaldi, 
651. 

Monnard, Nicolas, 677. - 

‘Mon petit coeur’, Anon., 14-15. 

‘Mon povre Coeur", Gascongne, 5. 

Montaigne, Michel Eyquem de, 141. 

Montalbane, Bartolomeo, 575. 

Montanos, Francisco de, 380, 398. 

Arte de müsica, 398. 

Montanus, Jan Simonides, 309. 

Montanus, Johannes (— Berg), publisher, 
224, 293, 302, 410; see also Neuber, 
Ulrich. 

Psalmorum | selectorum . 
quartus, 302. 

Thesaurus musicus, 302. 

Tomus tertius evangeliarum, 410. 

Tomus quintus evangeliarum, 410. 

Monte, Philippe de, 25, 27, 56, 58-59, 
230, 266, 267, 268, 269, 282, 308, 312, 
350—63, 489, 520, 592. 

Liber I Missarum, 355. 

Maarigali Spirituali a cinque voci, 58 n?. 

Madrigali Spirituali a sei e sette voci, 
58 n*. 

Primo Libro de madrigali spirituali a sei 
voci, 58 mi. 

Sacrarum Cantionum . . . Liber Primus, 
350. 

Sonetz de P. de Ronsard, 27. 

Undecimo Libro delli Madrigali à 
Cinque, L^, 59 nt. 

Montesdoca, printer, 389. 

Monteverdi, Claudio, 30, 54, 69-73, 74 n‘, 
83, 121, 122, 144-5, 154, 157, 164, 
167, 169, 172, 174, 175, 179, 181, 182, 
201, 270, 291, 367, 459, 464, 521-2, 
525, 526-31, 532, 536, 537, 538-41, 
543, 546, 547, 549, 571, 575, 578, 642, 
707 n*, 708, 719, 756, 757, 759, 770, 
788, 789, 794, 811, 826, 832-5, 838, 
842. 

Arianna, 832, 834. 


tomus 


INDEX 


Ballo delle ingrate, 789, 811, 834. 

Cantiunculae Sacrae, 526, 547. 

Il Combattimento di Tancredi e Clorinda, 
834-5, 838. , 
L’Incoronazione di Poppea, 795, 835. 

Madrigali, 69, 70, 71, 73, 121, 122, 144- 
145, 164 п2, 181, 182 nn, 522 ni, 
834. 

Orfeo, 167, 526, 538, 708, 719, 757, 759, 
770, 787, 794, 795, 832-4 (Ex. 397), 
835, 838. 

Il Ritorno d’Ulisse in patria, 835. 

Scherzi musicali, 73, 174, 291 n}, 528. 

Selva morale e spirituale, 528, 531 nt, 
540 n!, 834. 

Vespro della Beata Vergine, 526—31, 538, 
549, 571, 757. 

Monteverdi, Giulio Cesare, 69 n*, 71, 
291 ni, 515, 522 n}, 635. 

Dichiaratione, 69 n?, 71, 291 n!, 522 nt. 
‘Mon triste cceur’, Jacotin, 10. 

Morago, Estéváo Lopes, 418. 

Morales, Cristóbal, 82, 232, 236, 301, 
375, 376, 380, 381-8, 390, 392 nf, 
393, 396, 397, 399, 408, 411, 436, 690. 

Missarum Liber I, 383. 

Morales, Rodrigo de, 392. 

Morcourt, Richard de, 185 п*, 445 nè, 

691 n*. 

More, Thomas, 

England, 465. 
Morel, Fritz, 646 n°. 

Moresca, 55, 57. 

Moritz, Landgrave of Hesse, 447, 450, 

462. 

Morlaye, Guillaume, 185, 445 n*, 695; 
see also Rippe, Albert de. 

Psaumes de Pierre Certon, 185 n* 
Morley, Thomas, 26, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 

116, 118, 201, 215, 478, 482 п}, 489, 
495-6, 500, 513 n°, 514, 583, 584, 
586, 587, 626, 628, 631 n!, 703, 819. 

Ballets (first booke) to 5 voyces, 86. 

Canzonets (first book) to 2 voyces, 86, 
584 ni. 

Canzonets to 3 voices, 86, 118. 

Canzonets . . . to 5 and 6 voices, 86. 

. . . Consort Lessons, by diuers authors, 
86, 583. 

Madrigalls to 4 voices, 86. 

A Plaine and Easie Introduction to 
Practicall Musicke, 478, 482 n!, 489 п“, 
495, 500 nn’: ?, 628 п!. 

The Triumphs of Oriana, 61, 86. 
Mornable, Antoine de, 247, 251. 
Morphy, Guillermo: de, 127 n*, 131 n, 

683 п?, 690. 

Morris-dance, 752. 

Mors, Antonius, 592. 


Ld. Chancellor of 


INDEX 


Mortaro, Antonio, 572, 611. 

Moser, Hans Joachim, 118n?, 119 nt, 
121 n!, 183 n5, 255 n*, 367 n*, 368 n‘, 
421 п!, 422 n?, 435 пі, 437 n!, 461 oi. 

Motet, 2, 97, 106, 119, 127, 143, 218, 220, 
221, 222, 225-6, 227, 228, 231, 232, 234, 
235, 238, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245-6, 
247, 248-9, 250, 252-3, 256, 258-9, 261, 
262, 265, 266, 267, 268, 270, 271, 274, 
275, 276n°, 280, 283-8, 291-2, 293, 
294-6, 301-2, 305, 307, 309, 313 mœ, 
325, 326-33, 342-8, 350-5, 363-4, 367, 
368 n*, 369-70, 370-1, 385-6, 388, 
389-92, 393-418, 434, 435, 443, 452, 
453, 459, 478, 532-3, 536, 543, 544, 545, 
546, 547, 556, 557, 559, 561, 562, 565, 
566, 577, 581, 603, 605, 617, 664, 683, 
689, 690, 694, 695, 700. 

Moulinie, Etienne, 189, 190. 

Mouton, Jéan, 45, 232, 238, 267, 280, 281, 
283, 384-5, 397 п“, 688. 

Moy, Louis de, 591. 

Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus, 602. 

Mudarra, Alonso de, 82 n’, 127, 128, 129, 

130 n!, 131, 138, 686-7. 
Tres libros de müsica, 127, 128, 129, 
130 n!, 131 n3, 686-7. 

Muir, Kenneth, 195 n?. 

Mulcaster, Richard, 480. 

Müller, Erich, 461 n!. 

Miiller-Blattau, J. M., 521 n°. 

Mulliner, Thomas, 84 n°, 708 n!; see also 
MSS., London, Brit. Mus. Add. 30513 
(The Mulliner Book). 

Mumford, Ivy L., 195 nn?. 3, 4, 

Mundy, John, 92, 496, 504 n?, 513, 627, 

630-1, 634. 
Songs and Psalmes, 504 n?. 

Mundy, William, 474, 476, 478, 479, 480, 
502, 503. 

Muñoz, Luis de Villalba, 127 n°. 

Müntzer, Thomas, 425. 

Murschhauser, Franz Xaver Anton, 650. 

*Musae Jovis ter maximis', Appenzeller. 
234. 

Musculus, Wolfgang, 436—7. 

Musette (Bagpipe), see Instruments: 
Wind-Instr., Reeded Woodwind. 

Musica de diversi authori, la Bataglia 
francese et Canzon delli ucelli . . ., 559. 

Musica ficta, 46, 47, 230, 773. 

Musica Nova, (1540) (Instrumental pieces 
by Segni, Willaert, etc.), 552. 

Musica reservata, 65, 348 n®, 351. 

Music-printing, 126-7. 

Musiol, Josef, 287 n}, 
292 nn!-?, 

Musique mesurée à l’antique, 30, 31, 192, 
193, 206—7, 447, 448, 811. 


288n*, 291, 


957 


‘Muti una volta’, Marenzio (from ‘O voi 
che sospirate’), 64-65 (Ex. 20-21). 

* My curtall dog that wont to have played’, 
Weelkes (from ‘In black mourn I’), 
87 (Ex. 31). 

‘My faults, O Christ’, Byrd, 504. 

‘My Lady Carey’s Dompe’, Anon., 624, 
628, 629 (Ex. 292 (ii)), 684, 685. 

*My Lady Hunsdon's Puffe', Dowland, 
703. 

“My love is crucified’, Jeffries, 506. 

Myriell, Thomas, 505, 506 n!, 512, 513, 

516 nn‘ 5, 
Tristitiae Remedium, 505 n?, 506 n! 512, 
513, 516 nn* 5, 

* My Shepherd is the living Lord', Tom- 
kins, 518 n*. 

Mystery of Elche, The, 410, 802-4 (Ex. 
386, 387). 


Nachdantz, see Galliard. 

Nakers, see Instruments: Drums. 

Nanino (Nanini), Giovanni Bernardino, 
367, 531. 

Motecta, 367, 531. 

Nanino (Nanini), Giovanni Maria, 333, 

367-8, 531. 

Narváez, Luis de, 127, 128, 129, 131, 
138-9, 385, 398, 628, 683-4, 686, 687, 
688. 

Baja de contrapunto (basse-danse), 683. 

Delphin de musica, 127, 129, 131 n, 

138 n!, 385, 683-4, 686, 687, 688. 

Fantasia de consonancia, 683. 

*Nasce la gioia mia', Primavera, 325. 

Nasco, Giovanni (‘Maistre Jhan’), 277, 

286, 292. 

Nauwach, Johann, 123, 183, 184, 188. 

Canzonets, 183. 

Libro primo di arie passeggiate, 183. 

Teutsche Villanellen, 123, 183. 
Navarro, Francisco, 380. 

Navarro, Fray Juan, of Cadiz, 392. 

Passiones Christi Domini, 392. 
Navarro, Juan (= Hispalensis), 

392-3, 

Psalmi, Hymni ac Magnificat, 392. 
Navarro, Michael, 376 nt, 380, 413. 

Liber Magnificarum, 376 nt, 413. 
*Navicula fluctuans’, Raselius, 454. 
Naylor, Edward W., 275 o. 

Negri, Cesare, 692, 694. 

Le Gratie d' Amore, 694—5. 

Nuove Inventioni di Balli, 694. 
Neil, Richard, Bp. of Durham, 469. 
*Ne irascaris', Byrd, 485. 

Nejedlý, Zdeněk, 310 пі. 

*Ne laeteris inimica mea', Goes, 415. 


380, 


958 


‘Nempt hin und trincket Alle draus’ 
(from the German Passion), Luther, 
426-7 (Ex. 194). 

*Ne reminiscaris’, Baldwin, 496 n?. 

Neri, Ferdinando, 167 nl, 573. 

*Nesciens mater', Wright, 476. 

*N'esperez plus', Boesset, 190. 

Neuber, Ulrich, publisher, 224, 293, 302, 
410; see also Montanus, Johannes 
(== Berg). 

Neusiedler, Hans, 698, 699—700. 

Das Erst Buch, ein newes Lauten- 
büchlein . . . Das Ander Buch... 
(1544), 700. 

Ein newes Lautenbüchlein (1540), 700. 

Ein newgeordnet Künstlich Lautenbuch 
(1536), 700. 

Neusiedler, Melchior, 698, 701. 

Teutsch Lautenbuch, 701. 

Newark, William, 813. 

Newman (Master Newman), 624, 625-6. 

Nicholson, Richard, 200, 497, 513 n*. 

Nicolai, Philipp, 451. 

Nicolas, Nicolas Harris, 743 n!, 

Nicole, Michel, 249. 

Nicoll, Allardyce, 785 n*. 

Nicolo, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind, Shawm. 

*Nigra sum’ (from Vespro della Beata 
Vergine), Monteverdi, 538-9 (Ex. 232 
(i)). 

‘Nigra sum sed formosa’, Boni, 249. 

*Ninguno ciere las puertas’, see Encina, 
Los pastores. 

*Nisi Dominus', Monteverdi, 528. 

Noel, Henry, 501. 

‘Noë, noé’, Layolle, 241 n*. 

Le Heurteur, 245 (Ex. 89). 

Mouton, 313 n!. 

Nola, Gian Domenico da, 53, 55. 

‘Non ex virili semine', (from ‘Veni 
redemptor gentium'), Escobar, 373 
(Ex. 175). 

“Non hunc sed Barabam . . .' (from the 
St. John Passion), Victoria, 402 (Ex. 
182). 

‘Non moriar sed vivam’, Senfl, 256 n?. 

*Non piango e non sospiro', see Caccini 
and Peri, L'Euridice. 

“Non vedrò mai le stelle’, Monteverdi, 
182. 

Norcombe, Daniel, 585. 

Nórmiger, Augustus, 617, 618, 662. 
Dances (organ-tablature), 618-19 (Ex. 

284). 

North, Roger, 574. 

Norton, Thomas, 817, 818. 

Noske, Frits, 126n!, 129n!, 
185 oi, 194 п. 


161 п, 


INDEX 


Notari, Angelo, 211-12, 706. 
Prime Musiche Nuove, 212. 
‘Now, O now I needs must part’, Dow- 
land (miscalled ‘Frog Galliard’), 206. 
NudoZersky, Vavřinec Benedikt, 448. 
Nuffel, Julius van, 351 пі. ` 
*Nuit froide et sombre, La’, Lassus, 23. 
*Nun bitten wir den heiligen Geist', 426. 
‘Nunca fué pena mayor’, 374 п!. 
*Nunc scio vere’, Waclaw z Szamotul, 302. 
*Nun freut euch, lieben Christen gmein', 
Luther, 422-3 (Ex. 189). 
Ducis, 433. 
‘Nun Komm der Heiden Heiland’, 
Luther, 421. 
Nuten, P., 58 n*. 


‘O admirabile commercium', Donati, 
148 n*. 

Las Infantas, 395-6 (Ex. 180). 
Stoltzer, 266. 

*O all true faithful hearts', Gibbons, 512. 
Hooper, 512 oi. 

“О beata Maria’, P. Guerrero, 388 nt. 

*O beata onde', Marenzio (from ‘Il vago 
€ bello Armillo’), 63-64 (Ex. 18). 

*O begli anni d'oro', Corteccia, 148 n*. 

ʻO bella pid’, Anon., 215. 

*O ben mio, dove sei', India, 212-13 
(Ex. 78 (ii)). 

Oberndörffer, David, 598. 

Oberst, Günther, 590 oi. 

Obertello, Alfredo, 83, 85, 86, 90. 

Oboe, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind. 

*O bone Jesu’, Parsons, 474-5 (Ex. 208). 

Oboussier, Philippe, 216 ni. 

Obrecht, Jacob, 387, 553. 

“О care, thou wilt despatch me’, Weelkes, 
89. 

Ochlewski, Tadeusz, 600 oi. 

Ochsenkun, Sebastian, 126, 698, 701. 
Tabulaturbuch, 126, 701. 

Ockeghem, Johannes, 244, 281, 374, 387. 

*O аар your hands’, Byrd, 503. 

*O com'é gran martire’, Monteverdi, 145 
(Ex. 51), 158, 213. 

*O come sei gentile’, Monteverdi, 182. 

*O crux, ave, spes unica', Morales, 386. 

*O crux fidelis', Vila, 408. 

“О death, rock me asleep’, Anon., 197. 

O.D. (= ? О. Dithmers), 662-3. 

*O Doctor optime . . . beate Augustine’, 
Victoria, 399 n*, 

*O dolce vita mia’, Nola, 55-56 (Ex. 15 (i)). 
Willaert, 55-56 (Ex. 15 (iiy). 

*O dolcezze amarissime d'amore', India, 

158, 163-4 (Ex. 59). 

Schütz, 120 (Ex. 43). 


INDEX 


‘O Domine Jesu Christe’, G. Gabrieli, 296. 
F. Guerrero, 390-1 (Ex. 178). 

Oeglin, Erhard, printer, 98. 

“О, faible esprit’, Lassus, 25. 

*O gelosia', Mudarra, 129. 

ʻO gloriosa Domina’, variations for 
vihuela, Narváez, 684. 

*O God give ear', Byrd, 504. 

*O God of Gods', Bennet, 512. 

*O God that guides', Byrd, 504. 

*O God the proud are risen’, Tomkins, 
518. 

‘O God wonderful art thou', Tomkins, 
518. 

*O happy dames’, Sheppard, 84 n?. 

*O haylige, onbeflecte', 780-1 (Ex. 379). 

*Oh! con quanta vaghezza', Berti, 172-4 
(Ex. 64). 

*O heavenly God and Father dear’, Byrd, 
504. 

‘Ohimè ch'io cado’, Monteverdi, 174. 

‘Ohimè, dov'è '1 mio ben’, Monteverdi, 
181. 

*Ohn Ehr und Gunst', Forster, 100 (Ex. 
35). 

*O Jesu look’, Kirbye, 513 n*. 

*O Jesu mi dulcissime', G. Gabrieli (1597), 

299-300 (Ex. 112 (i). 
(1615), 299—300 (Ex. 112 (ii)). 

Okeland, Robert, 474, 499. 

Okeover, John, 589. 

*O la che bon echo', Lassus, 57. 

*O Lieb, wie süss und bitter', Lechner, 
110-11 (Ex. 39). 

*O Lord arise', Weelkes, 513. 

“О Lord bow down’, Gibbons, 512 n?. 

*O Lord I bow the knees’, J. Mundy, 
503. 

*O Lord in thee is all my trust’, O. Gib- 

bons, 510 n!. 
Peerson, 510-11 (Ex. 220). 
Tallis, 501 n*, 510 nt. 

*O Lord let me know mine end', Tomkins, 
518-19 (Ex. 223). 

*O Lord make thy servant Elizabeth’, 
Byrd, 503. 

*O Lord of Hosts', Tye (or Southerton), 
499 пг, 

*O Lord the maker of all things’ (‘Christe 
qui lux es’), Wanley Part-books, 499; 
W. Mundy, 502. 

‘O Lord turn not away thy face’, Anon., 
502. 

*O lux beata Trinitas', Byrd, 481. 

*O magnum mysterium', Byrd, 487. 

G. Gabrieli, 296. 
Morales, 386. 

Palestrina, 327 (Ex. 131). 
Victoria, 401. 


959 


*O Mirtillo', Monteverdi, 69. 

*O morte, eterno fin’, Rore, 49-50 (Ex. 
12). 

*O Nachbar Roland' (the Jig of Roland to 
the tune of ‘Brave Lord Willoughby’), 
Canzon à 5 by Scheidt, 800 n*. 

*On a mal dit de mon ami', Hollande, 20. 

*O nata lux', Tallis, 481. 

“О nomen Jesu’, Ferrabosco (the younger), 
496 nt, 

Opera, evolution of, 784, 790, 792, 797, 
798, 800, 807, 812, 814, 815, 816, 821- 
42. 

Opienski, Henryk, 302 n°, 

*O Pierulin dov’ estu?', Vecchi (from 
L'Amfiparnaso), 76-77 (Ex. 28). 

Opitiis, Benedictus de, 262. 

Opitz, Martin, 121, 183, 793 n?, 798-9. 
Buch von der  teutschen — Poetery, 

121. 

*O Praise the Lord' (Ps. 147), Porter, 
515-16 (Ex. 221). 

*O praise the Lord all ye heathen', Tom- 
kins, 518. 

*O primavera', Luzzaschi, 146-7 (Ex. 52). 

*O quam gloriosum', Marenzio, 365. 
Victoria, 4034. 

*O quam suavis', Lobo, 396 n!. 

Oratorio, evolution of, 835. 

“Or escoutez, gentilz veneurs’, see ‘Chasse 
du lièvre’, Anon., 7-8. 

*O rex gloriose', Mason, 477. 

Organ, see Instruments: Keyboard. 

Organistrum, see Instruments: (Bowed) 
Stringed Instr. 

Ornithoparcus, Andreas, 731. 

Orpharion, Orphion, see Instruments: 
(Plucked) Stringed Instr., Lute Family. 

Ors, Eugenio d', 410 n*. 

Orso, Francesco, 47. 

Primo libro de Madrigali, 47 ni, 
*Or suis-je prins', Gombert, 18. 
Ortiz, Diego, 380, 397-8, 553, 554, 560-1, 
574, 705-6, 714 nt. 
Musicae Liber primus, 397. 
Tratado de glosas, 397, 553, 560-1, 705— 
706, 714 n. 

*Ortus est sol (from ‘Benedic anima 
mea") Ferrabosco (the elder), 492-3 
(Ex. 215 (ii). 

*O sacred choir of angels', O. Gibbons, 
512 п, 

“О sacrum convivium’, Arcadelt, 313 
(Ex. 117). 

*O salutaris hostia', Los Cobos, 398. 

*O sapientia', Ramsey, 497 n!. 

Osiander, Lucas, 450. 

Geistliche Lieder und Psalmen, 450. 

*O sing unto the Lord', Tomkins, 518. 


960 


Osthoff, Helmuth, 103 n!, 104 nt, 107 n!, 
143 n*, 268 n*, 283 п“, 291 п?, 37A п, 
450 n*. 

Ostinato-fantasias, 637. 

*O that we woeful wretches', Byrd, 504. 

Othmayr, Caspar, 99, 102. 

Reutterische und Jegerische Liedlein, 

99. 

Ott, Johann, publisher, 99, 100, 102, 260, 
265, 433; see also Formschneider, 
Hieronymus. 

Newe Lieder, 99, 100, 102, 260, 433. 
Ottave, settings of, 140, 169, 181, 195. 
Otto, Valerius, 597, 601. 

Newe Paduanen, Galliarden, Intraten 

und Currenten, 601 (Ex. 275). 

*Out of the orient crystal skies', ? Byrd, 
198 n*. 

Overath, Johannes, 448 п. 

*O voi che sospirate', Marenzio, 64-65 
(Ex. 20-21). 

*O vos omnes’, Grandi, 543 (Ex. 238). 

Oxenbury, William, 644 n!. 

*O ye tender babes’, Tallis, 84 n*. 


Pacelli, Asprilio, 304, 305. 

Pachelbel, Johann, 547, 650, 655. 

Padovano, see Annibale Padovano. 

Paisible, James, 740. 

‘Paisible domaine’, Lassus, 23. 

Paiva, Heliodoro de, 418. 

Paix, Jakob, 617. 

Palau, Manuel, 411 o, 

Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi da, 13, 
36 nt, 60-61, 219, 221, 225, 232, 241, 
242, 247, 250, 272, 273-4, 301, 312-33, 
334, 354, 356, 363, 367, 368, 369, 379, 
381, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 394, 396, 
399, 400, 403, 405, 409, 410, 411, 416, 
488, 493, 520, 522, 531, 532, 546-9, 
553, 560. 

Madrigali spirituali a cinque voci, 61 n*. 
Missarum . . . liber I, 315. 
IH, 320. 
IV, 322 nt. 
V, 322 n*. 
Motecta festorum totius anni, 332 n*. 
Motectorum quatuor vocibus . . . liber 
secundus, 331 nn?: 5, 
Motettorum liber primus, 326 n?, 327 п?, 
331 ni. 
Motettorum liber secundus, 325 nt. 
Motettorum liber tertius, 326 nn’ *, 
327 n!, 331 n*. 
Motettorum liber quartus, 332 n!. 
Ricercari à 4 (?false attribution), 
553 nt. 
Palestrina, Iginio, 250, 315. 
Paligonus, Marcin, 301, 304. 


INDEX 


Palisca, Claude V., 140 n*, 151 n}, 153 n$, 
348 n*. 
Palla, Scipione del, 143. 
Pallavicino, Benedetto, 525, 526. 
Sacrae Dei Laudes, 525. 
*Pandolpho', Parsons, 216. 
Pandora, see Instruments: (Plucked) 
Stringed Instr., Lute Family, Bandora. 
*Pange lingua', Coyssard, 251. 
chorale-variations on, Titelouze, 673, 
674 (Ex. 334 (ii)). 
settings or compositions of Mozarabic 
melody, Aguilera, 679. 
A. de Cabezón, 679. 
Coelho, 679, 680, 681. 
Jimenez, 679. 
Urrede, 679. 

*Panis angelicus’, Cardoso, 415 n*. 

*Panis quem ego dabo', Hellinck, 235 n*. 

Pannain, Guido, 367 n*, 374 n*. 

Pan-pipes, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 

Woodwind, Flute Family. 

Pantaleon, H., 312 n*. 

Paoli, Domenico de', 174 n*, 842 n*. 

Paolucci, G., 521 nē, 526 n’. 

Arte pratica di contrappunto, 521 п?, 
526 nê. 

Parabosco, Girolamo, 286, 293, 552. 

* Paradisi porta', Escribano, 397. 

Paraphrase (vernacular of sacred texts), 

251-2. 
*Parasti in dulcedine tua’ (from ‘Unus 
panis"), Créquillon, 225 (Ex. 83). 

Parker, Matthew, 501. 

Parrish, Carl, 386 n°. 

Parry, Sir Hubert H., 808, 809, 816. 

Parsley, Osbert, 477, 479, 480, 563. 

Parsons, Robert, 197, 216, 474-5, 476, 

479, 480, 481, 484, 497, 503, 552, 563, 
820. 

Parsons, William, 501 nt. 

Parte, partita, see Divisions on a ground. 

Parthenia, 626 n*, 633. 

Parthenia In-Violata, 586. 

*Par trop souffrir', Créquillon, 18. 

*Paseabase el Rey moro’, Fuenllana, 133 
(Ex. 46 (iii)). 

Narvaez, 131 (Ex. 46 (i). 
Pisador, 132 (Ex. 46 (ii). 

Pasquini, Ercole, 641 n!, 655. 

Passacaglia, 561, 686. 

Passamezzo, passa e mezzo, Welscher 
Tanz, Wascha mesa (dance-form, 
sometimes ‘paired’, and stylized 
bass), 594, 618, 671, 693, 696, 700, 
701. 

antico, 195, 645, 646, 653. 
nuovo, 645 (Ex. 307-8). 
Passereau, 10. 


INDEX 


Passion, Ana, *Passio sacra', 276; Anon. 
English composer, 476; J. S. Bach 
(St. Matthew), 430; Byrd, 488; G. 
Guerrero (St. Matthew), 389 n!, 390; 
(St. John), 389 n!, 390; Harzer, Summa 
passionis, 263; Lechner, 452; Nasco 
(St. Matthew), 292; Pujol, 409; Rore 
(St. John), 292; Scandello, 451; Sermisy 
(St. Matthew), 240; Soriano (4 evange- 
lists), 368 n’; Vernacular German, 426 
(Ex. 194); Victoria (St. Matthew), 402 
(St. John), 402 (Ex. 182). 

*Passo e. mezzo bellissimo', Gorzanis, 696 
(Ex. 351). 

Pastoral horn, see Instruments: Wind- 
Instr., Reeded Woodwind, Krummhorn. 

*Pastores, dicite', Morales, 385. 

^ Pastourelles jolietes’, Le Jeune, 31. 

Pastrana, Pedro de, 378, 380, 397, 410. 

Patavino, see Santocroce, Francesco. 

‘Pater dimitte illis’, Pastrano, 397 n‘. 

*Pater noster', Wilder, 478. 

Willaert, 284. 

Pathie, Roger, 230. 

* Patrem super Christus jam surrexit’, 301. 

Patta, Padre Serafino, 536. 

Motetti e madrigali, 536. 

Pattison, Bruce, 196 n?, 201 n!. 

Paul III, Pope, 382. 

Paul V, Pope, 369. 

Paumann, Conrad, 775. 

*Pauper sum ego', Lassus, 348 (Ex. 156), 
354. 

Paus, Jacques van, see Buus, Jacques. 

Pavana dolorosa, 5. 

Pavana lachrymae, 5, 586, 591, 703. 

Pavane, pavana, padoana, paduan (dance- 

form), 2, 3, 5, 10, 16, 18, 552, 554, 
555 (Ex. 241), 581, 645, 687. 

*paired' with Galliard, 594, 595, 618, 
624-5, 631, 632-4 (Ex. 295-7), 642, 
645, 692, 693, 694, 695, 696, 701, 
702. 

Passa-mezzo pavane, 702. 

Pavana hispanica, 696. 

Quadran pavane, 702. 

Pavane-galliard in A minor, Bull (F.V.B.), 


632 (Ex. 296). 

‘Pavana of my Lord Lumley’, Bull 
(F.V.B.), 632. 

Pavane No. 15, Mudarra, 687; based on 
melody (Ex. 344) called ‘Pavana 
Italiana’ (Cabezón); ‘Pavana His- 
panica’ (Sweelinck, and Scheidt); 


*Pavaniglia' (Caroso); ‘Spanish Paven’ 
(Bull). 

‘Pavyon, A’, Newman (Mulliner 116), 624, 
625—6 (Ex. 290). 

Payen, Nicolas, 227, 379. 


961 


Peacham, Henry, 497. 

The Compleat Gentleman, 497 n°. 

*Peccantem me quotidie’, Byrd, 484. 
Palestrina, 354. 

Pecorina, Polissena, 286 oi. 

Pedrell, Felipe, 83n*, 127 05, 131 05, 
134 n?, 136 n?, 380, 381 n?, 384 n4,385 n°, 
386 nn? * 8, 389 n!, 392 nt, 399, 403, 
407 n?, 410, 561, 612 n!, 613 n*, 614 nn? ?, 
615 nn! ?, 677 n?, 687 n!, 802, 803. 

Peerson, Martin, 94, 203, 478, 497, 501, 

502, 510, 514 п, 589, 726. 

Mottects or Grave Chamber Musique, 
94, 478, 726. 

Private Musicke, 203, 514 n°. 

‘Peine et travail’, Appenzeller, 16. 

Pekiel, Bartłomiej, 307. 

Pellegrini, Vincenzo, 611. 

Pena, Joaquin, 380. 

Pefialosa, Francisco de, 374, 382, 396. 

Penorcan, see Instruments: (Plucked) 
Stringed Instr., Lute Family. 

Peparara, Laura, 62, 70, 144—6, 169. 

Pepys, Samuel, 717, 726, 752. 

Peraza, Francisco, 392, 678, 680. 

Medio registro alto, 678 (Ex. 338), 680. 

*Pereat dies’, Ortiz, 398 oi. 

Pérez, Alvarez, 392 nt. 

Perez, Juan Ginés, 380, 410-11. 

*Perfidissimo volto’, Caccini, 155, 190. 

Peri, Jacopo, 71, 77, 154, 160, 178, 536, 

784, 792, 793, 795, 798-9, 823, 824, 
827, 829, 830, 831, 832, 833. 
Adone, 829. 
La Dafne. 793 n*, 799, 824, 826, 829, 
837; see also Corsi, Jacopo. 
Euridice, 77, 784, 792, 795, 823 пі, 827, 
(Ex. 393 (i)), 828-9 (Ex. 394), 832. 
Tetide, 829. 

Perinello, Carlo, 74 п, 75 п? 

*Per mezz’i boschi', Rore, 48-49. 

*Per tuam crucem', Morales, 386. 

Perz, Mirosław, 448 nt. 

Pesenti, Martino, 178. 

Peter Carmelianus the Luter, 702. 

Peter, Hildemarie, 705. 

Peterhouse Part-books (MSS., Cambridge, 
Peterhouse 31-32, 40-41), 474 nn*-*, 477. 

Peter Martyr (= Pietro Martire Ver- 
migli), 465. 

‘Petite fleur cointe et jolie’, Créquillon, 
17 (Ex. 4), 18. 

‘Petite nymphe folastre’, Janequin, 12. 

Petrarch, Francesco, 15, 37, 44, 45, 48-60 

passim, 65, 81, 82, 83, 130, 169, 182, 
285. 

Africa, 37. 

Rime in morte di Madcuna Laura, 58. 

Petri, Berendt, 664 ni. 


962 


Petrucci, Ottaviano dei, printer, 1, 34, 35, 
125, 130, 140, 141 nê, 239, 240, 276, 
555, 690, 691, 695, 773-4. 

Frottole, libro undecimo, 141 n*. 

Intabolatura de Lauto, Lib. I, 713-4. 

Intabolatura de lauto, Lib, IV, 694; see 
also Vol. III, p. 440. 

Motetti de la Corona, 384. 

Odhecaton (= Harmonicae musices od- 
hecaton A), 1, 240. 

Petti, A. G., 497 n*. 

Peuerl, Paul, 592, 594, 597, 598. 

Newe Padouan Intrada Däntz unnd 
Galliarda, 594. 

Pevernage, André, 25, 235. 

Pfalz, Anton, 118 oi. 

Pfatteicher, C. F., 461 nt, 621 n!. 

Phagotum, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind. 

Phalèse, Pierre, publisher (Phalèse et 

Bellére), 9, 20, 32, 56, 71 n?, 184 n°, 
185, 225 nn^ 2, 341 n’, 354 n3, 389, 
546, 552, 553, 694, 695. 
Hortus Musarum, 20, 184 n°, 185. 
Premier livre de danseries, 552. 
Theatrum musicum, 694. 
Thesaurus musicus, 694. 

Phileno of Munich, 759. 

Philibert Jambe-de-Fer, 445, 718 n*. 
Epitome musical de tons, 718 n*. 

Philip (the Handsome’), Archduke of 
Burgundy, K. of Castile, 374. 

Philip II, K. of Spain, 230, 312, 377, 378, 
379, 390, 394, 397, 398, 407, 408 п», 
409, 411, 612. 

Philips, Peter, 95, 497, 590, 627, 634, 635, 

703 n*. 
Cantiones, 497. 

‘Philomena praevia temporis ameni', 
Richafort, 232-4. 

Phinot, Dominique, 240, 241-2, 277, 301. 

*Phyllis, now cease to move me', Tom- 
kins, 94 (Ex. 34 (ii)). 

*Pianto della Madonna a voce sopra il 
Lamento d'Arianna', Monteverdi, 541- 
542, 834. 

Picchi, Giovanni, 572, 579, 646, 782. 
Intavolatura di balli, 646, 782. 

Pidoux, Pierre, 438 n?, 443 n*, 446 п!, 
605 n?, 606, 608 nn? 2, 610 n!, 646 n?, 
656. 

Pierre de la Rue, 10, 20, 264, 268, 436. 

Pietzsch, G., 798 n*. 

Pifaro, Marcantonio del, 691, 692. 
Intabulatura de lauto, 692. 

Pilgrim's staves, see Instruments: Wind- 
Instr., Woodwind, Flute Family. 

Pilkington, Francis, 505 n*, 585, 703. 
Second set of Madrigals, 505 п, 


INDEX 


Pine, E., 499 р?, 

Pinel, Pierre (or Germain), 676. 

Pinello, Giovanni Battista, 108. 

Pipelare, Matthaeus, 436. 

Pirotta, Nino, 143 ont, ?, 151 n®, 157 n*. 

Pirro, André, 219 п!, 239 nn^?, 243, 

247n', 249n! 461 пі, 462, 616%, 
657 пі, 659 m, 675 n*. 

Pisador, Diego, 127, 128, 129, 131, 379, 
689. 

Libro de müsica de vihuela, 127, 128, 
129, 131 në, 689 (Ex. 346). 

Pisk, Paul, 274. 

Pitoni, G. O., 521 n*. 

Pius V, Pope, 390, 468. 

Pius IX, Pope, 369. 

Piva (dance-form), 555, 692. 

*Plaindre ne vaut’, Rocourt, 20. 

*Plainsong' notation, 498. 

*Plaisir n'ay plus', Hollander, 20. 

Plamenac, Dragan, 374 n*. 

Planson, Jehan, 188, 206, 251. 

Plantin, Christophe, printer, 26, 415. 

Plautus, T. Maccius, 785, 786. 

Playford, John (the elder) publisher, 
497 пэ, 715 (Ex. 358 (vi-ix), 726, 
727. 

An Introduction to the Skill of Musick, 
727 n*. 

Musick’s Recreation on the Viol, Lyra- 
way, 715 n?. 

New Lessons for Citterne and Gitterne, 
726. 

* Pléiade, La’, 21, 29, 167, 443. 

*Plorans plorabit', Byrd, 486. 

*Plus revenir', Lupi, 10. 

Pohanka, Jaroslav, 309 n?, 310 n!, 311 n?, 

448 n*. 

Pohle, Hans, see Johannes Polonus. 

Poitevin, Jean, 445. 

Pole, Reginald, Archbp. of Canterbury, 

465. 
Poliziano, Angelo, Orfeo, 786. 
Pollio, Symphorianus, 427, 440. 
Gesang und Psalmen, 427 пі, 440 (Ex. 
201 (i)). 

Polyphant, see Instruments: (Plucked) 
Stringed Instr., Lute Family. 

Pommer, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind, Shawm. 

Pontac, Diego, 380. 

Pontanus, Petrus, 235. 
Ars versificatoria, 235. 

Pontificale Romanum (revised), (1596) 250. 

‘Poor soul sat sighing, The’, Anon., 
196, 

Pope, Isabel, 135 n5, 379 n*. 

*Populus eius', Marenzio, 364 n* 

Porta, Costanzo, 286, 317, 533, 570. 


INDEX 


Porta, Ercole, 570, 573, 579, 

Vaga Ghirlanda, 573. 

Porter, Walter, 515-16, 708. 

Madrigales and Ayres, 515-16. 

Porter, William V., 824 nn‘, *. 

Portman, Richard, 516 n?, 

Posaune, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 

Horn Family, Sackbut. 

Posch, Isaak, 598, 601. 

‘Post, De’, pavane/galliard, 555 (Ex. 241). 

*post tenebras spero lucem' (from 'Libera 

me Domine’), Byrd, 483 (Ex. 211). 

‘Posuisti tenebras’ (from ‘Benedic anima 

mea’), Ferrabosco (the elder), 490-2 

(Ex. 215 (i)). 

Potter, Frank H., 196 n*, 215 п!. 

Poulton, Diana, 205 n!. 

*Pour plaisir', Créquillon, 18. 

*Pourquoi m'es tu tant ennemie', Manchi- 

court, 18. 

*Pour une, las, j'endure', Clemens non 

Papa, 19. 

‘Pour vous seule la mort m’assault’ 

Canis, 19. 

*Poverin gagliarda, El’, 645. 

Poźniak, Piotr, 696 n!. 

Praeambulum, priamell, 665 671, 699, 700, 

(Ex. 355). 

*Praeparate corda vestra', Sermisy, 242. 

*Praeter rerum seriem', Josquin, 288. 

Praetorius, Bartholomaeus, 592, 597, 598. 

Praetorius, Hieronymus, 454—5, 544, 545, 
546, 664. 

Cantiones novae, 455. 

Cantiones Sacrae, 455. 

Cantionnes variae, 455. 

Magnificat, Primus versus primi toni, 
664 (Ex. 326). 

Praetorius, Jacob (the elder), 636, 664. 

Praetorius, Jacob (the younger), 664, 665, 

671, 672. 

Praetorius, Michael, 108, 270, 299, 425, 
452, 453-4, 459, 462, 522, 523 m, 
526, 527, 528, 529, 533, 544, 546, 547, 
549, 570, 583, 593, 597, 665—6, 668, 
715 (Ex. 358 (iv, v)), 716 n', 718-19, 
726, 727, 728, 729, 730 n*, 731-3, 
737, 738 n*, 740, 742, 744, 745 nnd» *, 
746, 748, 749, 750, 751, 753, 756, 759, 
760, 762, 764; 765 n!, 766, 767 n!, 
768, 769, 773. 

Musae Sionae, 453, 547. 

Polyhymnia Caduceatrix, 
549. 

Syntagma musicum; 270, 299 n!, 425, 
522 n?, 523 nt, 526, 527, 528, 529, 533, 
546, 549, 570, 583, 715 0), 716 m, 
726, 727 п?, 728 nt, 729 nn}: *, 730 n*, 
731-3, 737%, 738n*, 740 nn? ?, 


454, 547, 


963 


742nn^ 3. 5,4, 744n* 745 пп. 
746n!, 748 nn? 8 751 né, 753m, 
759 п, 760n*, 762 nn! * 5, 765 n!, 
766 n* 767 n*: 5, 769 m, 773. 

“Prayer is an endless chain’ (second part 
of ‘Down caitiff wretch’), Ward, 506. 
Prelude, 671, 675-6 (Ex. 335), 696, 697-8 

(Ex. 352), 701; see also Introitus and 

versus; Preambulum. 

Preston, Thomas, 619. 

*Prevent us O Lord’, Byrd, 503. 

Priamell, see Praeambulum. 

Primavera, Leonardo, 325. 

Prioris, Johannes, 244. 

Priuli, Giovanni, 579. 

Procter, F., 466n?, 476 nn? *, 468 п!, 
473 nt. 

Proportio tripla, Proportz, 632, 693. 

‘Pro remissione peccatorum’, Kerle, 
272-3 (Ex. 100). 

Proske, Karl, 271 n*, 274, n? 295 nn? 2, 
349 n?, 365 nn! ?, 367 nt, 368 nn: ® ¢ 5, 
398 n!, 415 nê. 

Prüfer, Arthur, 121 п, 455 п?, 456 п! 
457 n!, 593 nt. 

Pruniéres, Henry, 30, 71, 172 пі, 186 п? 
239 n*, 811 п?, 812 n!, 842 n*. 

Prys, Edmund, 502 n*. 

Przybylski, H., 302 nt. 

Psalm 140 (‘Deliver me, О Lord’), for 
keyboard, Sweelinck, 640. 

PSALMS AND PSALTER (numbering in the text 

conforms to the Authorized Version): 

Echo-psalms, 449; Madrigal-ps., 449; 
Motet-ps., 449, 451, 462; to popular 
tunes, 230, 449. 

Gallican Psalter, 479 oi: Geneva, 438- 
440, 449, 501 n*; Huguenot, 443-9; 
Lausanne, 442. 

Penitential Psalms (office of Tenebrae), 
Croce, 505 п; Franck, 455; A. 
Gabrieli, 294 n?, 295; Hunnis, 504-5; 
Lassus, 348-9. 

Psalm-settings (Continental), Latin: 

Esquivel, 405; Flecha the Younger, 
408; F. Guerrero, 389; Handl, 275; 
J. Navarro, 392; M. Navarro, 413; 
Pastrana, 397; Pujol, 409; Rob- 
ledo, 407, 411; Rogier, 407; Rore, 
292; Senfi, 259; Willaert, 276; 
see also Composers (works) and 
Titles. 

Vernacular translations, paraphrases 
and ‘spiritual songs’: Clemens non 
Papa, 230; Créquillon, 222; Goudi- 
mel, 247; other French composers, 
251; Stoltzer, 265-6; see also Chap. 
VIII, pp. 419-64 passim and Com- 
posers (works) and Titles. 


964 


PSALMS AND PSALTER (numbering in the text 
conforms to the Authorized Version 
(cont.)): 

Psalm-settings (England), Latin: Byrd, 

486; Mundy, 479, 480; Parsley, 
479, 480; Parsons, 479, 480; 
Sheppard, 479, 480; Tallis, 479, 
480; Tye, 479, 480; Whyte, 478-80 
(Ex. 210), 486; see also Com- 
posers (works) and Titles. 

Vernacular rranslations, metrical para- 
phrases: Alison, 501; Byrd, 503, 
504; Cosyn, 501; Damon, 501; 
Dowland, 502; East, 501; Mar- 
beck, 499-500; Sternhold and 
Hopkins, 501; Tallis, 501; Tai- 
lour. 502; see also Composers 
(works) and Titles. 

Psalm-settings (Scotland), vernacular 
translations, metrical paraphrases, 
502. 

Psalm-settings (Wales), vernacular trans- 
lations, metrical paraphrases, 502 nt. 

Singing of Psalms in congregational 
worship, 420-9, 436-7, 438-41, 465, 
470, 473. 

Psaltery, see Instruments: 

Stringed Instr. 

*puce, Une’, Lassus, from Melange de 

chansons, 811. 

Pudelko, W., 560 n!, 

*Puer natus', Byrd, 488. 

*Puis ne me peult venir', ? Créquillon, 302. 

*Puisque ce beau mai', Costeley, 26-27 

(Ex. 7). 

*Puisque de vous', Sandrin, 10. 

‘Puisque j'ay perdu’, Lupi, 336. 

*Puis que voulez', Clemens non Papa, 185. 

*Puis que vous ayme', Créquillon, 14. 

Pujol, Emilio, 127 nn? *, 129 ong, 5, 385 n^, 

683 n5, 684, 686 n*, 690 n*. 

Pujol, Juan, 380, 409-10. 

Officium Hebdomadae Sacrae, 409. 

Pulaer, Louis van, 232, 238. 

Puliaschi, Gian Domenico, 160. 

*Pulvis et umbra', Lassus, 334 (Ex. 137), 

347. 

Pumhart, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 

Reeded Woodwind, Shawm. 

Purcell, Henry, 47, 518, 582, 628, 791, 820. 

Dido and Aeneas, 820. 


(Plucked) 


*Quaeramus cum pastoribus’, Mouton, 
385. 
Willaert, 281; see also Mass-settings. 
Quagliati, Paolo, 611. 
*Qual honor', see Monteverdi, Orfeo. 
*Quand j’appergoy ton beau chef jaunis- 
sant', Goudimel, 27. 


INDEX 


"Quand je me trouve auprés de ma 
maitresse’, Arcadelt, 10. 

‘Quand je suis auprez de ma mye’, 
Gombert, 13. 

‘Quand je suis où les aultres sont’, Canis, 
20. 


‘Quand je vous ayme ardentement’, 
Arcadelt, 10. 

‘Quand mon mari vient de dehors’, 
Lassus, 22, 

‘Quando signor’, Rore, 36 ni. 

*Quand un cordier’, Lassus, 23. 

Quaternaria (dance-form), 556. 

*Que dis-tu, que fais-tu', Lassus, 25. 

*Quel espoir de guarir', Guédron, 190. 

“Que llantos son aquestos’, Mudarra, 130. 

*Quem dicunt homines', Richafort, 232, 
385. 

*Que me servent les vers', Monte, 25. 

Querol Gavaldá, Miguel, 82 n*, 130 nn*-*, 
131 nn! *, 389 n*, 393 пі. 

*Queste non son piü lagrime' (from 
Ariosto's Orlando Furioso), 140. 

*Questi baci prendi’, Marenzio (from 
*Giunto alla tomba"), 64 (Ex. 19). 

*Questi vaghi concenti', Monteverdi, 73. 

*Quia vidisti me', Hassler, 371. 

Quickelberg, Samuel, 287 n, 312 n*, 348 п. 

“Ош confidunt in Domino’, Harant, 309 

* Quidnam ebrietas ', Willaert, 280 n5. 

*Quién te hizo, Juan pastor?’, Badajoz, 
also Fernandez, 802. 

*Qui invenit mulierem bonam', Buus, 293. 

‘Quis dabit oculis?’, ?Senfl, ? Festa, 259. 

‘Qui se pourrait plus désoler’, Sermisy, 10. 

‘Quis est. ipse Rex gloriae?’ (from 
* Attolite portas"), Byrd, 483 (Ex. 212), 
484. 

Quittard, Henri, 184 n?, 185 nt, 695 n?, 

“Ош veut aymer’, Willaert, 14. 

*Quivi sospiri', Luzzaschi, 47 n*. 

Quodlibets, 98, 101, 103, 117, 407; see also 
Ensaladas. 

Quoika, Rudolf, 309 n*. 

*Quomodo cantabimus’, Byrd, 489. 


Rabelais, Frangois, 244. 
Racek, Jan, 311. 
Racket, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind, Bassoon, Fagott. 
Racquet, Charles, 675 
Radesca da Foggia, 536-7, 707. 
Radino, Giovanni Maria, 572, 644, 645-6, 
692, 694 ni. 
Il primo libro d'Intavolatura di Balli 
d’Arpicordo, 644, 645-6. 
Radziwiłł, ‘Black’ Michael, 302. 
Raffael, Niccolo de, printer, 276. 
Rahe, Heinrich, 326 oi. 


INDEX 


Raine, J., 468 n*. 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, 92. 

*Ramonez-moy ma cheminée', Hesdin, 
12. 


Rampazetto, printer, 386. 

Ramsey, Robert, 497, 516 n*. 

Raquet, Charles, 675, 676. 

Raselius, Andreas, 454. 

Teutsche Sprüche, 454. , 

Rasi, Francesco, 161, 831. 
Musiche, 161. 

Rauch, Andreas, 117. 

Musikalisches Stammbüchlein, 117. 

Rauerii, Alessandro, 567 n?, 569 oi, 572. 
Canzoni per sonare con ogni sorte di 

stromenti, 567 п?, 569 п). 

Raugel, Félix, 675 nt, 677 n !. 

Rauscher, Andreas of Erfurt, printer, 429. 
Geistliche lieder, 429. 

Raval, Sebastiàn, 83. 

Ravenscroft, Thomas, 496, 501, 513. 

Rayner, C. G., 664 ni, 

Raynor, Henry, 201 n!. 

Rebecchino, rebequin, see Instruments: 
(Bowed) Stringed Instr., Violin Family. 

*Recercar dopo il Credo’, Frescobaldi, 
656. 

Recitative, see Stile nuovo [recitativo. 

Récits, 189-90. 

Reckziegel, Walter, 456 п. 

*Recordare Domine', Byrd, 485. 

Recorder, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Woodwind, Flute Family. 

Recueil des plus belles et excellentes 
chansons . . 
instruments, Le, (1576), 551. 

Redford, John, 477, 619, 621, 649, 813, 

814. 
Wyt and Science, 814. 

Redlich, H. F., 833 n*. 

Reese, Gustave, 235 n*, 242 n', 246 n*, 
248 ni, 254, 256n*, 261n!, 263n', 
277 n*, 295 n?, 313 n*, 314 n*, 348 п?, 
374n!, 381 п?, 399 nt, 402n?, 405, 
562 n*, 793 n?, 805 n*. 

‘Regina coeli’, Ortiz, 398 n?. 

Whyte, 475. 
Regnard, François, 27. 
Poésies de P. de Ronsard, 27. 
Regnart, Jacob, 103, 106, 107, 108, 110, 
115, 118, 122, 267, 271, 308. 
Canzoni italiane, 107. 
Kurtzweilige teutsche Lieder . . . nach 
Art der Neapolitanen, ...., 107, 267. 
Mariale, 267. 
Sacrae Cantiones, 267-8. 
Teutsche Lieder, 107. 

Regnault, Pierre (nicknamed Sandrin), 

10, 13, 288, 291, 336, 337-40. 


. tant de voix que sur les 


965 


Reiche, Gottfried, 758. 

Reichert, G., 117 n*. 

Reig, Antonio, 380, 410. 

Reinken, Jan Adams, 664. 

Reiss, J. W., 448 n*. 

“Remember not O Lord’, Tallis, 499 oi, 
501 n*. 

Renard, Georges, 340 п!, 

René, 12. 

Rener, Adam, 254, 260, 261, 262, 436. 

Resinarius, see Harzer, Balthasar. 

*Resonet in laudibus', Handl, 275, 

Responds, Responsories, Harzer (for 

Protestant Evensong), 432, 436. 
Lóbo, 415. 
Pujol, 409. 
Sheppard, 476. 
Tallis, 476. 
Victoria (for Holy Week), 393. 

‘Resta di darmi noia’, Gesualdo, 68 (Ex. 
23). 

Reuchlin,- Johann, Scenica Progymnas- 
mata, 798. 

Reuffius, Jacobus, 598. 

Reusner, Esaias, 701. 

*Revecy venir du Printans', Le Jeune, 31 
(Ex. 9). 

*Reveillez-moi, mon bel ami', Garnier, 12. 

Revello, José Torre, 375 п, 

*Reviens vers moi', Monte, 356. 

Lupi, 10. 

*Rex Babylonis’, Vaet, 267. 

Reyher, Paul, 813 п!, 817 пі, 

Reynolds, H., 499 n*, 

Rhaw, George, publisher, 99, 260, 262, 

263, 265, 266, 430-6. 
Hymnorum sacr. Lib, I, 263, 266, 431, 
436. 
Newe deudsche geistliche Gesenge, 260, 
430, 431, 434-5. 
Officia de Nativitate, 435. 
Officia paschalia, 263, 435. 
Opus decem Missarum, 262, 435. 
Selectae Harmoniae, 435. 
Symphoniae jucundae, 265 n*, 435. 
Vesperarum precum officia, etc., 263, 
435-6. 
Ribera, Bernardino de, 380, 397. 
Riccio, Giovanni Battista, 570, 573, 575, 
707. 
Divine lodi, 573. 

Ricercare, ricercate, 552-3, 556, 557-9, 
560, 562, 565, 567, 568, 576, 577, 581, 
592, 593, 602-10, 611, 616, 621, 627, 
637, 641, 642, 644, 647, 648, 651, 654, 
657, 658 (Ex. 316-17), 659 (Ex. 318-19), 
661 (Ex. 320), 674, 681, 682, 683, 687, 
691 (Ex. 347), 693 (Ex. 350), 694, 697, 
699, 703-6; see also Tiento. 


966 


Richafort, Jean, 230-4, 281, 385, 436, 683. 
Magnificat omnitonum, 231 n°. 

Motetti del fiore, 232 n*. 

Richard, Étienne, 675-6, 677. 

Richardson, Ferdinand (= Ferdinand 
Heybourne), 481, 489, 627. 

Riemann, Hugo, 127 në, 169 пті, ®, 170 nt, 
172 n, 573 nn}, ®, 575 пі, 611 n*, 690 n}, 
828 пі, 

Riemer, Otto, 544 nt. | 

Rimbault, E. F., 471, 472m, 514 n, 
584 n?, 729. 

Rimes frangoises, 32. 

Rimonte (Ruimonte), Pedro, 83, 380, 413. 
Cantiones sacrae, 413. 

Missae sex vocum, 413. 

Parnaso espanol, 83. 

Ringler, William A., 196 n°. 

Rinteleus, Conradus Hagius, 448. 

Rinuccini, Ottavio, 144, 150, 159, 179, 182, 

784, 793 n?, 798-9, 811, 824-5, 826- 
830, 834, 

La  Dafne (libretto), 
Gagliani, Peri, Schütz. 

Maschere di bergiere, 150. 

Rippe, Albert de, 695; see also Morlaye, 

Guillaume. 

Livres de tabelature de luth, 695. 
Riquet, Pedro, 380, 409. 

Risco, Juan del, 380. 

*Rise O my soul', Simmes, 506, 508-9 
(Ex. 218 (88)). 

Rist, Johann, 121, 124. 

Ritornello, 528, 544, 833. 

Ritter, A. G., 617, 657 n!, 662. 

Rivander, Paul, 594, 597. 

Robertsbridge MS. (MSS., London, Brit. 
Mus. Add. 28550), 780. 

Robinson, Thomas, 703, 704, 722 nt. 

The Schoole of Musicke, 722 n!. 
Robledo, Juan Ruiz de, 380, 406. 

Laura de Música Eclesiástica; 406. 
Robledo, Melchior, 380, 411, 412. 
Rocourt, Pierre de, 20. 

Rogers, C., 515 n!. 

Rogers, John, 723 (Ex. 363 (iv)). 

An Essay to the Advancement of 

Musick, 723 n*. 
Rogier, Felipe (= Philippus Rogerius), 
376 nt, 379, 406, 407. 

Missae sex, 376 n*. 

Rognoni (Rogniono), Francesco, 572, 706. 
Riccardo, 572, 706. 

Rokseth, Yvonne, 237 nt. 

Roland-Manuel, 149 n?, 189 n!, 811 oi. 

Rollin, Jean, 20 n*. 

Rollins, Hyder E., 195 ni. 

Romance, romancero (type of Spanish 
song), 128, 130, 131-5, 375, 683, 689. 


see Сассіпі, 


INDEX 


Romanesca, 140, 169, see also ‘Guardame 
Jas vacas’, variations on, Frescobaldi, 
651, 653 (Ex. 314). 

Mayone, 652. 

Romanini, 611. 

Romano, Alessandro, 286. 

Romero, Mateo (* Maestro Capitán"), 379, 

380, 407. 

Roncaglia, Gino, 78 oi, 

Rondeau, 1, 2. 

Ronga, Luigi, 646 n*. 

Ronsard, Pierre de, 21, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 
29, 167, 184, 186, 188, 195, 238, 249, 
252, 804 n!, 806, 813. 

Amours, Les, 27. 
Livre de mellanges, 184 n’. 
Paradis d'Amour, Le (ballet), 806, 810. 

Rontani, Raffaello, 167-8. 

Le Varie musiche, 167 n*. 

Roo, Gerhard van, 309. 

Rore, Cipriano de, 13, 36 n!, 47, 48-50, 
56, 57, 68, 71, 78, 222, 285, 286-92, 
293, 294, 301, 349, 356, 489 n?, 552. 

Madrigali cromatici, 48 n*, 286, 290. 
Motetae a 4, 291. 

Motetae a 5, 286, 287, 291, 292. 
Quarto libro di Madrigali, 49 oi. 
Sacrae Cantiones, 291, 292. 

*Rosasolis' (F.V.B.), 629. 

Rose, Bernard, 516 n*, 518 oni, 3, 

*Rose fleurie, La', Bussy, 26. 

Rosenberg, Herbert, 97 nt. 

Rosenmiüller, Johann, 117. 

Studentenmusik, 117. 

Rospigliosi, Giulio, later Pope Clement 
IX, 838. 

Sant’ Alessio, 838. 

Rosseter, Philip, 201, 207, 210-11, 583, 
703, 819. 

Booke of Ayres, 207. 

Rosseto, 701. 

Rossi, Luigi, 642. 

Rossi, Michel Angelo, 838-42. 

Erminia sul Giordano, 838-42 (Ex. 401, 
402). 
*Sü sù spieghiamo il volo’, 841. 
Rossi, Salomone, 73, 572, 575, 576, 707 n*. 
Madrigali a 5 voci . . . con il Basso con- 
tinuo . . ., 73. 
Sinfonie e gagliarde, 575 (Ex. 252). 
* Rossignol, Le', Lassus, 23. 
*Rossignolet qui chantez', Clemens non 
Papa, 18-19 (Ex. 5). 

Rossignol musical, Le (1597), 32. 

Rosthius, Nicolaus, 109, 113. 

Roth, Christian, 598. 

Rotta, Antonio, 691, 693, 701. 

Rotta (dance-form, sometimes ‘paired’), 

693; conclusion of Trumpet-sonata, 757. 


INDEX 


Rousseau, Jean, 711, 712 n5, 713 n?. 
Traité de la viole, 711 n?, 712 në, 713 n*. 

Rovetta, Giovanni, 464, 536, 542. 

*Rozette pour un peu d'absence', Swee- 
linck, 32. 

Rubens, Peter Paul, 826. : 

Rubert, Johann Martin, 124. 

Rubio, Samuel, 379 n?, 385 п?, 386 n°, 
388 nn? 4, 389 n!, 392 në, 393 n?, 395 п?, 
396 п!, 398 n!, 399 п?, 405 nt, 409 п?, 
411 nn: $. 

Ruckers, Hans I and II, Andreas I and II, 
and Christoph, harpsichord makers, 
735. ' 

Rudolf U, Emperor, 103, 269, 272, 308, 
309, 311, 659. 

Ruffino (= Fra Ruffino Bartolucci d’As- 
sisi), 277. 

Ruffo, Vincenzo, 317, 364, 367. 

Five-part Masses, 364. 
Third Book of Masses, 317 n*. 

* Ruggiero’ anglice ‘Rogero’, 140-1, 195. 
Variations on, Cabezón, 653. 
Frescobaldi, 651 (Ex. 313 (iii). 
Macque, 651. 

Mayone, 652 (Ex. 313 (i)). 
Trabaci, 651. 

Ruhnke, M., 348 n?. 

Ruimonte, Pedro, see Rimonte. 

Ruiz de Lihori, J., 411 o. 

Rupsch (Rupl), Conrad, 421, 425. 

Rüspfeyffe, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Woodwind, Flute Family. 

Rutkowski, B., 305 пі. 

Rychnovsky, Jiti, 309. 

Rye, W. B., 767. 


Saalfeld, Ralf von, 453 m. 

Sabbatini, Niccolo, 842. 

La Pratica di fabricar scene e machine 
ne’ teatri, 842. 

Sabol, Andrew J., 211 n?, 814 n?. 

Sachs, Curt, 733 n!, 740 n?, 741 nt, 

Sachs, Hans, 118 oi. 

Sackbut, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Horn Family. 

Sackville, Thomas, 817, 818. 

Gorboduc, 817, 818. 

Sacra rappresentazione, autos sacramen- 
tales, 457, 460-1, 729-30, 785, 786, 
855-7. 

*Sacred parodies’ of secular texts, 424. 

*Sacris solemnis', variations for vihuela, 
Narvaez, 684. 

*Sacro e santo Imeneo', Corteccio, 788. 

Sagliés, Sister Maria, 384 n*. 

St. Amour, Sister M. P., 135 nn* ё, 

St. Dunstan, 768. 

St. Ignatius Loyola, 399. 


967 


St. Philip Neri, 392, 835. 

St. Ursula sequence, Isaac/Senfl, 254. 

Sainte-Marthe, Charles de, 241. 

La Poésie françoise, 241 n*. 

Salblinger, Sigismund, 415. 
Cantiones 7, 6, 5 vocum, 415. 

Salinas, Francisco de, 130, 392. 
De musica libri septem, 130. 

Salmon, Jacques, 807. 

Saltarello (Italian dance-form, sometimes 
‘paired’ with the Chiarenzana, the 
Passamezzo, the Pavana, or the Gagli- 
arda), 554, 556, 594, 645, 692, 693, 701. 

*Salutatio prima’, Senfl, 259 n*. 

Salvadori, Andrea, 831. 

*Salvator mundi', Tallis, 481. 

‘Salve festa dies’, tr. Cranmer, 498. 

‘Salve O Regina’, Monteverdi, 540-1 
(Ex. 235). 

‘Salve regina’, Alcock, 476. 

Ceballos, 393. 

Wrongly attrib. to Goudimel, 248. 

F. Guerrero, 389 n!, 390. 

M. Navarro, 413. 

on ‘Jay mys mon cœur’, Vaet, 267. 
Organ-settings, Aguilera, 679 (Ex. 339). 
Rovetta, 542 n*. 

*Salvum me fac’ (from ‘Domine con- 
vertere"), Lassus, 347 (Ex. 155). 

Samin, Vulfran, 247. 

Sampayo Ribeiro, Mario de, 414n*, 
415 ont, ®, 417 n!, 418 пз. 

Samson, Joseph, 314 п. 

‘Sana, Domine’, Vasquez, 388 oi. 

Sances, Giovanni Felice, 178. 

Sanchez, Francisco, 389. 


‘Sancta et immaculata virginitas’, 
Morales, 390. 

‘Sancta Maria’, double canon, Appen- 
zeller, 234. 
Knyght, 475. 

Sandberger, Adolf, 21 п? 104 nn’, 


105 oni, *, 106 пі, 333 n? 334 п!, 342 пі, 
832 n*. 

Sandrin, see Regnault, Pierre. 

Sannazaro, Jacopo, 129, 141. 
Arcadia, 129. 

*Sans lever le pied', Clemens non Papa, 
14. 

Santa Maria, Tomás de, 561, 616. 
Arte de tañer fantasia, 616. 

Santacroce, Francesco (‘Patavino’), 277. 

Santos, Julio Eduardo dos, 413 п, 414 п?, 
418 n?. 

Saraband, 584, 594. 

Saracini, Claudio, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 

175, 176, 183, 201, 212, 542. 

Musiche, 183. 
Le Seconde Musiche, 161 n*, 542 n*. 


968 


Saracini, Claudio, (cont.): 
Le Terze Musiche, 542. 
Le Seste Musiche, 162 n!. 
The six books (1614-24), 542 n*. 

Sauval, 805. 

*Save me O God’, Byrd, 503. 

Saxton, T. N., 398 n*. 

Sayve, Lambert de, 108. 

Teutsche Liedlein, 108. 
Scacchi, Marco, 304, 307, 521 n*. 
Cibrum musicum, 521 n°. 
Scaffen, Heinrich, 277. 
Scandello, Antonio, 108, 451. 
Auferstehungshistorie, 451. 
Newe schöne ausserlesene Geistliche 
Deudsche Lieder, 579. 

*Scaramella', Josquin, 2. 

Scarani, Giuseppe, 579. 

Scarlatti, Alessandro, 62, 69, 655. 

*Scendi dal Paradiso', Marenzio, 54, 63. 

Schäffer, Paul, 595, 598. 

Pratum Musicale, 595 (Ex. 269). 

Schafhäutl, Karl, 756 n!. 

Schalmey, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 

Reeded Woodwind, Shawm. 
Scharnagl, August, 533 nt, 
Scheidemann, Heinrich, 636, 664, 671-2. 

Organum, 671. 

Scheidt, Samuel, 455, 459—61, 521, 549, 
592, 593, 596, 598, 636, 666—71, 672, 
673, 687, 773, 780, 800. 

Cantio Belgica, *Wehe windgen wehe’, 

variations on, 671. 

Cantiones Sacrae Octo Vocum, 459. 

Concertus Sacri, 459, 460. 

Górlitzer Tabulaturbuch, see Tabulatur- 

buch 100 geistlicher Lieder. 

Newe geistliche Concerten, 460. 

Psalmus in Die Nativitatis Christi (from 

Tabulatura nova), 667 (Ex. 328). 
Symphonien auff Concert-Manier, 596. 
Tabulatura nova, 666-8, 673, 773, 
780. 

Tabulaturbuch 100 geistlicher Lieder 
(Görlitzer Tabulaturbuch), 670-1. 
Schein, Johann Hermann, 5 n*, 115, 116, 

121-3, 184, 455-9, 521, 549, 593, 594, 
597, 598, 671. 

Banchetto musicale, 593, 594-5 (Ex. 
268). 

Cantional, 456. 

Cymbalum Sionium, 456, 

Diletti pastorali, 122-3. 

Musica boscareccia, 122. 

Opella nova, Erster Teil, 456, 521. 

Zweiter Teil, 457-8. 

Studentenschmauss, 123. 

Venuskränzlein, 121, 123. 

Schering, Arnold, 62n?, 65n', 136 п? 


INDEX 


146 п?, 148 në, 221 ni, 259 п?, 265 n, 
296 n!, 325 n5, 342 n*, 364 nt, 421 mù, 
430 n?, 433 n!, 434 n?, 448 n*, 450 oni, 3, 
452 пі, 456 п>, 462 n', 522, 533 nn? з, 
544 nn*: 5, 570 пі, 572 пі, 590, 608n*, 
618 oni, 3, 692 п?, 700 пі, 799 n!, 830n!, 
836 ni, 
Scheurleer, D. F., 449 n*. 
Schildt, Melchior, 636, 672. 
Schinelli, Achille, 74 n. 
Schlecht, Raymund, 731 n*. 
Schletter, Hans Michel, 270. 
Schlick, Arnolt, 602, 605, 614 n*, 617, 665, 
698, 731. 
Spiegel der Orgelmacher und Organisten, 
731. 
Tabulaturen etlicher Lobgesanck und 
Lidlein, 698. 
Schlossberg, A., 577 n*. 
Schlosser, Julius, 720 n*, 748 nnt: $, 764 nt, 
Schmeltzl, Wolfgang, 99, 101, 117. 
Schmid, Bernhard (the elder), 617. 
Schmid, Bernhard (the younger), 617. 
Schmid, Ernest Fritz, 111 ni. 
Schmidt-Górg, Joseph, 220 пп? * ®, 
227 nt, 228 n?, 235 рз, 292 n, 377 nl. 
Schmitz, Arnold, 292 n*. 
Schmitz, Eugen, 155 n', 160 n!, 172 nt, 
544 nn® *, 799 п, 
Schneider, Max, 397 n', 533 nt, 535 n*, 
545 n5, 553 n?, 574 n*, 793 n!, 824 n*. 
Schóffer, Peter, printer, 98, 99, 434. 
Schofield, Bertram, 489 n°, 
Scholes, Percy A., 333 n!, 466 п!, 
Schönberg, Arnold, 648. 
School Dramas, 797-8, 838. 
Schop, Johann, 596, 598. 
Erster (und ander) Theil neuer Paduanen 


<< 596. 
Schrade, Leo, 127 n, 150 пі, 683 пп? ?, 

823 пэ, 833. 
Schreierpfeif, see Instruments: Wind- 


Instr., Reeded Woodwind, Shawm. 
Schröder, Inge-Marie, 260 п?, 263 n!, 432. 
Schroeter, Leonhart, 545 n?, 

Schultz, Johannes, 118, 119, 597, 598. 

Musicalischer Lüstgarte, 118—19. 
Schulze, Willi, 262 n*, 263 nn* 5, 266 në. 
Schumann, Robert, 635. 

Kinderszenen, 635. 

Schünemann, Georg, 757. 

Schütz, Heinrich, 5n*, 83, 97, 111, 112, 
115, 118-22, 123, 124, 448, 455, 457, 
461-4, 521, 523 nt, 525, 536, 544 nt, 
549, 593, 671, 793 n*, 798, 825. 

Cantiones Sacrae, 111, 463. 

Daphne, 793 n*, 798-9, 825. 

Geistliche Chormusik, 521. 

Kleine Konzerte, 457. 


INDEX 


Madrigali, 119-21 (Ex. 43), 124. 

Psalmen Davide sampt etlichen Moteten 
und Concerten, 462. - 

Symphoniae Sacrae, 464, 520 n*. 

Schuyt, Cornelius, 592. 

Schwartz, Rudolf, 112 nn!®, 

*schwarze Knab, Der’, traditional melody, 
699 (Ex. 35 (iy). 

Arr. as Hoff Dantz, Judenkünig, 699 
(Ex. 354 (i)); Neusiedler, 699-700 
(Ex. 354 (iii). 

‘Scio enim’, Lassus, 342. 

Score, first example of modern, 533. 

Scotto, Girolamo, printer, 228 n*, 275, 
292, 364, 382, 386. 

Motetti del laberinto, Libro secondo, 

228 n*. 
Seager, Francis, 500 n*. 
Certayne Psalmes, 500 n°. 
Sebastian z Felsztyna, 301. 
Seay, Albert, 12 n!, 313 n!. 
‘Sed melius est’ (from  'Ingemuit 
Susanna’), Créquillon, 225-6 (Ex. 84). 
*See, see, the Shepherds' Queen', Tom- 

kins, 93 (Ex. 34 (i)). 

*See see the word incarnate', O. Gibbons, 

512. 

Segni, Giulio, 552. 

Seiffert, Max, 32nn!3, 236n!, 448 пв, 
459 п!, 636 n!, 664 n?, 671 n, 798 n*. 
*Se i languidi miei sguardi', Monteverdi, 

164. 

Seld, Dr., Imperial Vice-Chancellor, 234. 
Selich, Daniel, 597. 
Selle, Thomas, 123-4. 

Amores musicales, 123-4. 

Deliciae Juvenilium, 124. 

Deliciae Pastorum Arcadiae, 123. 

Monophonetica, 124. 

Selnekker, Nikolaus, 451. 

Seneca, L. Annaeus, 786. 

Senfl, Ludwig, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 117, 
126 n*, 253, 254—8, 260, 264, 265, 422, 
428, 430, 431, 435, 436, 553, 556-7; 
see also Isaac, Heinrich. 

Carmen in La, 556-7 (Ex. 242). 

Harmoniae poeticae, (Horatian odes), 
255. 

Liber selectarum cantionum, 255, 259. 

Varia carminum genera, 256 n*. 

Senn, Walter, 307. 
*Se per colpa del vostro altiero sdegno', 

Tromboncino, 142 (Ex. 50). 

*Se pur destina', Monteverdi, 164. 
*Serenissima donna, il cui gran nome’, 
? Caccini, 150 (Ex. 54), 154. 
Serlio, Sebastiano, 821-2. 
Secondo Libro d' Architettura, 821-2. 
Sermisy, Claudin de, 2, 4, 5, 6 n!, 10, 13, 


969 


14, 126 n!, 230, 232, 239, 240, 242-3, 
248, 249, 268, 301, 340-1. 

Serpent, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Cornett. 

Serrano, Luciano, 395 n!. 

Severi, Francesco, 160. 

*Sfogava con le stelle', Monteverdi, 70—71 

(Ex. 26), 179. 
Caccini, 179. 

Shakespeare, William, 197, 818-19. 

‘Shall I come, sweet love, to thee’, Cam- 
pion, 216-17 (Ex. 80). 

Shawm, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind. 

Shepherd, Shepard, . Sheppard, John, 
84 n?, 473-4, 476, 477-8, 479, 480, 499, 
503, 619. 

Shire, Helena M., 502 n*. 

Shirley, James, 813, 816-17; see also 
Ives, Gibbons, Lawes, Locke. 

*shy myze, La’(?‘La chemise', Mulliner), 
624. 

*Si bona suscepimus’, Certon, 243. 
Verdelot, 385. 

Sicher, Fridolin, 617. 

*Si consurrexit', Kerle, 274. 

*Sicut cervus', Palestrina, 331. 

Pastrana, 397 n*. 

*Siderum rector’, Byrd, 481. 

‘Si dessus vos lévres de rose’, Le Jeune, 30. 

Sidney, Sir Philip, 198. 

Siefert, Paul, 596, 672. 

Sigismund Augustus, K. of Poland, 302. 

Sigismund III, K. of Poland, 304, 305, 308. 

‘Signor, mio caro’, Rore, 36 n!. 

‘Si jamais mon äme blessée’, 188. 

*Si j'ay esté vostre amy', Janequin, 12. 

‘Si je me plains’, Appenzeller, 16. 

‘Si, je suis brun", Lassus, 23. 

Sikorski, Kazimierz, 308 n*. 

‘Si loyal amour’, Baston, 20. 

‘Silver swan, The’, Gibbons, 44, 92. 

‘Si me tenes tant de rigueur’, Créquillon, 
14. 

*Simile est regnum caelorum', F. Guer- 
rero, 403. 

Simmes, William, 506, 508-9. 

Simon, Alicja, 598 oi. 

Simonetti, Luigi, 537, 541. 

*Si mon languir', Baston, 20. 

Simpson, Christopher, 713 oi. 

The Division Violist, 713 n*. 

Simpson, Thomas, 590, 594, 597, 598. 
Opusculum neuer Pauanen, 590 nt, 

Sinfonia (instrumental ensemble), 665, 
793, 795, 833. 

“Sing Joyfully’, J. Mundy, 513 oi. 

*Si par souffrir', Baston, 16. 

‘Si par souhait', Lassus, 22. 


970 


*Si pour aimer', Créquillon, 18. 

Sismondi, Jean Charles Léonard Simonde 
de, 821. 

‘Si tantos halcones-la garga combaten’, 
Narvaez, 138-9 (Ex. 49). 

‘Si tu voulais’, Lecocq, 20. 

‘Si vous n'avez ma dame’, Anon., 14. 

Sixtus V, Pope, 315. 

Sixt z Lerchenfelsu, Jan, 311. 

‘Sleep, wayward thoughts’, Dowland, 210. 

Slim, H. Colin, 552 n?, 691 ni 

Smart, Peter, Canon of Durham, 469, 470. 

Smets, Paul, 731 n?. 

Smijers, Albert, 220 n?, 237 n?, 244 пп!. 3, 
244 п, 270nt, 276n?, 281, 288 n°, 
356 nn*: ?, 374 п”. 

Smith, Edward, 512. 

Sni£kova, Jitka, 309 n!. 

Snow, Robert J., 317 n*. 

Society of College Youths, The, 766 п". 

Sohier, Matthieu, 4, 247. 

Solar-Quintes, Nicolas Alvarez, 379 n*. 

Solerti, Angelo, 74 në, 143 пп, *, 144 n!, 
151 n?, 154 nn}: 7, 537 п?, 784 n?, 790 пі, 
792 nn’: ?, 793 n!, 822 n?, 824 n?, 826 n?, 
830 n?, 834 n!, 837 n*. 

Solmization, 684. 

*Solo e pensoso', Marenzio, 65. 

*Solve iubente', Byrd, 488. 

Somma, Bonaventura, 74 n5, 75. 

Sonata, 307, 567, 570-4 (Ex. 250), 576, 
580, 593, 596; see also Canzon francese; 
Trio-sonata. 

Sonata da camera, see Suite. 

Sonata da chiesa, 1, 578, 597. 

*Sonata sopra Sancta Maria', Monte- 
verdi, 528-9. 

Sonetos, settings of, 388, 689. 

Song-motet, 97, 98, 102, 105, 109, 112. 

Song of Songs, 455, 456. 

(Passages from), Palestrina, 331, 332. 

Sonneck, О. G., 770 nt, 824 n?. 

Sonnets, settings of, 169-71. 

Sophocles, Oedipus Rex, 823. 

Soprano ostinato, 621-2, 623. 

Sordone, sourdine, see Instruments: Wind- 
Instr., Reeded Woodwind. 

Soret, N., 252. 

Soriano (Suriano), Francesco, 367, 368, 
369, 532. 

*Sortez regrets', Monte, 25. 

*So, so, leave off', Ferrabosco, 212 (Ex. 
78 (D). 

Soto, Francisco de, 378, 408, 616. 

Soto de Langa, Francisco, 392, 835. 

*Souffrir me convient’, Gombert, 13, 14, 
15 (Ex. 3). 

Sourdeline (Bagpipe), see Instruments: 
Wind-Instr., Reeded Woodwind. 


INDEX 


Sourin d'Avignon, 761. 

Souris, André, 698 n!. 

Souterliedekens, see 
Papa. 

Southerton, N., 499 o. 501 oi. 

*Spagnoletta, La', capriccio on, Fresco- 
baldi, 651. 

Spalatin, Georg Burkard, 420, 424. 

*Spanish Paven, The', Buil (F.V.B.), 687 
(Ex. 344). 

*Speciosa facta est', Hoskins, 476. 

*Speciosus forma', Byrd, 488. 

Speer, Georg Daniel, 756. 

*Spem in alium', Tallis, 482. 

Spenser, Edmund, 480, 586. 

Speratus, Paul, 424. 

Sperindio, Bertoldo, 611. 

Spiegler, Matthias, 593. 

Olor Solymaeus, 593, 

Spiesseno, Godelieve, 694 nt. 

Spinet, spinettino, see Instruments: Key- 
board, Virginals. 

Spink, Ian, 211 n?, 212 n!, 215 nn? ?, 

‘Spirit of God hath replenished, The‘ 
(‘Spiritus Domini replevit"), 499. 

Spitta, Heinrich, 461 п, 

Spitta, Philipp, 119 n!, 121 n?, 461 n!. 

Spohr, Helga, 178 n*. 

Sporer, Thomas, 99. 

Sprezzatura, 157, 158, 822. 

Springer, Hermann, 54 nt. 

Sprungk, see Galliard. 

Spycket, Sylvie, 698 n!. 

Squares, 474. 

Squire, W. Barclay, 25 nt, 41, 54m 
59 n?, 83 n*, 623 ni. 

*Stabat mater', F. Anerio, 331 n*. 
Coyssard, 251. 
Josquin, 251. 
Palestrina, 331. 
Saracini, 542. 

Staden, Johann, 

598. 
Harmoniae Sacrae, 544. 
Harmoniae variatae, 544 n’. 
Kirchenmusik, 544 n’. 

Neue teutsche Lieder, 115. 
Venuskränzlein, 115. 

Staden, Siegmund Theophil, 799-800. 

Stadtpfeiffer, 593. 

Stamperia Medicea, 369, 

Stangl, Kurt, 116. 

Staniczewski, Andrzej, 305. 

Stecker, Karel, 309 nt. 

Stedman, Fabian, 766, 

Tintinnalogia, 766. 

Steele, John, 627 n*. 

Stefani, Giovanni, 165, 175, 176. 
Affetti amorosi, 165, 175. 


Clemens non 


115, 544, 592, 597 


INDEX 971 


Steffens, Johann, 118. 

Neue teutsche weltliche Madrigalien, 118. 

Steigleder, Adam, 657, 659. 

Steigleder, Johann Ulrich, 657, 659-62, 

681. 

Ricercar Tabulatura, 659. 

Tabulatur Buch, 659. 

(‘Vater unser’) Auff Toccata Manier, 
661. 

(‘Vater unser’) Fantasia 
Manier, 661. 

Stein, Nikolaus, publisher, 536. 

Steinhardt, Milton, 234 nn?-*, 267 nn! 3. 4, 

Stephan, Johann, 662, 663. 

Sternfeld, Frederick, 196 n*, 202 n!, 784 n!, 
815 п“, 818 пі, 819 nn! 2. 

Sternhold, Thomas, and I. Hopkins, 501. 
Psalms in English Metre, 465. 

Steuccius, Heinrich, 597. 

Steuerlein, Johann, 109. 

Stevens, Denis W., 84 n*, 93 nl, 126 п, 
195 n!, 197 nt, 502 n', 516 пз, 562 ni, 
619 n!, 622 nê, 625 п?, 708 п!, 813 nt, 
814 пі, 834 nt. 

Stevens, John E., 195 п“, 554 n?, 814 n!, 
818 n*. 

Stevenson, Robert, 232 n!, 374 n!, 375 nt, 
381 n?, 385 n’, 388 n^, 392 п?, 393 n*, 
394 n!, 398 n°, 405 п. 

Stile antico, 521. 

Stile nuovo | recitativo, 462, 542, 785, 815, 
816, 821, 823, 837, 843; see also Basso 
continuo. 

Stimmer, Tobias, 738 oi. 

Stivori, Francesco, 566. 

Stobáus, Johann, 452. 

Stoltzer, Thomas, 99, 260, 261, 264, 

265-6, 430 n*, 431, 436, 553. 
Missale, 266. 

Stonings, Oliver, 476. 

Storte, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind, Krummhorn. 

Strambotto, 1, 565. 

Strasbourg Kirchenordnung, 437. 

Strauss, Nikolaus, publisher, 270. 

Strejc, Jiti, 448. 

Striggio, Alessandro (the elder), 74, 144, 
148, 770-2, 773. 

Striggio, Alessandro (the younger), poet, 
74 n*, 832, 833, 842; Orfeo, see Monte- 
verdi, C. 

Strogers, Nicholas, 496, 497. 

Strozzi, Giovambattista, 788. 

Strozzi, Piero, 149, 154, 546. 

Strunk, Oliver, 69 n?, 141 n*, 152 nb ?, 
153 n?, 154 ппі-?, 155 on}. & 5, 156 n*, 
157 nn, 158 nn}: ?, 161п!, 165п%, 
184 n”, 497 n*, 498 пе, 533 n*, 537 n*, 
574 n?, 822 n*, 823 m, 827 nn? *, 


in Fugen 


Strutius, Thomas, 596. 

Strype, John, 468. 

Stubbes, Simon, 506. 

Students’ songs, 100-1, 117, 123. 

Stump, see Instruments: (Plucked) 
Stringed Instr., Lute Family. 

Sturmys, Hugh, 474. 

Suite, Sonata da camera, 555, 578, 594, 
692-3, 696, 701; see also Dance-pairs, 
Dances (instrumental). 

Sumner, W. L., 472 n!, 729 n5, 732 n*. 

*Superbi colli e voi, sacre ruine', Landi, 
170 nt. 

‘Super flumina Babylonis', Monte, 489. 
Palestrina, 331. 

Victoria, 399 oi. 

‘Surge illuminare’, Palestrina, 326, 327-9 
(Ex. 132). 

‘Surge propera’, Goes, 415. 

Palestrina, 403. 

‘Surrexit Christus’, G. Gabrieli, 523-5 
(Ex. 225). 

*Surrexit Dominus', Maillard, 246. 

*Surrexit Pastor bonus', Riquet, 409. 

Surrey, Henry Howard, Earl of, 195. 
Songes and Sonettes (known as Tottel's 

Miscellany), 195. 

Surzyhiski, Józef, 301 nn*.5, 302 nn* ©, 
305 пт. #, 

‘Susanna. . . .' Coelho (intabulation on 
Lassus' composition), 680. 

Susato, Tielman, 7, 9, 13, 14, 16, 18, 19, 
21 n*, 22 n*, 222, 227 п!, 230, 552, 
553, 555, 565. 

Madrigali, Villanesche, Canzoni francesi 
e Motetti à 4, 22 n*. 

Le premier livre de chansons à quatre 
parties (1564), 21 n?. 

Premier livre des Chansons à quattre 
parties (1543), 565. 

Het ierste|derde musyck boexken, 555 op. 

*Suscipe quaeso', Tallis, 482. 

*Sus, louez Dieu, ses serviteurs’ (Ps. 113 
A.V.) adapted by Calvin from ‘Aus 
tiefer Not', 440. 

‘Sù si, spieghiamo il volo’, see Rossi, 
M. A. Erminia. 

Swainson, Dorothy, 705. 

Sweelinck, Jan Pieterszoon, 31-32, 81, 
235-6, 270, 448-9, 459, 616, 627, 
635-41, 658, 666, 668, 671, 672, 675, 
687. 

Cantiones sacrae, 236. 

Chansons a cinc parties, 32. 

Fantasia No. 13 (8), 637-8 (Ex. 299). 
Keyboard works, 635-41. 
Kompositions-Regeln, 635. 

Rimes frangoises et italiennes, 32. 

Sweertius, 222, 235. 


972 


Sychra, J. C., 310 nt. 

Sylvester, Joshua, 92. 

Symphonia, sinfonia (instrumental intro- 
duction), 307, 571-2, 576. 

Symphony, see Instruments: (Bowed) 
Stringed Instr., Organistrum. 

Syncopation, 50—52, 78. 

Szabolcsi, Bence, 161 n*, 176 n!. 

Szadek, Tomasz, 301, 302. 
Szamotul, Waclaw z, see Waclaw z 
Szamotuł. 

Szczepańska, Maria, 302 n5, 305 nn? ®, 
696 n!, 697 n!. 

Szweykowski, Zygmunt M., 302 n!, 303 n!, 
600 oi. 


Tablature, Lute, 773-83 (Ex. 368-78). 
Flageolet, galoubet, recorder: 779-80. 
Keyboard: 780-3 (Ex. 379-82). 

Tabor, tabrett, see Instruments: Drums. 

Taglia, Pietro, 50, 51. 

Tagliapietra, Gino, 606 n!, 608 n?, 609 n*, 
610nn* $ % 611 пі, 616n*, 642n!, 
648 ni. 

Tailour, Robert, 502. 

Sacred Hymns Consisting of Fifti Select 
Psalms of David, 502. 

Talbot MS., The, c. 1690-1700 (Oxford, 
Christ Church, Music 1187), 739, 
740. 

Tallis, Thomas, 84 n*, 199, 473, 474, 476, 
477, 479, 480-2, 497, 499, 501, 502, 
503, 510 пі, 563, 619, 622-3, 627. 

Cantiones, 480, 481, 482, 484, 493; see 
also Byrd, Liber primus | secundus 
sacrarum cantiorum. 

Tambourine, see Instruments: Percussion. 

Tansillo, Luigi, 170. 

*Tant plus je mets', Maillard, 247. 

"Tant que vivray en áge florissant', 
Sermisy, 6. 

* Tant seulement’, Guyot, 13. 

‘Tantum ergo’, Cardoso, 415 пе; see also 
*Pange lingua'. 

Tarot, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind, Fagott. 

Tartólde, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind. 

Tasso, Torquato, 57, 59, 64, 81, 144, 169, 

181, 786, 789, 812, 834, 837. 

Aminta, 837. 

Gerusalemme Liberata, 169. 
Ballet based upon, 812. 

See also ‘Giunta alla tomba' (Tan- 
credi’s lament); Marenzio, 64; Monte- 
verdi, J] Combattimento di Tancredi 
e Clorinda, 834; Rossi, Erminia, 
838-42. 

Tavera, Juan de, Cardinal, 378. 


INDEX 


Taverner, John, 473, 476, 479, 499, 501, 
562, 563, 621 n!, 622 n*. 

*Teach me O Lord', Byrd, 503. 

‘Te Deum’ (‘Te Domine’), Blitheman 
(Mulliner 77), 622. 

Te Deum, 472 п*, 473. 

Child (Lat.), 497. 

Le Blanc (vernac.), 252. 
Marbecke (vernac.), 499. 
Robledo (Lat.), 411. 

Schroeter (vernac.), 545 n*. 
Sheppard (Lat.), 477-8 (Ex. 209). 
Sixt (Lat.), 311. 

Tallis (vernac.), 503. 

"Tel en mesdit’, Mittantier, 10. 

‘Tellus flumina’ (from Lady-Mass ‘Post 
partum’), Tye, 474. 

*Tempro la cetra’, Monteverdi, 169. 

Tenebrae, Office of, ‘Grands concerts de 
Ténébres’, organized by Mauduit, 252; 
see also Lamentations, Psalms, Peniten- 
tial Psalms, Responds. 

Tenor song (Gesellschaftlied), 96, 97, 98, 
99, 101, 103, 109, 112, 113, 117, 119, 
126, 197, 256. 

Tentar de vihuela, fantasias de tentos, 683 

Terence, 785. 

Terry, R. R., 438 ni, 502 n°. 

Terry, Sanford, 740 n?, 761 n*. 

Terzi, Giovanni Antonio, 692, 

Teschner, С. W., 452 nt. 

Tessier, Charles, 188, 206. 

Premier livre de chansons, 206. 

Tessier, Guillaume, 206. 
Premier livre d'airs, 206. 

Teutsch Kirchenamt (1525), 425, 429. 

Theatre-music, 817-20. 

Theatres: London, Blackfriars, 819-20. 
Sabbioneta (by Scamozzi), 788. 
Vicenza, Teatro Olimpico (by Palladio 

and Scamozzi), 788, 822, 823. 

Theile, Johann, 124. 

Theorbo, Liuto attiorbato, Tiorba, see 
Instruments: (Plucked) Stringed Instr., 
Lute Family. 

Therstappen, H. J., 57 oi, 

Thesaurus musicus Continens selectissimas 
8, 7, 6, 5 et 4 vocum harmonias et ad 
omnis generis instrumenta Musica ac- 
comodatas (1564), 551. . 

Thesselius, Johann, 597. 

Thibault, Geneviéve, 5 n*, 126 n!, 184 n*, 
185 nn? °, 186nn^*, 247n!, 248n*, 
249 пз, 690 nt, 

*This is a happy day', Ward, 512. 

‘This is the record of John’, Gibbons, 513. 

“This sweet and merry month of May’, 


Byrd, 85. 
Thoinan, Ernest, 717 n!, 749 nt. 


INDEX 


Thomas, R. Hinton, 183 n*. 

‘Thou art my King O God’, Tomkins, 
518 n*. 

*Three merry men', catch, 319. 

‘Thule, the period of Cosmography’, 
Weelkes, 89. 

Thürlings, Adolf, 254 n”. 

*Thus wedded to my woes' (from 'In 
darkness let me dwell’), Dowland, 
213-15 (Ex. 79). 

*Thyrsis and Milla’, Morley, 201 n*. 

Thysius, Johann, 592. 

‘Tibi laus, Sancte Trinitas’, 
354, 

‘Tibi soli peccavi’, Pastrana, 397 nt, 

Tiburtino, Giuliano, 552, 603. 

Fantasie et Ricercari a 3, 552. 

Tiby, Ottavio, 374 пе, 

Tiento (— ricercar), 612-16 passim, 660, 
677, 679, 680-1, 682, 687, 697. 

Tiersot, Julien, 188 n?, 367 n*. 

Timbrel, see Instruments: Percussion. 

‘Timor et tremor’, G. Gabrieli, 462. 

Tinctoris, Johannes, 381, 388. 

Tirabassi, Antonio, 838 n?. 

*Tirsi morir volea’, Anon., 270. 

Titelouze, Jean, 635, 672-5. 

Hymnes de l'Eglise, 672-4. 
Le Magnificat . . . sur l'orgue, 674-5. 

Tittmann, J., 800 n!. 

*Tityre tu patulae', Lassus, 234. 

Toccata, 603, 608—11, 636, 638, 643, 644, 
649-61 passim, 668, 671. 

Toccata, No. 21 (15), Sweelinck, 638 (Ex. 
300). 

*Toccata per l'Elevazione', Frescobaldi, 
656. 

*Toccata per organo' and 'Canzona che 
segue la Toccata', Frescobaldi, 656 n!. 

Tochada, 693. 

*Toda la vida vos amé', Milán, 136. 

Tomkins, Thomas, 93-94, 501, 505 n*, 

512, 514, 516-19, 582, 587-8, 627. 
Keyboard works, 627 nt. 
Fantasia in 6 parts, 587-8 (Ex. 263). 
Musica Deo Sacra, 516-19. 
Songs, 93, 505 n*, 516 n*. 

Torchi, Luigi, 61 n, 63 n!, 65 n!, 74 nn?» 7, 
80 oni, 3, 276 n3, 293 nt, 294 n*, 295 n?, 
296 п5, 313 nn} 3, 317 nn^ $, 365 п?, 
367 nt, 368 nn? *, 577 n?, 602 п!, 608 п?, 
610 nt, 611 п?, 641 п, 642 п!, 789 п?, 
826 n?, 834 nn?: *, 840 n*. 

Tordion, 692. 

Torelli, Guasparri, 80-81. 

Fidi amanti, I, 80. 

*Torna il sereno zefiro', India, 178, 182. 

Torner, Eduardo Martinez, 127 n*. 

Torrentes, Andrés, 380. 


Monte, 


973 


Torri, Luigi, 317 n’, 368 nt. 
*Tota pulchra es’, Whyte, 475. 
Tottel, Richard, publisher, 195. 
Tottel's Miscellany, see Surrey, Songes 
and Sonettes. 
Tournebout, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind, Krummhorn. 
‘Tous ceux qui du Seigneur ont crainte’, 
Bataille, 189 n?. 
‘Tous les regretz’, Gombert, 13-14. 
‘Toutes les nuits’, Créquillon, 18. 
Townshend, Aurelian, 795. 
Tempe Restored, 795. 
Trabaci, Giovanni Maria, 48, 572, 641, 
642-4, 655, 667, 708. 
Ancidetemi pur per U’ Arpa, 708. 
Ricercate, canzone francese, capricci . . ., 


etc., 642. 

Il secondo libro de ricercate ed altri varii 
capricci . . ., etc., 642, 644. 

Toccata seconda (from Ricercate, etc.), 
643-4 (Ex. 305). 

Toccata seconda . . . per l'Arpa . . . 
sopra Zefiro, 708. 


Trattenimento, 559. 

‘Tregian’s Ground’, Byrd (F.V.B.) 629 
(Ex. 292 (viii), also called ‘Hugh 
Aston’s Grownde’ (L.N.B.). 

Treibenreif, Peter, see Tritonius. 

Trend, J. B., 128n!, 129, 131 nn® 5, 
136 nnb 8, 381 n’, 410 n*, 683 п, 
802 n*. 

Triangle, see Instruments: Percussion. 

*Tribue Domine', Byrd, 484. f 

Tricinium, 99, 453, 533, 547, 559, 640. 

Tricou, G., 241 n*. 

Trio-sonata, Sonata a tre, 575-6, 586. 

Tripla, see Proportia tripla and Galliard. 

Trissino, Giovanni Giorgio, 786 n!, 787 n?. 
Sofonisba, 786 oi. 

*Tristezas me matan’, 383. 

Gombert, 383 n!. 

‘Tristis es’, Boni, 249. 

Tritonius, Petrus (= Peter Treibenreif), 
256 n*. 

*Trium regum', Catcott, 474. 

Trivisano, Marco, 286 n!. 

Troilo, Antonio, 575. 

Trojano, Massimo, 57. 

Discorsi, 57. 

‘Troll the bowl’, catch, 819. 

Tromboncino, Bartolomeo, 34, 37, 125, 
140, 141-2 (Ex. 50). 

Tromboncino, Hippolito, 148. 
Trombone, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Horn Family. 

Truchado, 769. 

Truchsess, Otto, 
Augsburg, 272. 


Cardinal-Bishop of 


974 


Trumpet, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Horn Family. 

Trumpff, G. A., 382 n!. 

Trumscheit, see Instruments: (Bowed) 
Stringed Instr., Marine trumpet. 

‘Tu as tout seul, Jan, Jan’, Sweelinck, 
32, 

*Tu es pastor ovium', Palestrina, 315; see 
also Mass-settings. 

*Tu, morendo, innocente', Marenzio 
(from ‘Filli, l'acerbo caso"), 66-67 
(Ex. 22). 

Tunder, Franz, 547. 

Tunstall, Cuthbert, Bp. of London, 465. 

‘Tu parti, tu parti, ahi lasso!’, Saracini, 
161, 162-3 (Ex. 58). 

Turini, Gregorio, 108, 575. 

Turm-musik, 593, 762. 

Turnovsky, Jan Trojan, 309, 311. 

‘Turn thou us’, 500. 

Turpyn’s Book of Lute-Songs, MSS., 
Cambridge, King's College, Rowe 2, 
216 n, 

‘Tu se morta . . . Adio terra’, see Monte- 
verdi, Orfeo. 

Tusler, Robert S., 640 n?. 

Tuttle, Stephen D., 
629 пп?-5, 632. 

Tyard, Pontus де, 184. 

Туе, Christopher, 473, 474, 479, 480, 497, 

499, 500, 501, 503, 552, 562, 563, 
03. 
Actes of the Apostles, 500. 


627n!, 628 n, 


Uccellini, Marco, 579. 

‘Udite, udite, amanti', Caccini, 166 (Ex. 
60). 

Ulenberg, Kaspar, 448. 

Ulhard, publisher, 227. 

‘Ultimi miei sospiri’, Verdelot, 356. 

‘Una donna fra l'altre', Monteverdi, 
528 nt. 

*Una es', Monteverdi, 538 n!. 

* Unam petii', Byrd, 486. 

‘Unde nostris eya’ (from Lady-Mass 
‘Post partum’), Tye, 474. 

‘Unter all’n auf dieser Erden’, Hassler, 
113-14 (Ex. 40). 

*Unus panis', Créquillon, 225. 

*Up Tails all’ (F.V.B.), 629. 

Urbano, Fra (organ-builder), 275. 

Urrede, Juan, 679. 

Ursprung, Otto, 183 n!, 250 п?, 256 n5, 
258, 272 п?, 273. 

Usper, Francesco Spongia, 572, 579. 

*Ut queant', chorale-variations on, Tite- 
louze, 673. 

Utrecht, Heinrich, 592, 598. 

Uttinger, Hieronymus, 286. 


INDEX 


Vadian, 433. 

Vaet, Jacob, 230, 234, 267, 268, 269, 270. 

*Vaghi rai di ciglia ardenti', Rontani, 
167-8 (Ex. 62), 177, 183. 

‘Vago e bello Armillo, Il’, Marenzio, 63- 
64 (Ex. 18). 

Valanzuela (Valenzola), Pedro, 83. 

Valderrábano, Enrique Enriquez de, 127, 

128, 129, 131, 135, 398, 683n, 
685-6, 687-9. 
Silva de Sirenas, 127, 128, 129, 398, 685 
(Ex. 342), 686 (Ex. 343), 687-9. 
Valente, Antonio, 641. 
Intavolatura de cimbalo, 641. 
Valentini, Giovanni, 181, 182, 579 (Ex. 
256). 
Musiche a doi voci, 181. 

Valentini, Giuseppe, 579 n!, 580 (Ex. 
257). 

Vallet, Nicolas (— Valletus), 592. 

*Valli profonde', Gagliano, 170-1 (Ex. 
63). 

Van den Borren, Charles, 1-32, 219, 
288 n?, 312 n!, 333 n*, 335 n!, 342 п!, 
351 n!, 623, 626 рі, 628 n*, 635, 
640 n*. 

Van den Hove, Pierre (— Alamire), 592. 

Van den Sigtenhorst Meyer, B., 32 nl, 
448 пе, 449, 640 n*. 

Van der Straeten, Edmond, 377 ot. 
379 n*. 

Variations, see Divisions on a ground. 

Vasari, Giorgio, 276. 

Vasconcellos, Joaquim de, 414 n’. 

Vásquez, Juan, 376 n$, 388. 

‘Vater unser im Himmelreich’, paraphr. 

of the Paternoster, Luther, 423. 

Anon., 662. 

A. von Bruck, 443. 

Praetorius, 547-9 (Ex. 239). 

Rhaw, 435. 

Scheidemann, 672 (Ex. 332). 

Schóffer, 434. 

J. U. Steigleder, 659, 661-2 (Ex. 321-3), 
681. 

‘Vater unser’, variations on, Sweelinck, 
640-1 (Ex. 303 (1)); Scheidemann, 671. 

‘Vater unser, wir bitten dich’, verse- 
paraphr. of the Paternoster, Pollio, 
427 (Ex. 197). 

Vatielli, Francesco, 67 n!, 80 nn}: 3, 154 п", 
836 nl, 

‘Vattene, almo riposo’, Corteccia, 148. 

‘Vattene pur crudel’, Monteverdi, 70 
(Ex. 25). 

Vaudeville (Voix de ville), see Airs de cour. 

Vecchi, Orazio, 75-80, 116, 365-6, 369. 
L'Amfiparnaso, 75—80. 

Hymni per totum annum, 365. 


INDEX 


Masses, 365. 
Motets, 365. 
Selva di varia ricreazione, 76, 81. 
Veglie di Siena, Le, 81. 

‘Vedrò 7 mio sol’, Caccini, 156 (Ex. 55), 
158. 

Vega, Garcilaso de la, 128. 

Velasco, Sebastián López de, 376 nf, 
380, 406, 407 n!. 

Libro de Misas, 376 n*, 406. 

Velten, R., 103 n*. 

Veneri, Gregorio, 168. 

*Veni creator spiritus' (vernacular tr.), 
Le Long, 252. 

chorale-variations on, Titelouze, 673, 
674 (Ex. 334 (1)). 

* Veni, Domine, et noli tardare', Morales, 
386. 

* Veni in hortum meum', Layolle, 241. 

* Veni redemptor gentium', Escobar, 373 
(Ex. 175). 

* Veni Sancte Spiritus' (vernac.), Le Long, 
252 

* Venite populi terrae’, Courtois, 235. 

Vento, Ivo de, 106, 109. 
Teutscher Lieder, 106. 

‘Venus du und dein Kind’, Regnart, 
107-8 (Ex. 38). 

* Verbum iniquum et dolosum', Créquil- 
lon, 227 (Ex. 85). 

Verchaly, André, 188 n?, 189 nn^* 5, 
191 ont: è *, 192 n?, 251 n$, 811 ni. 

Vercore, see Werrecoren. 

Verdalet, Juan, 380, 410. 

Verdelot, Philippe, 7, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 
45, 51, 69, 83, 143, 242, 276, 286, 292, 
313, 356, 385, 390, 436. 

Primo libro de Madrigali, 42 n*. 
*Verdure le bois', Anon., 140. 
‘Vere languores nostros ipse tulit', 
Victoria, 400-1 (Ex. 181). 

‘Vergili, Lavinio’, 54 nl, 65 пі, 

‘Vergine pura che de’ raggi ardenti’, 
Monte, 58-59 (Ex. 16). 

Vermont, Pierre (the elder), 244. 

Vermont, Pierre (the younger), 244. 

Versets, see Chorale (variations). 

Vers mesurés, 29, 446, 447. 

Vesper hymns and psalms, Kerle, 272. 

Willaert, 280. 
For Magnificat and Vesper antiphons, 
see Titles in General Index. 

Vespers, Office of, Harzer, 263. 

Vesperae dominicales, F. Guerrero, 389, 
Mielczewski, 308 n*. 
See also Composers (works) in General 
Index. 
* Vestiva i colli', Palestrina, 36 n!, 80, 367 
368 n*. 


975 


Vetter, Walther, 114 nt, 115 n*, 117 ong, < 

123 m, 183 n°. 

Veyrier, Jacques, 698. 

Viadana, Ludovico Grossi da, 307, 456, 
498, 526, 533-6, 537, 542, 545, 546, 
541, 566, 572, 513, 574, 681. 

Cento Concerti Ecclesiastici . . . con il 
basso continuo per sonar nell'organo, 
533, 534, 535-6, 573, 574, 681. 

Salmi a 4 chori per cantare e concertare 
e. e 526. 

‘Vias tuas Domine’ 

Rychnovský, 309 n!. 

Vicentino, Nicola, 28, 286, 287, 552, 565. 

L’Antica musica ridotta alla moderna, 
1555, 28. 

Madrigali a 5 voci, 552, 565. 

* Victimae paschali: Agnus redemit oves’, 

Galliculus, 263-4 (Ex. 97). 

* Victimae paschali’, Las Infantas, 395 n*. 

Victoria, Tomás Luis de, 301, 305, 312, 
363, 375, 376, 379, 380, 381, 385, 
393, 396, 398-405, 411. 

Missae, Magnificat, 376 nt. 

Officium Defunctorum, 376 n*, 399, 402. 

Officiam Hebdomadae Sanctae, 399, 
401-2. 

* Vide Domine', Byrd, 485. 

‘Vidi Aquam', Anon. English composer, 
477. 

Lóbo, 415 n*. 

Vidue, Hettore, 50. 

Vielle à roue, see Instruments: (Bowed) 

Stringed Instr., Organistrum. 

Vierdanck, Johann, 596-7, 598. 

Sonata à 5 on *Als ich einmal Lust 
bekam', 597. 

Sonata for cornet, trombones and basso 
continuo, 596-7 (Ex. 270). 

* Vigilate', Byrd, 486. 

Vihuela de arco, see Instruments: (Bowed) 

Stringed Instr., Viol Family. 

Vihuela de mano, see Instruments: 

(Plucked) Stringed Instr., Lute Family. 

Vila, Pedro Alberch, 83, 376, 380, 408, 
410, 616. 

Madrigales, 83, 376 n*. 

Vilallonga, Pablo, 409. 

Villada, Pedro de, 392. 

* Villageoise de Gascogne', Le Jeune, 30. 

Villalar, Andrés de, 380. 

Villalba Muñoz, Luis de, 677 n?, 678 nt. 

Villancico, 82, 128, 135-40, 388, 409, 410, 

411, 683, 689, 801 (Ex. 385), 802. 

Villancicos de diversos autores (1556),383 nt. 

Villanella, canzone villanesca, 4, 12, 14, 

29, 52-56, 57, 62, 75, 81, 98, 104, 105, 

106, 107, 109, 112, 118, 122, 123, 143, 

183, 191, 565, 689, 696. 


(Office upon), 


976 


Villemadon, de, 251. 

Villiers, Pierre de, 10, 241. 

Villoslada, R. G., 399 nt. 

Villotta, 2, 143, 553. 

Vincenti, Giacomo, publisher, 175, 389. 

Vinci, Pietro, 552. 

Ricercari, 552. 

Vintzius, Georg, 598. 

Viola, Violetta, Violino, see Instruments: 
(Bowed) Stringed Instr., Violin Family. 

Viola bastarda, see Instruments: (Bowed) 
Stringed Instr., Viol Family. 

Viola, Francesco, 285, 286. 

Violin, see Instruments: (Bowed) Stringed 
Instr., Violin Family. 

Violone (modern Double-bass), see Instru- 
ments: (Bowed) Stringed Instr., Viol 
Family. 

Virdung, Sebastian, 721, 734 n?, 735 n*, 

737, 750, 751 n*, 753, 754, 756, 
760 në, 765, 766, 767 n*, 768, 769, 
713-4, 715, 780-1. 

Musica getutscht, 721, 734 n*, 735 n°, 
737, 750, 751 n*, 753, 754, 756, 760 n5, 
765 nn}: 8, 766 n!:*, 767 n?, 768 nn? ?, 
769, 773-4, 775, 780-1. 

Virelai, 1, 2. 

Virgili, Lavinio, 315 n, 406. 

* Virgo Dei genetrix', du Caurroy, 253. 

‘Virgo et mater’, Anchieta, 373 n*. 

*Virgo Maria hodie ad coelum assumpta 
est’, Wert, 369-70 (Ex. 173). 

*Virgo prudentissima', Morley, 496. 

*Vi ricord', o boschi ombrosi', Monte- 
verdi (from Orfeo), 167. 

* Viri Galilaei’, Palestrina, 331. 

‘Vi ringrazio, signore’, Vecchi (from 
L'Amfiparnaso), 79 (Ex. 29). 

* Vita fugge, La', Mudarra, 130. 

Vitali, Filippo, 181 n*. 

*Vitam quae faciunt beatiorum', Vaet, 
234. 

Vitruvius, Pollio, 821. 

Vivaldi, Antonio, 796. 

Vivanco, Sebastián de, 376 n*, 380, 406, 

407 oi. 

Magnificat, 376 oi. 

Motetes, 376 її, 

Vivarino, 708. 

*Vivo ego’, Lobo, 396 nt. 

* Vivray-je tousjours en soucy ?', Sermisy, 
6n!, 

Vogel, Emil, 830 n?, 832 o, 834 п, 

* Voici du gay printems', Le Jeune, 30. 

* Voicy le verd et beau may', Mauduit, 31. 

Vólckel, 183 n$, 597. 

Volkmann, Hans. 

Volta, 556, 594, 696, 702. 

*Volte', Francisque, 697 (Ex. 352 (i)). 


INDEX 


*Voluntary', Farrant (Mulliner 20), 624. 

‘Vom Himmel hoch’, Praetorius, 549. 

‘Vom Himmel kam der Engel Schar’, 
Luther, 424. 

Vos, Laurent de, 235. 

Vos, Martin de, 235. 

*Vostre humeur est par trop volage’, 
Anon., 193 (Ex. 71). 

*Vostre tarin je voudrois estre’, Mauduit, 
31. 

‘Vous me tuez si doucement’, Mauduit, 
31. 

* Vous ne l'aurez', Josquin, 288, 291. 

*Vous perdez temps', Sermisy, 10, 268. 

*Vox in Rama', Clemens non Papa, 229. 

‘Voyant souffrir celle’, Manchicourt, 18. 

* Voyez le tort', Sandrin, 10. 

Vredeman, Jacob, 592. 

* Vulnerasti cor meum', Gombert, 384. 

‘Vultum tuum’, Josquin, 281. 


‘Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme”, 
Nicolai, 451. 

Waclaw z Szamotul (Szamotulczyk, Sza- 
motulski), 302-4. 

Waelrant, Hubert, 25, 83, 234, 286. 

Wagner, Peter, 239, 243, 246 n‘, 247 n‘, 
249 n!, 256 në, 264 n*, 268 në, 270, 273, 
274, 288n*, 295n*, 314n*, 335n!, 
336 п, 361 n', 402 п?, 403, 405, 522 п?, 
533 ont, 5, 

Wagner, Richard, 314, 796. 

Waissel (Waisselius), Mattheus, 693, 698, 

701. 
Tabulatura, 701. 

Wait, see Instruments:  Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind, Shawm. 

Waldhorn, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Reeded Woodwind. 

Walker, D. P., 152 nn? *, 192 n*, 193 nn? *, 
786 п?, 787 nt, 789 n!, 793 ni. 

‘Walsingham’ (F.V.B.), also ‘As you came 
from Walsingham / How should 
I your true love know?’, 629, 703, 
819 n*, 

Walther, Johann, 419, 420-1, 425, 426, 

428-9, 435, 436, 450. 
Das Christlich Kinderlied, 436. 
Geystliche Gesangk Buchleyn, 420-2, 
429. 

*Wanley' Part-books (MSS., London, 
Brit. Mus. Roy. App. 74-76 and MSS., 
Oxford, Bodl. Mus. Sch. e. 420-2), 
498 n”, 499. 

Ward, John, 126 nt, 127 n!, 129 n*, 135 n°, 

196 n, 
Fantasia for 4 viols, 586 (Ex. 262 (i)). 

Ward, John (1571-? 1638), 92, 201, 501, 
506-8, 512, 582, 586 (Ex. 262). 


INDEX 


Warlock, Peter (i.e. Philip Heseltine), 
84 п?, 189 nt, 190 nt, 191 n*, 193 nn? *, 
196 ng, 200 п?,. 201 пі, 203 пі, 215, 
216 ni, 702 n*, 

Wasielewski, J. W. von, 691 oi, 701 n?. 

“Was mein Gott will, das gscheh alzeit’, 
see ‘Il’ me suffit’, 5 n?. 

Watelet, Joseph, 641 пп. 4, 

Watkins, Glenn, 67 ni. 

Watson, Thomas, 85, 86. 

Italian Madrigalls Englished, 85. 

Wauters, E., 13 n*. 

Weaver, Robert L., 793 n?, 794. 

Weck, Hans, 699 n?. 

Weckerlin, Jean Baptiste, 807 лі, 

Weckmann, Matthias, 664. 

Weelkes, Thomas, 87—89, 90, 91, 94, 201, 

496, 513, 514, 627, 703. 

Ayeres for 3 voices, 90. 

Balletts and madrigals to 5 voyces, 
88. 

Madrigals to 3, 4, 5 and 6 voyces, 86. 

Madrigals of 5 and 6 parts apt for the 
viols and voices, 94. 

‘Wehe Windgen wehe’, see Scheidt, 
Cantio Belgica . . . variations on. 

Weinmann, Karl, 317 n*. 

Weisman, Wilhelm, 67 n!. 

Weissensee, Friedrich, 310. 

Opus melicum, 310. 

*Welcome, black night', Dowland, 213. 

Welsford, Enid, 795 nt. 

*Welt, Geld dir wird einmal', 101 (Ex. 
36). 

“Wenn wir in höchsten Nöten sein’, 
Scheidt, 461. 

Werner, Arno, 459 ni. 

Werner, T. W., 262 nt. 

Werra, Ernst von, 672 n?. 

Werrecoren, Matthias Hermann, 7, 559. 

Wert, Giaches de, 59-60, 69, 70, 71, 144, 

293, 356, 369-70, 523 n!, 525. 
Madrigali a cinque voci, 60 пі. 
Madrigali a quattro voci, 59 n*. 

Wessely, Othmar, 266 n*. 

Westrup, J. A., 833 n?, 834 n*. 

*What is our Life?', Gibbons, 92. 

‘What then is love but mourning?’, 
Rosseter, 210-11 (Ex. 77). 

*When David heard', Tomkins, 516. 

‘When griping griefs’, Edwards, 84 n, 
195. 

“When shall my sorrowful sighing slake’, 
Tallis, 84 n*. 

‘While Phoebus used to dwell’, Byrd, 
199 (Ex. 73). 

Whitelocke, Bulstrode, 816 ni. 

Whitgift, John, Archbp. of Canterbury, 
468. 


977 


Whytbrook, William, 474. 

Whyte, Robert, 475, 476, 477, 478-9, 480, 
481, 486, 503, 563. 

Whythorne, Thomas, 84, 200, 551, 584. 
Duos or songs for two voyces, 551. 
Songes to three, fower and five voyces, 

84, 200. 

Widmann, Erasmus, 117, 593, 597, 598. 
Studentenmut, 117. 

Widmann, Wilhelm, 314 п. 

“Wie schön leuchtet der Morgenstern’, 
Nicolai, 451. 

Praetorius, 549. 

Wigthorpe, William, 200. 


Wilbye, John, 89-91, 94, 201, 496, 
505 n5, 703. 
English Madrigals (first set), 89; 


(second set), 89, 94. 

Wilder, Philip van, 478, 703 n*. 

Wilhelm, D., 57. 

Willaert, Adrian, 13, 14, 40, 45-48, 55, 71, 
143, 218, 222, 242, 244, 268, 276-86, 
287, 291, 292, 293, 294, 301, 356, 523, 
545 n?, 552, 558 n*, 577, 603, 688, 
797. 

Fantasie Recercari Contrapunti а tre 
voci . .., 558 n? (Ex. 243), 603. 

Madrigali a quattro voci, 46 n!, 

Musica Nova, 283, 284, 285. 

Salmi Apertinenti Alli Vesperi, 276—80. 

Willaert, Caterina, 797. 

William of Wykeham, 768. 

Williams, C. F. Abdy, 729 n*. 

‘Willow Song, The’, Anon. (MSS, 
London, B.M. Roy. App. 58), 702; see 
also ‘Poor soul sat sighing, The’. 

“Willow songs’, 196. 

Wilson, John, 574 n*. 

Wilson, Philip, 201 n!, 735 n*. 

Wilson, Thomas, 497. 

‘Wilt thou, unkind, thus reave me’, Dow- 
land, 207. 

Winter, Carl, 368 n*. 

Winterfeld, Carl von, 275 n”, 296 nn’: * 7, 
297 n!, 299 n*, 423 пі, 448 пі, 452 п, 
523, 533 n*. 

Wiora, Walter, 115 ni, 449 n*. 

“Wir glauben all’, M. Praetorius, 546 n*. 
chorale motet, 665. 

Withers, George, 502. 

Hymnes and Songs of the Church, 502. 

‘Wohl auf’, Forster, 102. 

Wolf, Johannes, 61 02, 125n*, 126m, 
129 n!, 131 n5, 255 nt, 260 n*, 377 п“, 
426, 430 n*, 690 п? 779 nt, 781 n!. 

Wolsey, Thomas, Cardinal, 465. 

Woltz, Johann, 657, 659 ni. 

Nova musices organicae tabulatura, 651, 
659 ni. 


978 


Woodfill, Walter L., 202 n?. 

“Woods so wilde, The’ (F.V.B.), 629, 630 
(Ex. 293). 

Wooldridge, Н. E., 197 n*, 510 n?. 

Wordsworth, C., 474 n*. 

Wotquenne, Alfred, 13 n?, 824 n*. 

Wren, Matthew, Master of Peterhouse, 
469, 497. 

Wright, Thomas, 476. 

Wulstan, David, 512 n’. 

Wyatt, Sir Thomas, 195. 


Xylophone, see Instruments: Mechanical. 


Yates, Frances, 805 oi. 811 ni. 

“Ye sacred muses', Byrd, 199. 

*Ye that do live in pleasures', Wilbye, 
89 n*. 

* Yet whilst I hear the knolling', Weelkes 
(from ‘Come sorrows now") 87-88 
(Ex. 32). 

Yonge, Nicholas, 56, 86. 

Musica Transalpina, 56, 84, 85. 
Musica Transalpina, the second Booke, 
86. 


Zacconi, Lodovico, 718 n*, 745, 746, 749, 
753. 
Prattica di Musica, 718 n*, 
746 n*, 753 n*. 
Zamorensis, Johannes Aegidius, 388. 


745 nf, 


INDEX 


Zangius, Nicolaus, 118. 
Ander Theil Deutscher Lieder, 118 n’. 
Geistliche und weltliche Lieder mit fünf 
Stimmen, 118 o. 
Geistliche und weltliche Liedlein, 118. 
Zarlino, Gioseffo, 34, 140, 153, 277, 286, 
287, 292, 293-4, 389, 635, 749. 
Le Istitutione harmoniche, 34 n!, 140 n*, 
153 ni, 277 n?, 293, 635. 
* Zefiro torna, e di soavi accenti', Monte- 
verdi, 182. . 
‘Zefiro torna e '| bel tempo rimena’ 
Monteverdi, 182. 
Zelle, Friedrich, 113 n!, 450 n!. 
Zenck, Hermann, 118 n°, 261 nn?-*, 276 n°, 
277 n!, 281 nt, 283, 558 n?. 
*Zeuner Tantz, Der’, Neusiedler, 700. 
Zielefiski, Mikołaj, 305-7. 
Communiones totius anni, 305-6. 
Offertoria totius anni, 305. 
Zimmerman, Franklin B., 86 п, 200 nt. 


Zinck, see Instruments: Wind-Instr., 
Cornett. 

Zirler, Stephan, 99. 

Zirnbauer, Heinz, 701 o. 

Zither, see Instruments: (Plucked) 
Stringed Instr. 

Zoilo, Annibale, 250, 369, 394. 

Zucchetto, ‘Mistro’, organist of St. 
Mark’s, 275. 


Zwingli, Huldreich, 261, 438. 


PARTER pate p 
Omg, 62404 | 


THE NEW OXFORD HISTORY OFM 257: EO 
| Е: Abraham, Gerald : 


I Ancient and Oriental Music 
EDITED BY EGON WELLESZ 


П Early Medieval Music up to 1300 
EDITED BY DOM ANSELM HUGHES 


III Ars Nova and the Renaissance (1300-1540) 
EDITED BY DOM ANSELM HUGHES AND GERALD ABRAHAM 


IV The Age of Humanism (1540-1630) 
EDITED BY GERALD ABRAHAM 


V Opera and Church Music (1630-1750) 
EDITED BY ANTHONY LEWIS AND NIGEL FORTUNE 


VI The Growth of Instrumental Music (1630-1750) 
EDITED BY GERALD ABRAHAM In preparation 


VII The Age of Enlightenment (1745-1790) 
EDITED BY EGON WELLESZ AND F. W. STERNFELD 


VIII The Age of Beethoven (1790-1830) 
EDITED BY GERALD ABRAHAM Jn preparation 


IX Romanticism (1830-1890) 
EDITED BY GERALD ABRAHAM  /n preparation 


X The Modern Age (1890-1960) 
EDITED BY MARTIN COOPER 


THE CONCISE OXFORD HISTORY OF MUSIC 


GERALD ABRAHAM 


THE OXFORD ANTHOLOGY OF MUSIC 


Medieval Music 
EDITED BY W. THOMAS MARROCCO AND NICHOLAS SANDON 


ISBN 0 19 316304 7