The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” of Liangshu and Illustration of Envoys Presenting Tribute at the Liang Court, and a Discussion of the Extant Fragment of Illustration of Envoys Presenting Tribute at the Liang Court and Pei Ziye’s Portraits of Envoys from Remote States Yu Taishan (Institute of History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) This chapter aims at illustrating the relationship between the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” 西北諸 戎傳 (Memoir on the North-western Barbarians) of Liangshu 梁書 (ch. 54) and Zhigongtu 職貢圖 (Illustration of Envoys Presenting Tribute), also sometimes later called Liang Zhigongtu, which, according to legend, was painted by Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty, and examining the possibility that the original basis of the portraits and inscriptions in the fragment of the so-called Liang Zhigongtu 梁職貢圖 (Illustration of Envoys Presenting Tribute at the Liang Court) in the Palace Museum in Nanjing (Figs. 1-3) was Pei Ziye’s Fanggushitu 方國使圖 (Portraits of Envoys from Remote States). Fig. 1 Extant Fragment of Illustration of Envoys Presenting Tribute at the Liang Court — 68 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” I Xiao Yi 蕭繹, Emperor Yuan 元 of the Liang Dynasty, created Zhigongtu. “Zhushu 著書 10” of his Jinlouzi[1] (ch. 5), mentions “Gongzhitu 貢職圖 in one volume, which is in a slipcase”. Both the “Yuandi Ji” of Liangshu (ch. 5) and the “Liang Yuandi Ji” 梁元帝紀 of Nanshi 南史 (ch. 8) attributed Gongzhitu 貢職圖 in one fascicle to Emperor Yuan. In “Zawen Bu 1” 雜文部 of Yiwen Leiju[2] (ch. 55), the “Preface to Zhigongtu” by Emperor Yuan is recorded: Fig. 2 First part of Extant Fragment of Illustration of Envoys Presenting Tribute at the Liang Court Fig. 3 Middle part of Extant Fragment of Illustration of Envoys Presenting Tribute at the Liang Court — 69 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) I have heard that in antiquity Zhifang Shi 職方氏 was in charge of the illustration of the world’s various barbarians tribes - the Four Yi 夷, Eight Man 蠻, Seven Min 閩, and Nine Mo 貉 all included among them, and these all went back a long time. After the Han Dynasty was founded, the Southern Qiang 羌 revolted and the Western Regions became unruly, so the Han court set up Jincheng Prefecture, opened up the Yu[men] 玉門 Barrier, destroyed the state of Yelang 夜郎, and sent forces to suppress King Rizhu 日逐. Having beheld rhinoceros horn and striped shells, they [i.e., the Han] founded Zhuya 朱崖 Prefecture, learning of the grape, and initiated communications with Dayuan 大宛. This was different from embracing distant peoples by means of virtue. By the fortieth year after the present Emperor ascended the Throne, [he] has governed in conformity to nature, and the people have relied on him, so enjoying peace and happiness; the various states turned and pledged allegiance, [their envoys] traversing mountains and lakes and traveling great distances, gesturing their obeisance or going down upon their knees, having chosen through multiple interpreters an auspicious day on which to arrive in the Central Plains. Going west from [Han’s] frontier fortresses, to a distance of 18,000 li, the paths narrow to a width of no more than one chi and six cun. The mountain ridges reach into to the sky, and the gorges are bottomless. In winter or summer, the snow gleams white. Whether earlier or later, the ice does not melt. Passing Kongsang 空桑, traversing Kunwu 昆吾, crossing Qingqiu 青丘, or striding across Danxue 丹穴, the fierce wind and Weak Water could not shake their resolve; the slopes of Fevers of the Body and the Hills of Headaches could not change their aspirations. So rare commodities such as luminous pearls and kingfisher feathers were disdained and not exploited; dragon-striped and blood-sweating horses were disregarded and not ridden. Confucius, as a sage, had the knowledge to make portraits; the Emperor of the Jin 晉 Dynasty went to Lexian 樂賢 Hall, hearing it contained Buddhist’s portrait. The likeness of the Yanzhi (the Chanyu’s consort) was painted in Ganquan 甘泉 Palace and the Chanyu’s 單于 portrait was enjoyed in the imperial harem. I was a middling talent, but was entrusted with an important post guarding the upper Yangtze River. The constant singing of barbarians can be heard in this place and barbarians from distant places gather here, submitting sincerely and genuflecting. When they came to Jingmen along the river I observed their appearances and ask about their customs. If someone went to the capital to pay tribute and did not set foot in Hannan, I would interview them separately and observe them to broaden knowledge. Eventually I executed this painting, known as Gongzhitu 貢 職圖. — 70 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” The “Qiaoyi Bu” 巧藝部 of Yiwen Leiju 藝文類聚 (ch. 74) also records the “Appreciation of Zhigongtu” 職貢圖 of Emperor Yuan 元 of the Liang Dynasty: Extending as far north as Xuantu 玄兔 and as far south as Zhuyuan 朱鳶; to Jiaohe [along roads] so distant and to Hepu, so tortuous; across the open sea so boundless and to the Yinshan Mountains connecting with the sky. So far is the journey to Niaoxue 鳥穴, and so endless the march to Jitian 雞田. This Appreciation also reveals that Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu, which was also titled Gongzhitu, had subject matter acquired during the time when Xiao Yi guarded the governorship of Jingzhou Province. According to the “Yuandi Ji” 元帝紀 of Liangshu (ch. 5), Xiao Yi 蕭繹 was Governor of Jingzhou 荊州 Province on two occasions. The first was from the seventh year [526] of the Putong 普通 reign-period to the fifth year [539] of the Datong 大同 reign-period; the second was from the first year [547] of the Taiqing reign-period to the first year [552] of the Chengsheng 承聖 reign-period. In the interval between these two appointments, “he entered the court and was appointed General Pacifying the Right, General of the Military Protector, and Concurrent Frontier Military Operations for Shitou 石頭 in the fifth year [of the Datong reign-period]. In the sixth year [of the Datong reign-period], he left the court and was appointed Commander-in-chief of Military Operations for Jiangzhou Province Commissioned with Extraordinary Powers, General Governing the South and Governor of Jiangzhou 江州 Province”.[3] The “fortieth year after the present Emperor ascended the Throne” refers to the seventh year [541] of the Datong reign-period, whereas the fortieth year after Emperor Wu of the Liang Dynasty ascended the Throne was 502 CE (the first year of the Tianjian 天監 reign-period). From this, it can be seen that the painting was most probably begun during Xiao’s first term as Governor of Jingzhou Province, and the preface for the completed painting would have been written in the seventh year of the Datong reign-period when he was Governor of Jiangzhou Province.[4] According to the “Liang Yuandi Ji” 梁元帝紀 of Nanshi 南史 (ch. 8), Emperor Yuan, before his own destruction, “gathered together 100,000 scrolls of paintings and books and burned them all”, but it seems that Zhigongtu was not in the conflagration. There is no related record in the “Jingji Zhi” 經籍志 of Suishu, but in both the “Jingji Zhi 經籍志 A” of Jiu Tangshu 舊唐書 (ch. 46) and the “Yiwen Zhi 藝文志 2” of Xin Tangshu 新唐書 (ch. 58) “Zhigongtu in one volume” by — 71 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty is clearly recorded and this indicates that one copy at least was handed down to Tang times. An inscription from Zhigongtu by Emperor Yuan of the Liang appears in a note on the item treating Gaoli 高麗 (Koryō) in a Tang Dynasty work, Zhang Jinchu’s 張楚金 [5] Hanyuan 翰苑, which reads as follows: In the state of Gaoli, women wear white clothes and men wear silk clothes with colorful patterns and gold and silver jewelry. The nobles wear headgear that does not conceal the back of the head. Above the headband there are deer ears fashioned from gold and silver. Lowly men wear headgear called “zhefeng”, and their ear lobes are pierced to accommodate golden earrings; they wear white upper garments and white pants. A silver cord around the waist is used for carrying a whetstone on the left, and “wuzidao” 五子刀 [referring to five articles: towel, fire-stone and so on] on the right. On their feet they wear “doulita” 豆禮𩎽 shoes [a kind of spiked footwear]. This passage can also be regarded as evidence. Moreover, in Zhang Yanyuan’s 張彥遠 Lidai Minghuaji[6] 歷代名畫記 (ch. 7) it is recorded: Xiao Yi, Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty, whose courtesy name was Shicheng 世誠 (level of his painting: middle grade), was the seventh son of Emperor Wu. He was born with one blind eye. He was smart, handsome, and upright. He dabbled widely in various arts, and had an innate talent for calligraphy and painting. Initially, he was given the title of King of Xiangdong and ascended the throne at the age of 47. He was honored with the posthumous title of Emperor Yuan; his temple name was Shizu 世祖. He painted a portrait of a sagely monk for which Emperor Wu 武 wrote a personal appreciation. He created Fanke Ruchaotu 蕃客入朝圖 (Painting of Foreign Guests Entering the Court), which was highly praised by the Emperor (which is recorded in Liangshu). He also painted Zhigongtu and wrote a preface for it when he was the Governor of Jingzhou Province; he was talented at depicting the subject of envoys of foreign states presenting tribute at court (the preface was included in his personal collected works). Yao Zui 姚最 wrote: “The King of Xiangdong 湘東 has an innate talent with which he was born and his studies have fulfilled his essence and expression, [allowing him to be] imitating nature through his mastery of Mind. His portraits are especially vivid, and are the pinnacle of his work. His mind outruns a galloping steed, as he wields his brush quickly, completing in a very brief time a painting that he does not need to modify. In the brief intervals between dealing with — 72 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” official lawsuits and in free time enjoying various arts he wielded his brush at impromptu moments, in an alarming and intimidating way, enough to make such masters as Xun 荀 [Xu], Wei 衛 [Xie], Yuan 袁 [Qian], and Lu 陸 [Tanwei] put down their brushes. (His works that have been handed down to later generations and bear inscriptions and seals are Youchun Yuan Baimazhitu 遊 春苑白麻紙圖 [Roaming Youchun Park: Painting on White Hemp Paper], Lutu 鹿圖 [The Deer], Shilixiang 師利像 [Image of Mañjuśrī], Guanhe Nongbeizetu 鸛鶴弄陂澤圖 [Storks and Cranes Paddling in the Reservoir Shallows], and Furong Hu Jiaodingtu 芙蓉湖醮鼎圖 [Ritual Tripod for Sacrificial Rites beside Lotus Lake].)” From this, it can be seen that, apart from Zhigongtu, Emperor Yuan also created Fanke Ruchaotu. The statement that “it is recorded in Liangshu” obviously means that it was not recorded in Yao’s Liangshu (written in 636 CE), but probably refers to the Liangshu compiled by Xie Wu 謝吳, Vice-Director of the Secretariat of the Liang Dynasty (see “Jingji Zhi 2” of Suishu [ch. 33]). It is also obvious that Zhang Yanyuan had never seen this painting, and he only knew of it from the record in the version of Liangshu in which it was recorded. However, it was not recorded in the orthodox dynastic histories - Liangshu, Nanshi, and Jiu Tangshu. It is very possible that the painting had been confused with another work, but this does not prove that this painting was not handed down. As for Zhigongtu, Zhang Yanyuan only says “its preface was included in his personal collected works”, but it was not named among the paintings “handed down to later generations”. He only mentions it when he “describes secret paintings and rare drawings of ancient times” in ch. 3. From this, it can be seen that Zhang did not see it. Of course, this is not the same as saying that Zhigongtu (or a copy) had been lost. Otherwise, it would be difficult to understand the records in Jiu Tangshu and Xin Tangshu.[7] In addition, the content of the painting titled Fanke Ruchaotu by Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty is unknown. Its title would seem to suggest that it describes a scene at court of an official visit by various barbarians. However, there is a note titled “Zhigongtu, the First” in Lidai Minghua Ji (ch. 3) that reads: “Its contents include chieftains from foreign states and a panorama of local customs of the various barbarians; the appearance of each of the visiting guests is also portrayed, as is recorded in Jinlouzi 金樓子. The work was painted by Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty”. It has been suggested that Fanke Ruchaotu can be identified as Zhigongtu,[8] but this view seems to be incorrect. — 73 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) From the Song 宋 Dynasty onwards, there were frequent references to Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu and Fanke Ruchaotu (or copies of them). The first mention was in Sungong Tanpu 孫公談圃 (vol. 2)[9], narrated by Sun Sheng 孫升 and recorded by Liu Yanshi 劉延世 (in 1101 CE): Xie Shide 謝師德, who came from Qianchuan 黔川, collected Liang Zhigongtu. This is a meticulous work executed with a very fine brush. The colophon running to several hundred characters was composed and written by Tao 陶穀 [Gu], the Imperial Secretary, in his own hand during the Kaibao 開寶 reign-period [968-976 CE]. Han Qi 韓琦 [1008-1075 CE] was very fond of the work, describing how “this painting is excellent, and out of this world”. Xie Shide was a son-in-law of Han Qi. The text does not touch on the content of Liang Zhigongtu. It is worth noting that there is no mention in any subsequent Song Dynasty writings that the postscript at the end of the scroll painting was by Tao Gu [902-970 CE]. The second reference to the work was in Li Jian’s 李薦 Deyu Zhai Huapin 德隅齋畫品[10]: Fanke Ruchaotu: This was painted by Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty when he was the Governor of Jingzhou Province. The painting is a prototypical sketch for the work. For the state of Lu 魯 and the subsequent states, a total of thirty-five states, their envoys are depicted in order to express the idea that barbarians north and south were part of the one family and that the various distant tribes all came to pay respects at court. The envoys are of varied appearance; all are wild, strange, and ugly, and do not have the Chinese demeanor. Like Ding Jiangong’s models of meritorious statesmen in the Lingyan 凌煙 Pavilion and the miniature images of the seventy disciples of Confucius, which were also depicted as fenben in Tang times, the appearances and attitudes of the individual persons in the work are all so different, and thus the painter demonstrated his abilities [in portraiture]. The inscriptions on this painting are especially wonderful. The entry for the state of Gaochang 高昌 and so on bears a note recording that it was destroyed in a particular year of the Zhenguan reign-period. The technique and style of the painting are harmonious and similar to Yan Liben’s Zhigongtu. Could Yan Liben have based his work on the original painting of Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty? Some [scholars] have suggested that this painting was the original work of — 74 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” Emperor Yuan and had been transmitted down to the Zhenguan 貞觀 reign-period, and that later people annotated the inscriptions based on contemporary events. We do not know if this [theory] is true or false. Since the brushwork of this painting is wonderful, the painter’s identity is irrelevant. Regardless of whether it was by Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty or Yan Liben 閻立本, this is a masterpiece of painting from several centuries ago. There is an authenticating seal affixed by Chu Changwen 褚長文 in the seam of the paper on which the work was painted. Chu Changwen was renowned for authenticating paintings from ancient times and he clearly knew that this was no ordinary painting. The work titled Fanke Ruchaotu mentioned by Li seems, in terms of content, to have been one of the copies of Xiao Yi’s Fanke Ruchaotu mentioned in Lidai Minghuaji. The note recording that “it was destroyed in a particular year of the Zhenguan reign-period” was added by the person who made the copy, and it would seem that one cannot therefore suspect that it is a copy of Xiao Yi’s Fanke Ruchaotu. Based on this, it can be seen that there were thirty-five portraits of envoys in all in Xiao Yi’s Fanke Ruchaotu. It is worth noting that Li Jian did not mention inscriptions recording any “panorama of local customs” of the various states, which indicates that the original basis of the painting was not Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu. The third reference to the work is what is described as “Li Gonglin’s 李公麟 [1049-1106] note”. The note was quoted in an item titled “Ba Fu Qinfu Suo Cang Zhigongtu” 跋傅欽甫所藏職 貢圖 (Colophon for the Zhigongtu Collected by Fu Qinfu) in Lou Yao’s 樓鑰 Gongkuiji 攻媿集[11] (ch. 75): Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty created Zhigongtu when he guarded Jingzhou Province. The work opens with the savages, and ends with the Dan 䗺 barbarians, [encompassing] a total of more than thirty states. The painting recorded above by Li Gonglin and that described by Li Jian would seem to not be one and the same painting. However, referring to Li’s note, it would seem that the later character “Lǔ” 魯 was incorrect, and originally, it should have been “Lu” 虜 (meaning, “savages”), and the later textual corruption was caused by the similarity in the sound of the characters. It is also possible that the person who copied the painting changed “Lu” into the “state of Lǔ” because, in his view, “Lu” was unreasonable. In fact, “Lu” was a reference to the Tuoba-Wei.[12] “Dan” 䗺 was simply “Dan” — 75 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) 蜑, also read “Dan” 蜒, a reference to one of the Southern Man barbarian tribes. In the “Nanman Zhuan 南蠻傳” of Suishu (ch. 82) it is recorded: “The Southern Man barbarians are crossbreeds, who lived with together the Chinese. Their names are Dan 蜒, Rang 獽, ...”.[13] Li’s note quoted in Gongkuiji 攻媿集 also contains the sentence in Li’s note, “[I] only regret that it is not exacting in its verisimilitude because the painting techniques are mediocre and vulgar”; Lou Yao considered this to be the “self-effacing remarks” made by Li Longmian about his copy of the painting, not about the original. As for the statement in Li’s note that “the painting both depicted the appearances of the envoys and recorded the local customs”, this would indicate that in addition to the portraits of the envoys there were inscriptions recording the local customs of the various states in the painting seen by Li, which conforms to what is written in Jinlouzi. For this reason, the original basis of the work described was probably Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu. The fourth reference is “A Colophon for the Zhigongtu Collected by Fu Qinfu” in the Gongkuiji (ch. 75) by Lou Yao (1137-1213 CE). According to this text, there are twenty-two portraits of envoys who came to present tribute in the painting collected by Fu, who were in order from the states of: Lǔ 魯, Bingbing 丙丙, He’nan 河南, Middle Tianzhu 天竺, Shizi 師子, Northern Tianzhu, Kepantuo 渴盤陀, the barbarian state of Wuxing 武興, Hua 滑, Bosi 波斯, Baiji 百濟, Qiuci 龜茲, Wo 倭, Zhouguke 周古柯, Hebatan 呵跋檀, Humidan 胡密丹, Baiti 白 題, Mo 末, Linyi 林邑, Poli 婆利, Dangchang 宕昌, and Langyaxiu 狼牙脩. Lou Yao successively wrote three colophons describing and examining the painting collected by Fu. The first postscript enumerates Henan and the subsequent states. Under the name of each state there is Lou’s brief account of its geography, the date when it came to pay its respects to the Liang court, and the local products that it presented based on Nanshi 南史, Tongdian 通典, and so on.[14] Following this, the results of Lou Yao’s textual research are presented: Fu Qinfu 傅欽甫, the Proofreader, brought Zhigongtu to show me. Its brushwork was not only exquisite, but the inscriptions on it also conformed to protocol. Li Longmian’s note says that “Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty created Zhigongtu when he guarded Jingzhou Province. The work opens with the Lu (savages), and the ends with the Dan barbarians, a total of more than thirty states”. However, there are only twenty-two states were in this scroll, so some of the work must have been lost. Now I must attempt to do textual research. The first is the portrait of the envoy from the state of Lǔ. However, Li says that “the work opens with the Lu (savages)”. Is it wrong that this painting reads “Lǔ”? — 76 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” Looking through the basic annals and memoirs of Nanshi or Liangshu, and even in Tongdian or Taiping Yulan 太平御覽, neither the state of Lǔ nor the state of Bingbing can be found. The subsequent twenty states are however there. Since the state of Lǔ and the state of Bingbing are arranged at the very beginning, they must have been states that came to pay respects to the Liang court. In the “Wudi Ji” another nine states are mentioned: Fu’nan 扶南, Dengzhi 鄧至, Yutian 于 闐, Ruru 蠕蠕, Gaoli 高麗, Gantuoli 乾陁利, Xinluo 新羅, Panpan 盤盤, and Dandan 丹丹. Could these be the states missing from the painting? The state of Dan 䗺 also does not appear.... Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty, whose courtesy name was Shicheng, was the seventh son of Emperor Wu. He was skilled at calligraphy and painting. He created a portrait of Confucius, and wrote an appreciation for it which he personally transcribed. This was called a “masterpiece” by people at that time. He gathered together more than 100,000 scrolls of paintings and books and burned them all before the town of Jiangling 江陵 was sacked. His works were many and among them was the scroll titled Zhigongtu, which may be this painting. However, there are also some dubious points: Since the books were all burnt, how could it have been handed down? Even if it was not reduced to ash, that was 653 years ago, and while the longevity of paper is greater than that of white silk, it should not be in such good condition. I am afraid it must be a copy by Li Longmian 李龍眠. The above-mentioned note was in fact a colophon that he himself wrote. For this reason, the note said that “[I] only regret that it is not exacting in its verisimilitude because the painting techniques are mediocre and vulgar”, which may be his self-effacing remarks. The regular script in small characters for the title is similar to the handwriting of the note. It is possible that the title was also the handiwork of Li Longmian. In addition, Li’s note also says “the painting both depicted the appearances of the envoys and recorded the local customs”. However, in Zhigongtu no records of local customs can be seen. For this reason, we can regard Li Longmian as having only copied the images of the envoys. More to the point, Li’s essentially preferred to copy famous ancient paintings.... Zhang Daming 張達明, the Assistant of the Right, from Danyan 澹巖, who was a nephew of Li Longmian, stated that Boshi 伯時 (Li Longmian) cared for all previous relics. This being the case, the painting by Emperor Yuan should have been copied by him. The seals of “Zhenguan”, “Kaiyuan 開元” and other reign-periods that run down the painting from top to bottom are well-proportioned, as if they were stamped at the same time. Since this painting was in the palace during the Zhenguan reign-period, it is unreasonable to note “it was — 77 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) destroyed in the fourth year [659] of the Xianqing reign-period” following the inscription for the state of Baiji. Moreover, the seals that read “Nei Dian Tu Shu” 内殿圖書 (Books of the Inner Temple), “Nei He Tong Yin” 内合同印 (Seal of Internal Registered Documents), “Ji Xian Yuan Yu Shu” 集賢院御書 (Imperial Library in the Academy of Scholar Worthies), and so on were all seals of Li Yu 李煜, Emperor of the Southern Tang, but those who are adept at copying ancient paintings are all also highly skilled in counterfeiting ancient seals. Jade seals can even be engraved in talcum and appear almost genuine. I relate all I know and wait for a man of insight to correct me. Even if it was the work of Longmian, it would still qualify as rare today. [Fu] Qinfu cherishes the work, so perhaps he will be able to find the rest of his works before long. In my opinion, since the first state mentioned is the “state of Lǔ”, we know that the painting collected by Fu has the same source as the painting described by Li Jian 李薦. But the former is described as having been “destroyed in the fourth year of the Xianqing 顯慶 reign-period”; the latter is said to have been “destroyed in a particular year of the Zhenguan reign-period”. This indicates that both are not one and the same painting. The comment that “the state of Dan also does not appear” may be because the latter part of the work was incomplete. In addition, Lou Yao suggested that the painting collected by Fu was only the copy of Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu by Li Gonglin and a copy of Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu that Li’s note also described, but there is really no basis for this and his views are self-contradictory. Firstly, the painting mentioned by Li Gonglin “opens with the savages”, but in the painting collected by Fu “the first is the portrait of the envoy from the state of Lǔ”. Secondly, “no records of local customs” can be seen in Fu’s painting. Li’s note states that this copy “both depicted the appearances of the envoys and recorded the local customs”. If Li’s painting “only copied the images of the envoys”, why did he utter such words? From this, it can be seen that although it was on the painting he saw that Li made the comment, “[I] only regret that it is not exacting in its verisimilitude because the painting techniques are mediocre and vulgar”, its structure was seemingly closer to Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu. Since Lou Yao identified Fu’s painting as Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu copied by Li and Li’s note states the Xiao’s painting includes more than thirty states, it follows that “some of the work must have been lost”. Lou’s second and third colophons voice the suspicion that “Bingbing” 丙丙 is similar to “Ruirui” 芮芮 (Ruru 蠕蠕) in form, and so there may have been an error in copying an inscription. In my opinion, “Bingbing” 丙丙 was indeed almost certainly an error for “Ruirui” 芮芮. — 78 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” In sum, Li Gonglin copied Zhigongtu,[15] but the painting collected by Fu was not necessarily Li’s copy, and even less are we able to say that the painting mentioned by Li was that collected by Fu. From the statement “only copied the images of the envoys”, we know that the latter probably does have something to do with the painting recorded by Li Jian. The fifth textual reference is Zhongxing Guange Shumu 中興館閣書目 (compiled and submitted by Chen Kui 陳騤, Director of the Palace Library, in 1178 CE) quoted in the item “Chaogong 朝 貢 ” of the chapter of Yuhai 玉 海 [16] (ch. 152) by Wang Yinglin 王 應 麟 (1223-1296), which states: Jinlouzi: Its author’s preface records that he compiled a scroll of ‘Baiguo’ 百國 (the one hundred states), but only twenty-seven portraits remain today. The envoys from the various barbarians came to present tribute when Xiao Yi was the King of Xiangdong, and he painted their appearances and costumes, then recorded their local customs. The preface states: “Confucius had the knowledge to make portraits. The Emperor of the Jin Dynasty had [Buddhist] portraits in Lexian Hall. The likeness of the Yanzhi (the Chanyu’s consort) was painted in Ganquan Palace and the Chanyu’s portrait was enjoyed in the imperial harem. The constant singing of barbarians can be heard in this place and barbarians from distant places gather here. Going west from [Han’s] frontier fortresses, to a distance of 18,000 li, the paths narrow to a width of no more than one chi and six cun. The mountain ridges reach into to the sky, and the gorges are bottomless. They have chosen through multiple interpreters an auspicious day on which to arrive in the Central Plains, crossing Qingqiu or striding Danxue”. It has been suggested that the statement, “He compiled a scroll of ‘Baiguo 百國’”, should read: “He compiled the portraits of the envoys from the various states into one scroll”. This would indicate that Baiguo was not another name for Zhigongtu.[17] In my opinion, the character “guo” 國 might be read “tu” 圖 in one version, but the two characters “baitu” 百圖 could be an error for the three characters, “職貢圖” Zhigongtu. Was the painting mentioned in Zhongxing Guange that seen by Li Gonglin, or another version? We cannot know, but the possibility cannot be ruled out that this painting was based on the same original as the latter, if we take into consideration that this scroll “painted their appearances and costumes, then recorded their local customs”. Since “only — 79 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) twenty-seven portraits remain today” and the scroll “recorded their local customs”, this scroll cannot have been the painting recorded by Li Jian or that collected by Fu Qinfu. The sixth reference is to the item titled “Zhigongtu of Twenty-eight States in Liang Times” in the “Dili Lei” section of Suichutang Shumu 遂初堂書目[18] by You Mao 尤袤 (1127-1194). In my opinion, the date when You Mao collected volumes was roughly contemporary with the collection of Zhongxing Guange. It is possible that the original basis of this painting was the same as that recorded by the latter, but the two works were not one and the same painting. The seventh reference is Yuesheng Suocang Shuhua Bielu 悅生所藏書畫別錄, which records that there is “a scroll of Fanke Ruchaotu of Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty” among 85 scrolls of famous paintings collected by Jia Sidao 賈似道 (1213-1275).[19] The eighth reference is in Yunyan Guoyan Lu 雲煙過眼錄[20] (1st volume) by Zhou Mi 周密 (1232-1298): “The famous painting: Fanke Ruchaotu of Emperor Yuan of Liang Dynasty”. The painting seen by Zhou Mi may have been that collected by Jia Sidao. Since this was titled Fanke Ruchaotu, it is possible that this painting had the same origins as that mentioned in Deyuzhai Huapin and that collected by Fu Qinfu. Subsequently, there was the item titled “Inscription for Zhigongtu Painted by Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty” in Song Wenxiangong Quanji[21] (ch. 45) by Song Lian 宋濂 [1310-1381] writing in Ming times: A scroll of Zhigongtu by Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty: The work depicts a total of nine states - from Qiemo, Middle Tianzhu, Shizi 師子, Northern Tianzhu, Kepantuo, the Barbarians of Wuxing, Gaochang, to the Dan 蜑 Barbarians of Jianping, and the Man 蠻 Barbarians of Linjiang 臨江. The portraits of the envoys take precedence, then the records of the local customs of these states, and the date when they came to present tribute. Each state was illustrated and recorded according to this layout. The white silk has already completely deteriorated and can barely be touched. The age is indeed very old, but there are some problems that have to be differentiated and analyzed. Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty was Xiao Yi, whose courtesy name was Shicheng, the seventh son of Emperor Wu. According to Liangshu, he painted Fanke Ruchaotu when he guarded Jingzhou Province. Minghuaji 名畫記 follows this explanation, and states that he painted Zhigongtu, which records the presentation of tribute by foreign states. Moreover, according to Pei Xiaoyuan’s 裴孝源 Gongsi Hualu 公私畫錄, there were in all six scrolls of paintings by Emperor — 80 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” Yuan of the Liang Dynasty all of which bore inscriptions and seals. However, Pei does not mention Zhigongtu. Gongsi Hualu records moreover three scrolls of Zhigongtu painted by Jiang Sengbao. Those three paintings had been collected by the palace of the Sui Dynasty, and there are reign titles of the Chen 陳 and Liang 梁 dynasties on them. Later critics all thought that Pei Xiaoyuan lived during the Zhenguan reign-period, his official position being Secretariat Drafter. Since he lived at a time close to Xiao Yi, his words can be believed. Ren Zigao 任子羔 from Luoyang, basing himself squarely on Pei’s view, refuted the fallacies of historians and wrote over several hundred characters. In this respect, it is difficult to confirm the author of this painting. Moreover, when Xiao Yi, as the King of Xiangdong, guarded Jiangling, he and Xiao Cha 詧, the King of Yueyang 岳陽, launched attacks on each other, without a day of peace. Xiao Cha then surrendered to the Northern Wei Dynasty. The Northern Wei sent Yu Jin 于謹, the Pillar of State, to storm and capture Jiangling. Xiao Yi burned 140,000 volumes of ancient and modern books, and declared “the civil and military Ways have both died tonight”. Xiao Yi was killed soon after. Considering the situation at that time, how did Xiao Yi ever find spare time to enjoy the pleasure of painting? Even if there were paintings, they must have been turned to dust and ash together with the 140,000 volumes. How could they be handed down to the present day? This is what I do not understand. According to the note of Li Longmian on Zhigongtu of the Liang Dynasty, “the work opens with the savages, and ends with the Dan barbarians, [encompassing] a total of more than thirty states”. These thirty-odd states mostly do not conform to the records in the [official] histories. Following the relocation of the Jin Dynasty to south of the Yangtze River and with the separation between north and south, how could the Northern Savages cross the sea to present tribute? Those who are infatuated with antiquities also believe only the Zhigongtu collected by Fu Qinfu to be genuine. In the painting collected by Fu the first state is Henan, and the last state is Langyaxiu, there being twenty-two states in all. These states are not exactly the same as those mentioned by Li Longmian. It might be possible to change “Lu” 虜 (“savages”) into “Lǔ” 魯 because Li’s statement that the painting “opens with the savages” is suspect. However, Lǔ 魯 was descended from Boqin 伯禽, which was located on the eastern frontier, and was paramount among the feudatories. How could Lǔ 魯 figure among the barbarians from all directions? Comparing this scroll with that collected by Fu, it seems the two are completely different. They are both titled Zhigongtu, but the differences are vast. This is also something I do not understand. — 81 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) Furthermore, there is an inscription on this scroll that reads “Painted by Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty”. However, the inscriptions on local customs and presenting tribute are said to have been “inscribed by Tao 陶, the Academician”. Did Xiao Yi especially leave the blanks awaiting Tao’s inscriptions when he created this painting? Let us not discuss this. There is a colophon by Tao on the painting that begins “in the third year [953] of the Guangshun 廣順 reign-period”; the middle of the text is unclear so it can barely be read, and the colophon concludes as follows: “On the twenty-ninth day in the fifth month in the summer, north of the Bian 汴 River, written in the rain by Tao Gu 陶穀 from Beihai 北海, who has for three years held a posting that entitles him to wear mink tails [on his headgear]”. Tao Gu 陶穀, whose courtesy name was Xiushi 秀實, came from Xinping Prefecture in Bin 邠 Province. “Bin” was alternately written “Bin” 豳, the territory that belonged to the region of Yongzhou 雍州 of antiquity and to the Prefecture of Anding 安定 and Beidi 北地 in Han times. Xinping 新平 Prefecture was established at the end of the Han Dynasty. Tao Gu did not say he came from “Beidi”, but Beihai, which should have been given an account. Tao Gu began his official career as a Gentleman Collator, was Academician in [Later] Zhou 周 times, and served successively as Minister in the Ministry of Rites, Ministry of Justice, and Ministry of Revenue in Song times. Later, he was promoted to the post of Recipient of Edicts. He died at the age of 68, and was posthumously conferred the post of Supervising Administrator of the Right. He once said of himself that his skull [was so elegant] it qualified him to wear the mink tails [worn by highly honored officials], but he was ridiculed for this and never repeated the boast. Much less was he qualified to wear mink tails at the commencement of his term as an Academician when he should not have been so eager to write, merely in order to flaunt his talent before others. Tao Gu was learned and had a good memory; he was renowned for his well written prose. Seeing the calligraphy in this painting, its form is constrained and its spirit utterly restrained, so much like work from a copyist. Among his characters, the character “fo” 佛 is written “fo” 仏 and the character “xu” 婿 is written “xu” 聓, presumably because the copyist could not rapidly adapt. This is something else I do not understand. However, the artistic conception of this painting is simple and honest, without contrived, mundane, or petty forms. Even if it was not really painted in Liang times, it would still qualify as the work of an eminent painter of the Song 宋 Dynasty. Those crude artisans who forge paintings simply to deceive others would, after seeing this picture, quietly sneak away to be out of sight. — 82 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” I enjoyed viewing this painting with my friend, Wang Zike 王子克 in Qingxi 青溪; forced to rest with mouth ulcers, I took up my writing brush to write these words, not realizing that I had written so much. Song Lian basically tried to deny the possibility that Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu had been handed down or even that he had created the work. Yet in fact the main basis for his assertion was the inscription attributed to the Academician, Tao. In my opinion, his arguments are incorrect for the following reasons: First, Xiao Yi created Zhigongtu when he guarded Jingzhou Province, which this preface proves, and his authorship did not need to be proved later by either Liangshu and Lidai Minghuaji. The statement that “it is recorded in Liangshu” refers to Fanke Ruchaotu, not to Zhigongtu, and the two paintings should not be confused. Since there is no related record in the extant official version of Liangshu, Liangshu mentioned in Lidai Minghuaji was most probably Xie Wu’s Liangshu. If this is correct then the fact that Xiao Yi painted Zhigongtu cannot also be denied because Xie Wu had served as the Vice-Director of the Secretariat in Liang times; according to “Jingji Zhi 2” of Suishu (ch. 33), Xie Wu compiled Liang Huangdi Shilu 梁皇帝實錄 (in 5 chapters) that “recorded the deeds of Emperor Yuan”, which would suggest that he should have been very familiar with Xiao Yi’s paintings. In addition, Pei Xiaoyuan could not have seen all the famous paintings in the world, so the fact that in Pei’s work Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu is not recorded is also not enough to deny that Xiao Yi had painted this work, but indicates at best that only the authentic version of Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu had not been handed down in Pei Xiaoyuan’s day and also does not indicate that copies of this painting had been lost. In sum, Xiao Yi daily attended to numerous matters when he guarded Jingzhou Province, which is not the same as saying that he did not have the time to create Zhigongtu. Zhigongtu may have been among the 140,000 scrolls that perished when the town of Jiangling was destroyed, but the possibility that copies of the work were handed down at that time cannot be ruled out. Second, the matters detailed in Zhigongtu as narrated in Li’s note completely accord with the records in historical texts (for details, see the following text). When Song Lian asked, “Following the relocation of the Jin Dynasty to south of the Yangtze River and the separation between north and south, how could the Northern Savages cross the sea to present tribute?”, he clearly failed to understand the relationships between the Central Plains and the Western Regions or the areas north of the Great Wall. His error is obvious. The situation mentioned in Li’s note does not conform to — 83 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) that in the painting collected by Fu, which indicates at most the two paintings do not have a common origin, but this not provide a basis for doubting that Xiao Yi painted Zhigongtu. Third, the comments about Academician Tao in Song’s inscription are risible, and they by no means indicate that the painting was not one of the copies of Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu and even less do they serve to deny that Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu or copies of it were handed down. The above passage from Sungong Tanpu 孫公談圃 informs us that there was indeed a version of Zhigongtu bearing Tao Gu’s colophon. Of course, the painting inscribed by Song Lian was not the one collected by Xie Shide, as demonstrated by the fact that the former was praised by Han Qi as being “excellent, and out of this world”, and by Tao’s colophon on the painting “in his own hand during the Kai-Bao reign-periods”. Tao’s colophon which bears the date of the “third year of the Guangshun reign-period” and the calligraphy has been described as “constrained” in “form” with a “spirit” that is “utterly restrained” while the prose itself is written “in order to flaunt his talent before others”. This can be regarded as evidence. The painting collected by Xie Shide has probably been lost, and the painting inscribed by Song Lian may have been an archaistic work by a mediocre artist which thus had many flaws. In sum, in the early Song Dynasty there was indeed a Zhigongtu bearing a colophon by Tao Gu that was handed down, the evidence being Song Lian’s inscription. In addition, only nine states remain in the Zhigongtu inscribed by Song Lian. From the arranged order of the nine states and the shape and structure of the portraits of the envoys followed by records on the local customs of these states and the date when their envoys came to present tribute, we can see that the painting (or that collected by Xie Shide) may have been based on the same original as that narrated in Li Gonglin’s note, but this could not have been the painting recorded in Deyuzhai Huapin 德隅齋畫品 or that collected by Fu Qinfu. Subsequently, the “Chaopin” 朝聘 of the “Dili” 地理 of “Shilei” 史類 of Guoshi Jingji Zhi 國史經籍志 (ch. 3)[22] by Jiao Hong 焦竑 [1541-1620] also records “one scroll of Zhigongtu” by Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty. In my opinion, the “Mulu Lei Cunmu” 目錄類存目 of “Shi Bu” 史部 of Siku Quanshu Zongmu 四庫全書總目 (ch. 87) points out of Jiao’s 焦 work: “There is an unexamined disregard for survival and loss in this casual compendium of ancient catalogues”; it criticizes Jiao’s work as “being the least trust-worthy”. However, the possibility cannot be ruled out that the painting recorded by Jiao Hong was the version inscribed by Song Lian.[23] In addition, “three scrolls of Zhigongtu” are also recorded in the above-mentioned work (ch. 3) of Jiao Hong. The contents of these are unknown, but if it was a Zhigongtu of Liang times, this may have been the work of Jiang Sengbao 江僧寶.[24] — 84 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” To sum up, there are many paintings or their copies known as Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu handed down from Song to Ming. None of the various records provides any detail of the paintings so we cannot know their specific content, but they may be broadly divided into two categories. Those paintings recorded by Li Jian, inscribed by Lou Yao, collected by Yuesheng, and even seen by Zhou Mi can be classified as belonging to the first category, mostly titled Fanke Ruchaotu. These paintings contain only the portraits of the envoys, but no inscriptions treating local customs. The paintings acquired by Xie Shide, narrated by Li Gonglin, recorded by Zhongxing Guange, written about by Suichutang Shumu, inscribed by Song Lian, and described by Jiao Hong can be classified as belonging to the second category, which can all be titled Zhigongtu. In those paintings there are both portraits of the envoys and the inscriptions on the customs of the various states. The paintings of the first category present 35 states at most and 22 states at least, the first being the state of Lǔ. In the second category there are more than 30 states at most and only nine states at least, the first is the state of “Lu” 虜. There are also some paintings called Zhigongtu (such as the painting collected by Fu) in the first category, but they are not Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu or copies of it, and should be Fanke Ruchaotu or copies of the work recorded in Zhang Yanyuan’s Lidai Minghuaji. II It is generally acknowledged that one of fragments of the copies of Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu is preserved in the Palace Museum in Nanjing.[25] This painting had belonged to Liang Jiaolin 梁蕉林 in the early Qing Dynasty, and was first recorded in Daguanlu 大觀錄[26] by Wu Sheng 吳升, Liang’s friend. After that, it was acquired by the Imperial Court of the Qing Dynasty, and was recorded in Shiqu Baoji 石渠寶笈[27]. Daguanlu and Shiqu Baoji 石渠寶笈 called it “Yan Lide’s Wanghuitu 王會圖” and “Yan Lide’s 閻立德 Zhigongtu” respectively, based on the title or postscripts of the Song and Yuan dynasties. In Daguanlu (ch. 11) it is recorded: Yan Lide’s Wanghuitu: It is a silk scroll, 8 cun high, and 1 zhang and 22 cun long. It is all in colored ink, and the figures are approximately 6 cun high, depicting barbarian guests who came to pay tribute from a total of 26 states. Their headgear, clothing and amd mode of adornment are an assorted variety; some have curly beards and blue eyes, some are grotesquely shaped, and no two states are the same. Following the portrait of each barbarian guest is a note on the name of the state, its distance [from China], its mountains, rivers, and local customs, all written in small regular script that is formal and rigorous, in conformity to Tang standards. Here the names of states are — 85 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) only recorded because the contents are too numerous. The opening part of the first state has already been damaged, and only the last 14 lines remain. The second is the state of Bosi, the third is the state of Baiji, the fourth is Qiuci, the fifth is the state of Wo, the sixth is Gaogouli, the seventh is Yutian, the eighth is Xinluo 新羅, the ninth is Dangchang 宕昌, the tenth is Langyaxiu, the eleventh is Dengzhi, followed by Zhouguke, Abatan 阿跋檀, Humidan 胡密丹, Baiti, Mo 靺, Middle Tianzhu, Shizi, Northern Tianzhu, Qiepantuo 朅盤陀, the Barbarians of Wuxing 武興, Gaochang, the Man [Barbarians] of Tianmen 天門, the Dan [Barbarians] of Jianping, and the Dan [Barbarians] of Linjiang. The barbarian guests are painted and recorded in proper order. The inscription of Zirong is at the end of the scroll, with a square seal of Song times. Zirong is Su Song, who was very famous in the Song. There are also two colophons, by Kangli Zishan 康里子山 and Wang Shushan 王叔善, which are quite exquisite. The inscription by Su Song 蘇頌 [1020-1101] reads: Wanghuitu, which appeared in the tenth year (dingsi 丁巳, 1077) of the Xining 熙寍 reign-period. It was in the collection of Zhang Cilü 張次律; the edition from the Directorate of Education, was collated by Shantang 山堂 Hall in Hangzhou and inscribed by Zirong 子容. From this it can be seen that this scroll is a copy made during the Xining reign-period of the Song Dynasty.[28] We do not know whether the title Wanghuitu stems from Su’s hand or was an original title in Zhang’s version. In any event, since Su Song, the painting has been regarded as Yan Lide’s Wanghuitu. Kangli Zishan 康里子山 also says: Now I gaze at Wanghuitu drawn by Yan Lide, which was based on the matters in the Zhenguan reign-period of Emperor Taizong 太宗 in Tang times.... This painting has been treasured and greatly appreciated for generations. It could not be a copy by a mediocre painter. It should really be cherished. Inscribed by [Kangli] Zishan. Kangli Zishan also attributes the events depicted in the painting to the Zhenguan reign-period of the Tang Dynasty, which is obviously incorrect. Of the age recorded in Daguanlu and Shiqu Baoji 石渠寶笈, 25 paragraphs remain in this scroll. According to the latter (ch. 32): — 86 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” A scroll of Yan Lide’s Zhigongtu in Tang times: White silk scroll with colored ink, a total of 25 paragraphs. A section from Zhifangzhi 職方志 is excerpted in each paragraph. It bears no inscriptions. The painter is named in the colophon. From this, it can be seen that “26” should be an error for “25” in the statement about the number of states from which barbarian guests came to pay tribute. Wu Sheng probably based the number “26” on the colophon by Wang Yuqing 王餘慶 at the end of the scroll: The monk Langu 蘭谷 obtained an ancient painting of barbarians from the twenty-six states and let me peruse it. Its coloring was heavy and simple, and the strong brushwork made each portrait lifelike. This was truly an item to be treasured and enjoyed. In other words, when Wang Yuqing wrote his colophon, there were 26 states in the scroll. However, “twenty-six” has already been missing “six” in Wang’s colophon recorded in Shiqu Baoji (ch. 32), so thus the possibility cannot be ruled out that “25” in Wang’s colophon was mistakenly read by Wu Sheng as “26”, because the “5” had faded.[29] On the current fragment remain portraits of envoys from only 12 states and inscriptions for 13 states. It specifically includes the segment from the state of Hua to the state of Mo but from which the portraits and inscriptions of the three states of Gaogouli, Yutian, and Xinluo, as well as the portrait of the envoy from the state of Dangchang, have all been lost. The fact that the state of Dangchang now directly follows the state of Wo is the result of the painting having been re-mounted. It is suggested that the current fragment or its original basis was Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu, the main evidence for this assertion being as follows:[30] 1. The shape and structure of the current fragment is very similar to that described in Jinlouzi, specifically the reference both to the images and the records of local customs. 2. Most of the states seen in the inscriptions in the current fragment do not appear in the Songshu, Nan Qishu or other official histories, but only in Liangshu. 3. The details of the geography, history, customs, payment of tribute and so on as recorded in the current fragment are completely in conformity with the records in the “Zhuyi Zhuan” of Liangshu (ch. 54). 4. The dates mentioned in the inscriptions in the current fragment do not end in Liang times, and all are times before the presumptive date when Xiao Yi created Zhigongtu. — 87 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) 5. According to Shiqu Baoji (ch. 32), there is also an “appreciation” at the end of the current fragment: Examining antiquity and clarifying locations, the foreigners from overseas and north of the Great Wall come to present tributes to the royal court. In the Xia and Yin dynasties, their nature and appearance were different, Yet the Xuren and Xiangren were all established as officials. The Son of Heaven lights the court, as kings from everywhere come to pay their respects; the areas of houfu and caifu come to offer loyalty, holding gui or zhang insignia, Our rites have spread to their distant lands. Traversing hills and mountains they come, and from across the ocean and seas. From towns filled with whiskered men and from forests with trees that don’t burn, From lands boasting Yuwen and Yaoniao steeds, and grapes, lucerne, giraffes....[31] Following the Way of Heaven and proclaimed auguries of good fortune. Extending as far north as Yuan[tu] 玄兔 and as far south as Zhuyuan 朱鳶; To Jiaohe 交河 [along roads so distant and to Hepu 合浦, so tortuous.] The open sea is boundless, and to the Yinshan Mountains connect with the sky, So far is the journey to Niaoxue, and so endless the march to Jitian. Our monarch is sagacious, guests from afar will be coming. The lakes present auspicious signs, the Yellow River turns limpid. Court officials and local officers inspect the distant vastness repeatedly. Recording local customs, Gongzhitu has thereupon been painted. The section of text from “extending as far north as Yuan[tu]” to “Jitian” is in accord with the paragraph quoted in Yiwen Leiju.[32] This is conclusive evidence that the current fragment is Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu or a copy of it, not Yan Lide’s Wanghuitu or Zhigongtu. However, deliberating carefully, it is not difficult to find that the above conclusion has dubious aspects. 1. The inscriptions for the portraits of the envoys from the various states in the current fragment in which the dates when the envoys came to pay their respects to the Liang court are recorded are as follows: the state of Hua was in the fifteenth year [516] of the Tianjian reign-period and the first year [520] of the Putong reign-period; the state of Bosi, in the second year [528] of the Datōng reign-period; the state of Baiji, in the second year [521] of the Putong reign-period; the state of Qiuci, also in the second year of the Putong reign-period; the state of Dangchang, in the fourth year [505] of the Tianjian reign-period; the state of Langyaxiu, the fifteenth year [516] of the Tianjian reign-period; the state of Dengzhi, the fifth year [506] of Tianjian; the state of Zhouguke, the first year [520] of Putong; the state of Hebatan, also in the first year of Putong; the state of — 88 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” Humidan, again in the first year of Putong; the state of Baiti, in the third year [522] of Putong; and the state of Mo, in the fifth year [524] of Putong. Thus it can be seen that the dates when the envoys from the various states came to pay their respects to the Liang court were all before Xiao Yi was appointed Governor of Jingzhou Province, a solitary exception being the state of Bosi. Especially notable is that, of them, the states of Qiuci, Langyaxiu, Zhouguke, Hebatan, Humidan, Baiti, and Mo only paid their respects to the Liang court. However, according to the “Xibei Zurong Zhuan” 西北諸戎傳 of Liangshu (ch. 54), the state of Dengzhi paid its respects to the Liang court on two occasions; in addition to the fifth year [506] of Tianjian as recorded in the inscription, it did so in the first year [502] of Tianjian. In addition, the inscriptions do not mention the date when the state of Wo paid its respects to the Liang court, but, according to the “Dongyi Zhuan” of Liangshu (ch. 54), it can be seen that there was contact between that state and the Liang Dynasty only at the beginning of the Tianjian reign-period. In the other words, it is impossible that Xiao Yi met the envoys from the nine states when he was the Governor of Jingzhou Province. In other words, the portraits of the envoys from the nine states did not derive from the Jingzhou Province. The following statement in the Preface to Zhigongtu does not make sense in this context of tribute bearers: “I was a middling talent, but was entrusted with an important post guarding the upper Yangtze River. The constant singing of barbarians can be heard in this place and barbarians from distant places gather here, submitting sincerely and genuflecting”. 2. It is generally acknowledged that if the inscriptions are to conform to the text in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu, then nine characters are missing following the eight characters mentioning “the current king, An Shimoshenpan (‘jinwang xing An Shimoshenpan’ 今王姓安石末 深盤)”, as seen in the inscription for the portraits of the envoy from the state of Mo in the current fragment, viz., “sent envoys to present tribute in the fifth year of the Putong reign-period (Putong wunian qianshi laixian) 普通五年遣使來貢獻”. In other words, it can be confirmed that the portrait of the envoy from the state of Mo and the related inscription had been completed before Xiao Yi guarded Jingzhou Province, so this portrait and inscription, at least, do not belong to those interviewed separately and observed because they “went to the capital to pay tribute and did not set foot in Hannan”. 3. The state of Hua paid respects to the Liang court, as recorded in the current inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Hua, only twice - in the fifteenth year [516] of the Tianjian reign-period and the first year [520] of the Putong reign-period. In fact, there were also a mission in the seventh year [526] of the Putong reign-period (see the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of — 89 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) Liangshu), one in the first year [535] of the Datong reign-period ( see the “Wudi Ji” of Liangshu [ch. 3]), and one in the seventh year [541] of Datong (see the “Wudi Ji” of Liangshu [ch. 3]). The inscription also records that the state of Dangchang sent a mission only once - in the fourth year [505] of the Tianjian reign-period, but in fact there was also one in the seventh year [541] of Datong (see the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu, ch. 54). Likewise, the relevant inscription records the state of Baiji paid its respects to the Liang court only once - in the second year [505] of the Putong, but in fact there were also a mission in the sixth year [534] of the Zhong Datōng reign-period (see the “Dongyi Zhuan 東夷傳” of Liangshu), one in the seventh year [541] of the Datong reign-period (see the “Dongyi Zhuan” of Liangshu), and one in the third year [549] of the Taiqing reign-period (see the “Dongyi Zhuan” of Liangshu). In other words, if the inscriptions completed by Xiao Yi during the time he guarded Jingzhou Province did not record the presentation of tribute at that time, would it not be weird? In particular, in the seventh year of the Datong reign-period, “the fortieth year after the present Emperor ascended the Throne”, when Xiao Yi is said to have painted Zhigongtu, why would he disregard or avoid mentioning the missions of the envoys from the three states of Hua, Dangchang, and Baiji, which seems irrational. The stylistic rules governing the inscriptions for the portraits in the current fragment would suggest that not only the first date when the envoys from various states came to pay respects to the Liang court was recorded, so one can only imagine why the portraits and inscriptions of the above-mentioned three states were not completed when Xiao Yi was the Governor of Jingzhou Province. 4. The inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Bosi records that the state of Bosi sent the envoy to pay respects to the Liang court in the second year [528] of the Datōng reign-period. However, based on the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu, “Datōng” should be an error for “Zhong Datōng”. This is the latest date that appears in the inscriptions in the current fragment. Whether in the second year of the Datōng reign-period or the second year [530] of the Zhong Datōng reign-period, Xiao Yi was the Governor of Jingzhou Province, but this does not indicate that the portrait and the inscription for the envoy from the state of Bosi was in Xiao Yi’s hand. According to the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu, the state of Bosi also sent the envoys to pay respects to the Liang court in the fifth year [533] of Zhong Datōng and in the first year of Datong, again after the second year of the Zhong Datōng. The latter two missions took place during the period when Xiao Yi was also Governor of Jingzhou Province. If the portrait and the inscription for the envoy from the state of Bosi were created in this period, it should be reflected in the work. — 90 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” Perhaps some people think that the portrait and the inscription for the envoy from the state of Bosi were created either in the second year of the Datōng or Zhong Datōng reign-period. Since the painting had been completed, it could not have been added in. If this is the case, the portraits for the envoys from the state of Baiji and the others should not be arranged after the portrait for the envoy from the state of Bosi. There is no evidence to indicate their sequence was originally topsy-turvy. 5. From Daguanlu (ch.11), it can be seen that there are still 25 states in the current fragment at the time described in Daguanlu. These should be the portraits and inscriptions for the envoys from twelve states, i.e., Gaogouli, Yutian, Xinluo, Middle Tianzhu, Shizi, Northern Tianzhu, Qiepantuo, Gaochang, the Man [Barbarians] of Tianmen, the Dan [Barbarians] of Jianping, and the Man [Barbarians] of Linjiang, apart from the above-mentioned 13 states. Of them, the tribute missions from the Man Barbarians of Tianmen, the Dan Barbarians of Jianping and the Man Barbarians of Linjiang are not recorded in the current Liangshu, so we can only put the problem aside. According to the “Zhuyi Zhuan” of Liangshu, the dates when the three states of Xinluo, Middle Tianzhu, and Northern Tianzhu came to pay respects to the Liang court were all before Xiao Yi was Governor of Jingzhou Province, as was the case with the state of Qiuci and the so on. Regarding the state of Shizi, according to the “Zhuyi Zhuan” of Liangshu, it came to pay its respects to the Liang court only once, in the first year [527] of the Datōng reign-period. According to the “Wudi Ji” of Liangshu (ch. 3), Xiao Yi was appointed Governor of Jingzhou Province in the tenth month of the seventh year [526] of the Putong reign-period, and the state of Shizi came to pay respects in the following year, i.e., the third month of the first year [527] of the Datōng reign-period. At that time, the creation of Zhigongtu had not necessarily been commenced. That is to say, the state of Shizi can also be classified together with the three states of Xinluo, Middle Tianzhu, and Northern Tianzhu, because the possibility cannot be ruled out that the portrait and the inscription for the envoy from the state of Shizi were created before Xiao Yi was appointed Governor of Jingzhou Province. In addition, in “Wudi Ji” and “Zhuyi Zhuan” of Liangshu (ch. 3 and 54), there are the records that the three states of Gaogouli, Yutian, and Wuxing came to pay their respects to the Liang court both before and after Xiao Yi was appointed Governor of Jingzhou Province. But there are only references to tribute missions before Xiao Yi was the Governor of Jingzhou Province in the inscriptions for the envoys from the three states, which was probably also the case with Hua, Dangchang, and Baiji. In other words, the portraits and inscriptions for the envoys from the three states could also have been created before Xiao Yi was Governor of Jingzhou Province. In spite of this, the possibility cannot be ruled out that the portraits and inscriptions for the envoys from Gaogouli and the other two states were completed by Xiao Yi. In fact, the three inscriptions — 91 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) mention that they paid respects to the Liang court in the period when Xiao Yi guarded Jingzhou Province. Regarding the state of Gaochang, according to the “Basic Annals” and the “Zhuyi Zhuan” of Liangshu, there are only records of tribute missions during Xiao Yi’s first term as Governor of Jingzhou Province. If the record in the missing inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Gaochang accords with that in Liangshu, then the portrait and the inscription for the envoy from the state of Gaochang could have been the work of Xiao Yi. Regarding the state of Kepantuo, the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu records: “In the first year [546 CE] of the Zhong Datong 中大同 reign-period it sent envoys to present its local products”. It is the only time known that the state of Kepantuo came to pay respects to the Liang court. Based on this, it can be, of course, thought that the original basis of the portrait and the inscription for the envoy from the state of Kepantuo came from Xiao Yi, but it must be admitted that Xiao Yi could also have made the supplement after he had written the preface of the painting. The first year of the Zhong Datong 中大同 reign-period thus becomes the upper limit of the date when the Zhigongtu was finally completed. However, from this it is impossible to deduce that the original basis of the current fragment is the work of Xiao Yi. This is because the sequence in which the various states are arranged in the current fragment and even in Daguanlu have nothing to do with the dates when the various states came to pay their respects to the Liang court for the first time, and there is no evidence to indicate that the order of the various states was originally arranged according to the date when they came to pay respects to the Liang court. In particular, there is no evidence to indicate that the portraits and inscriptions for the envoys from the states of Gaochang and so on were originally arranged before the portrait and inscription for the envoy from the state of Kepantuo. If the portrait for the envoy from the state of Kepantuo was indeed added after Xiao Yi had written his preface because the date when this state came to pay its respects to the Liang court was the latest, it should not have been positioned after the state of Gaochang and the others. In sum, there is little possibility that the portraits and inscriptions for the envoys from thirteen states in the current fragment were the work of Xiao Yi. If we investigate the question according to the twenty-five states as seen in Daguanlu, there are also only portraits and inscriptions for the envoys from the five states of Gaogouli, Yutian, Kepantuo, Wuxing, and Gaochang which might have been the work of Xiao Yi. Even if the Man Barbarians of Tianmen, the Dan Barbarians of Jianping, and the Man Barbarians of Linjiang were added, there were still only eight states. — 92 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” III The original basis of the portraits of the envoys from twelve states and the inscriptions for the envoys from the thirty states as seen in the fragment saved in the Palace Museum in Nanjing was possibly Pei Ziye’s Fangguoshitu 方國使圖. First, the “Pei Ziye Zhuan” of Liangshu (ch. 30) states: At that time, envoys came via the Mianshan 岷山 Mountain Route from the states of Baiti and Hua, both beyond the northwestern frontier, to present tribute. These two states had never had any contact with [the Middle Kingdom] and no one knew anything about their origin. [Pei] Ziye said, “Marquis Yingyin 穎 陰 of Han killed a Hu general from Baiti’. Fu Qian’s 服 虔 commentary reads, “Baiti is a Hu name”. On another occasion, Marquis Dingyuan 定遠 attacked the savages, and Bahua followed him. Could this [Hua] have been a descendant of [Bahua]”? The people at that time were impressed by his expansive knowledge. The emperor therefore ordered him to compile Fangguoshitu, which included twenty states in total, from the remote areas to overseas, in order to provide a sweeping description of the splendor that attracted many states to pay their respects [to Liang]. Beyond doubt, the states of Baiti and Hua must have been included in Pei’s Fangguoshitu, and if there is also the inscription on the painting, it is very possible that its contents are the same as the inscriptions for the envoys from the states of Baiti and Hua in the current fragment. This is because Pei’s descriptions of the states of Baiti and Hua are wholly his personal speculation, for which there is no basis.[33] Without his description, there could be no other sources. Xiao Yi and Pei Ziye were contemporaries. In the “Yuandi Ji” of Liangshu (ch. 5) it is recorded: Emperor Shizu was not a sensualist, and he was highly regarded. He and the talents at that time - Pei Ziye, Liu Xian 劉顯, Xiao Ziyun 蕭子雲, and Zhang Zuan 張纘, were friends in disregard of their social status. However, he did not necessarily adopt Pei’s opinion regarding the states of Baiti and Hua without reservation. Moreover, from the preface of Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu we know that Xiao painted the portraits of the envoys and penned the records of local customs after he had conducted some investigation and study, which is at odds with the contention that Pei’s descriptions relied — 93 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) completely on conjecture. We have every reason to imagine that the provenance of the states of Baiti and Hua accords closely with the reality described in Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu. Second, according to the “Pei Ziye Zhuan” of Liangshu, Pei Ziye “died in office in the second year [530] of the Zhong Datōng 中大通 reign-period”. This year is undoubtedly the lower limit of the date when Fangguoshitu was compiled. As previously mentioned, the latest date in the inscriptions of the envoy portraits in the current fragment is the second year of “the Datōng 大通 reign-period”, but “Datōng”, according to the “Wudi Ji” of Liangshu (ch. 3), should be an error for “Zhong Datōng” 中大通. If this is so, the portrait of the envoy and the inscription treating the state of Bosi were compiled in the very year when Pei Ziye died. In other words, as far as the date of creation is concerned, identifying the original basis of the portraits and inscriptions of the envoys in the current fragment of Pei Ziye’s Fangguoshitu is more apropos than determining the basis of Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu. Although the possibility that Xiao Yi completely copied the inscriptions by Pei Ziye cannot be ruled out, and it should be remembered that Xiao Yi was in direct contact with the envoys from the various states when he dominated Jingzhou Province so this possibility is not slight, we should acknowledge that Xiao did paint a new work, which indicated that he was at least dissatisfed with Pei’s painting. If everything was copied (even including the dates when tribute was presented), what does this signify? Third, if inspecting the twenty-five states recorded in Daguanlu, according to the preceding analysis, there are the portraits and inscriptions of the envoys from the four states of Xinluo, Middle Tianzhu, Shizi, and Northern Tianzhu derived from Fangguoshitu at least, the possibility that the original basis of the portraits and the inscriptions for the envoys from three states of Gaogouli, Yutian, and Wuxing belong to Pei’s painting cannot be ruled out. The seven states together with the thirteen states as seen in the current fragment are the “twenty states in total”. Perhaps this is just a coincidence, but the above analysis is not unreasonable, and suggests at least that fragments of Pei’s Fangguoshitu were handed down. As for the other five states recorded in Daguanlu, they were possibly derived from Xiao’s painting (more possibly a fragment of it), as well as the other versions of Zhigongtu of Liang times (e.g. Jiang Sengbao’s 江僧寶). It is possible that Yan Lide (or his predecessor) clipped the fragments of Pei Ziye’s extant Fangguoshitu at that time and of the other Zhigongtu of Liang times and put them together to form one painting. Yan’s original idea may have been either to preserve antiquity or he may have been indulging in archaizing, and so then titled the work, Zhigongtu, through which “the painter — 94 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” demonstrated his abilities”. Those paintings were handed down from ancient times bearing the title of an antiquity or as the work of the original author - the latter most likely bore the name of Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty, who was of course the most famous individual among those artists who created works titled Zhigongtu treating Liang times. As for the copy of the “Appreciation of Zhigongtu” of Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty that was handed down, such a phenomenon would be inevitable and hardly surprising. Since people in Song and Yuan times all identified it as Yan Lide’s Wanghuitu or Zhigongtu, the current fragment as recorded in Daguanlu can be considered to be Yan Lide’s re-creation, and should be titled Yan Lide’s Liang Zhigongtu. Combining the observations made in the above section, it can be seen that the paintings belonging to the second category all share the same origins as the extant fragment, and their original basis may have been Yan Lide’s Liang Zhigongtu. The first part of the current fragment is lost, so we do not know the first state that was illustrated. However, its latter section was intact at the time described in Daguanlu. According to Daguanlu, the last state illustrated in the painting was the Man Barbarians of Linjiang, which does not seem to conform to the statement in Li Gonglin’s note that it “opens with the savages” and “ends with the Dan barbarians”. However, we cannot for this reason consider that the painting mentioned by Li and the current fragment do not have the same origin. This is because the possibility cannot be ruled out that the latter part of the painting mentioned by Li was already incomplete in his time and the last state was the “Dan Barbarians of Jianping”. The statement that it “ends with the Dan barbarians” would thus not refer to the whole painting, but indicate the painting mentioned by Li Gonglin that ended in his day with the Dan Barbarians of Jianping. Probably for this reason, Li did not say that the painting he saw included “thirty-four states”, but only mentioned “more than 30 states”. Prior to Daguanlu 大觀錄, Zhenji Rilu 真蹟日錄[34] (ch. 2) by Zhang Chou 張丑 [1577 -1643] in Ming times already recorded Yan Liben’s Wanghuitu. According to this work, the painting was “a silk scroll, in color ink, with a total of twenty-four states. The calligraphy of the title of each state is very clumsy and unadorned, and does not accord with standards of appreciation. There are three colophons by Kangli Zishan and others at the end”. The same book (ch. 3) also documents a scroll of Yan Lide’s Wanghuitu, stating that it contained portraits of twenty-four envoys and three colophons, by Kangli Kuikui 康里巙巙, Wang Yuqing 王餘慶, and Wang Yutai 王宇泰. The former two colophons are the same as the two seen in Yan Lide’s Wanghuitu, and the twenty-four states in the painting are successively: — 95 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) The states of Yu... 虞□□, Ruirui, Bosi, Baiji, Humidan, Baiti, Mo, Middle Tianzhu, Shizi, Northern Tianzhu, Kepantuo, Wuxing, Qiuci, Wo, Gaoli, Yutian, Xinluo, Dangchang, Langyaxiu, Demhzhi, Zhouguke, Abatan, Jianping Dan 建平蛋, and Nü Dan 女蛋. There may be confusion in Zhang’s record, because it is impossible that there are the same three colophons at the end of two different paintings. We can combine the record of Shiqu Baoji (ch. 32), namely that there were two colophons by Kangli Zishan and Wang Yuqing in Yan Lide’s Zhigongtu (the writing being roughly the same as that recorded in Zhenji Rilu, ch. 3), and the record on Yan Liben’s Wanghuitu in the same chapter: A Tang scroll of Yan Liben’s Wanghuitu: It is a white silk scroll with color ink. The paintings comprise twenty-four segments, the titles of states noted on each segment with regular script. There is a seal at the end, and the handwriting is too blurry to recognize. At the end of the scroll is the appreciation of Wang Kentang. Wu Qizhen’s 吳其貞 Shuhuaji[35] (ch. 6), which includes calligraphy and paintings between the eighth year (1635) of the Chongzhen 崇禎 reign-period in Ming times and the sixteenth year (1677) of the Kangxi 康熙 reign-period in Qing times, also records: A scroll of Yan Lide’s Wanghuitu: The silk is pure white and clear, and the colors are vivid, which is Wanghuitu. During the reign-period of Emperor Taizong of the Tang Dynasty, the outer barbarians, a total of twenty-four states, came to pay tribute to the court. Emperor ordered Yan Lide to paint this work in order to manifest the grand occasions at that time. The technique [adopted] in the painting was to avoid vulgarity and be very elegant, which indicates it is undoubtedly a painting from Tang times. Generally speaking, paintings of Tang times are all on pure white silk with vivid color. It may be assumed that this is because they were not treated with alum and glue. Otherwise, how could it be so attractive? The painting was copied at that time, and the copies proliferated in Song times. At the end of the painting there are colophons by (Wu) [Kangli] Zishan, Wang Yuqing, and Wang Kentang 王肯堂. It would thus seem that this painting that included a total of twenty-four states was Yan Liben’s Wanghuitu. The “twenty-four states” were those listed after “Yu” 虞 above, and it ended with the — 96 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” colophon by Wang Yutai. The painting of Yan Lide was however titled Zhigongtu not Wanghuitu, which had “a total of 25 paragraphs”, and there were three colophons - by Kangli Zishan, Wang Yuqing, and Wang Yutai. The latter is likely the painting recorded in Daguanlu. The “twenty-four states” in Shuhuaji refer to the portraits of the envoys (“the paintings comprise twenty-four segments”), whereas the “25 paragraphs” in Shiqu Baoji refer to the inscriptions for the portraits (the so-called Zhifangzhi). The painting was undoubtedly already fragmentary at that time. The colophon of Wang Yuqing as recorded in the Zhang Chou’s Zhenji Rilu (ch. 3) reads: The monk Langu obtained an ancient painting of barbarians from the twenty-four states and let me peruse it. Its coloring was heavy and simple, and the strong brushwork made each portrait lifelike. This was truly an item to be treasured and enjoyed. This item mentions that there were “twenty-four states” in Yan Lide’s painting, which seems to refer to the portraits of the envoys. In addition, the item on “The Difference between Wanghuitu and Zhigongtu” in Shi Shengzu’s 史繩祖 Xuezhai Zhanbi 學齋佔畢[36] (ch. 2) states: [Su] Dongpo 東坡 composed a poem on Yan Liben’s Zhigongtu,[37] in the notes for which he quoted Tanbinlu 譚賔錄: In the third year [629] of the Zhenguan reign-period, Xie Yuanshen 謝 元深 of the Eastern Man barbarians came to pay tribute. Yan Shigu 顔師古 presented a memorial to the emperor and stated: “In the past, during the reign of King Wu of the Zhou 周 Dynasty the states from far away came and pledged allegiance. The events were concentrated and he wrote Wanghuipian 王會篇. Now we can prepare a painting that can be passed down to future generations that we can title Wanghuitu”. Emperor Taizong then issued an edict ordering Yan Liben to paint Wanghuitu. There is the same record in Tangshu, where the painting is also titled Wanghuitu.[38] During the reign of Emperor Wuzong 武宗, the monarch of the Xiajiasi 黠戛斯 came to pay tribute. Li Deyu also presented a memorial to the emperor and the Emperor issued an edict ordering him to paint Xu Wanghuitu. That is to say, the title Zhigong did not appear. Gongzhitu was mentioned in Li Gonglin’s note titled Qunyutie 羣玉帖 from the Imperial Archives. According to this, “Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty created Zhigongtu when he guarded Jingzhou Province. The painting both described the appearance of the envoys and recorded the local customs. The work opens with the savages, and ends with the Dan barbarians, — 97 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) [encompassing] a total of more than thirty states. Yang Liben in Tang times created Xiyutu 西域圖, recording both the mountains and rivers in those places, and the very beautiful Kasāka (sic.), with a total of nine states. Among them were the states of Goutou (Cynocephalus), Da’er (Mycrotia), and Gui (Devil), which made people’s blood run cold. It served to record the spectacular events at court gatherings in order to show expansive vision. It was in the category of Gongzhitu and its like. Written by Li Gonglin on the fifteenth day of the sixth month of the first year [1068] of the Yuanyou 元佑 reign-period in the Bamboo Pavilion of the Memorial Office”. With that clarified, we know Gongzhitu was Xiao Yi’s work, but Wanghuitu and Xiyutu were the work of Yan Liben. Su Dongpo believed Zhigongtu to be Yan’s work, which was incorrect. Shi Shengzu was attempting to deny that Yan Liben painted a work titled Zhigongtu, but this opinion was not necessarily correct. There are two poems titled “Inscribing the Copy of Yan Liben’s Zhigongtu” in Zhao Bingwen’s 趙秉文 [1159 -1232] Fushuiji 滏水集[39] (ch. 8), one of which reads: They come from all countries bearing tribute to the Zhou King’s court; The scene recorded by our Chancellor of the Right in a masterpiece no ancient work can rival. Such an exquisite painting should not be solitary in this world, But opened up in the way the gleaming moon imprints her seal on a thousand rivers. From this, it can be seen that Yan Liben also painted a work titled Zhigongtu. Li Jian’s Deyuzhai Huapin, quoted above, also stated that the technique and flavor of Xiao Yi’s Fanke Ruchaotu were similar to Yan Liben’s Zhigongtu, and as a result the former was suspected of being a copy by Yan Liben. This indicates that Li Jian himself had seen Yan Liben’s Zhigongtu. It is worth noting that Yan Liben’s Zhigongtu inscribed by Zhao Bingwen was not the original work, but a copy (“Such an exquisite painting should not be solitary in this world, But opened up in the way the gleaming moon imprints her seal on a thousand rivers”.) It seems this can be regarded as circumstantial evidence that Yan Lide made a copy of Liang Zhigongtu. In addition, both Yu Fengqing’s 郁逢慶 Xu Shuhua Tiba 續書畫題跋[40] (ch. 1), written after 1634, and Wang Keyu’s 汪砢玉 Shanhuwang 珊瑚網[41](ch. 25), written in 1643, record a scroll of “Yan Liben’s Zhuyitu (Painting of the Various Barbarians) in Tang times”. According to them, in Zhuyitu 諸夷圖, “it opens with Wuxing and ends with Langyaxiu, depicting twenty-six states — 98 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” and twenty-eight figures, illustrating the looks or appearances of people from the various states”. Here the “states” and the “figures” are mentioned separately, and it would seem that the former refers to the inscriptions, the latter, the portraits. This Zhuyitu is probably not Yan Liben’s Wanghuitu recorded by Zhang Chou. Not only is the sequence of the states in the two paintings different, but the number of states should not be less than the latter, since Zhang’s record is earlier than that of Yu or Wang. But, nonetheless, it is possible that the original basis of the two was the same, i.e., Zhigongtu inscribed by Su Dongpo or Zhao Bingwen. As for the relationship between the painting and the paintings of the same name by Yan Liben or Yan Lide, it is very difficult to judge because data are deficient. In the end, there is a passage titled “Appreciation of Rugongtu 入貢圖 by Gu Deqian 顧德謙, Editorial Assistant, in Intercalary Tang times” in the Beishan Xiaoji[42] of Cheng Ju in Song times: While the Grand Tao is in vogue, public feeling is not yet corrupted. Everybody remains tranquil and quiet, oblivious of each other, and not going back and forth. There is no affection, praise, fear, or contempt until morality declines. In the close vicinity there is powerlessness, but the aim is always at a distance. If it is not enough to bring people from remote places to court, the troops will be sent. Only with conquest does treachery appear. If you do not win some, you will not lose some. All manner of feelings welled up in my mind after I looked at the painting and then rolled it up. In the eighth month of the seventh year of the Xuanhe 宣和 reign-period [i.e., the year yisi 乙巳, 1125] I passed Suiyang 睢陽 by boat. Zhao Shuwen 趙叔問 brought along this painting and in a river pavilion shared it with me. For this I wrote this appreciation. This would seem to indicate that Gu Deqian 顧德謙 in Southern Tang times had a work similar to that of Yan’s brothers. In my opinion, this Rugongtu was in fact probably Fanke Ruchaotu copied by Gu Deqian as recorded in Shiqu Baoji Xubian[43]: It is a white silk scroll. It is 8 cun and 4 fen high, and 1 zhang, 6 chi and eight cun long. The figures of the various states are sketched out in ink, their clothes and adornments differ from one another. The titles of the states are respectively as follows: 1. the state of Lu; 2. the state of Ruirui; 3. the state of Henan (Tuyuhun); 4. [the state of] Middle Tianzhu; 5. the state of ... (sic); 6. the state of Linyi; 7. the state of Shizi; 8. [the state of] Northern Tianzhu; 9. the state of Kepantuo; 10. the Fan Barbarians of Wuxing; 11. the state of Dangchang; 12. the state of Langyaxiu; 13. the state of — 99 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) Dengzhi; 14. the state of Bosi; 15. the state of Baiji; 16. the state of Qiuci; 17. the state of Wo; 18. the state of Zhouguke; 19. the state of Hebatan; 20. the state of Humidan; 21. the state of Baiti; 22. the Man Barbarians of Linjiang; 23. the state of Gaoli; 24. the state of Gaochang; 25. the Man Barbarians of Tianmen; 26. the Man Barbarians of Jianping; 27. the state of Hua; 28. the state of Yutian; 29. [the state of] Xinluo; 30. the state of Gantuo (which should be an error for “Gantuoli”); 31. the state of Funan. There is no painter’s name. There are the titles written by Emperor Lizong 理宗 of the Song Dynasty at the head and end of the scroll: “This is confirmed to be a copy of Fanke Ruchaotu of Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty by Gu Deqian of Southern Tang times”. There are two seals on it: One is “Yu Shu Zhi Bao” 御書之寶 (Seal Employed by the Emperor), which is rounded with characters cut in relief; the other is gourd-shaped, the impression of the seal being “jiyou 己酉”. There are no inscriptions on this painting. Verifying its names of states, its original basis would seem to be the same as those works of the first category, i.e., the painting recorded by Li Jian or inscribed by Lou Yao. IV The preface for the “Memoir on the Various Rong of the Northwest” of Liangshu only states: “From the time when Liang received the heavenly mandate, those states who accepted the calendar [of the Middle Kingdom] and paid their respects at the imperial court were Chouchi 仇池, Dangchang, Gaochang, Dengzhi, He’nan, Qiuci, Yutian, and Hua, among others. Now we have compiled their customs into the ‘Memoir on the Various Rong of the Northwest’”. It does not explain its sources of data. The following is a preliminary attempt to shed light on this problem with reference to the inscriptions for the portraits of the envoys in the extant fragment of the painting Liang Zhigongtu and to the entries in the “Memoir on the Northwestern Barbarians”. A. The item on the state of Hua in the “Xibei Zhurong” of Liangshu reads: The state of Hua: Its people were the detached stock of the Jushi. In the first year of the Yongjian 永建 reign-period of the Han Dynasty, Bahua 八滑 followed Ban Yong 班勇 to attack the northern savages and rendered great service. Thus [Ban] Yong submitted a written report to request [the Emperor] to title Bahua the Marquis Enjoying Friendly Relations with Han in the Tribe of Further Jushi 車師. From Wei to Jin times it did not communicate with the Middle — 100 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” Kingdom. In the fifteenth year of the Tianjian 天監 reign-period, its king Yandaiyilituo 厭帶夷栗 陁 first sent envoys to present its local products. In the first year of the Putong reign-period the king also sent envoys to present yellow lions (shizi), white marten coats, Persian brocade, and other gifts. In the seventh year [of the Putong 普通 reign-period] the king, presenting a memorial, also presented tribute. When the Yuan-Wei 元魏 Dynasty had its residence at Sanggan 桑乾, Hua was still a small state subject to the Ruirui 芮芮. Later it gradually became stronger and invaded the neighboring states of Bosi, Panpan, Jibin, Yanqi, Qiuci, Shule, Gumo 姑墨, Yutian, Goupan 句盤, among others, and opened up territories which extended for over 1,000 li. The soil is warm, and there are many rivers and mountains, but few trees, and the five grains are grown. The staple diet consists of dried oatmeal and mutton. Beasts native to it are the lion (shizi), the two-footed camel, and the wild donkey with horns. The men all excel at shooting arrows from horseback, and they wear long robes with short sleeves and decorate their belts with gold and jade. The women wear fur cloaks and on their heads there is a piece of wood carved into a horn six chi long, which is decorated with gold and silver. There are few women, and older and younger brothers marry the one wife. They are without walled towns, living in felt tents with a door open to the east. Their king sits on a golden couch, which is revolved following the planet Jupiter. The king and his wife sit shoulder to shoulder to receive visitors. They have no script, but use wooden slips as tallies. In communications with neighboring states, they make the barbarians from neighboring states prepare documents in Hu (barbarian) languages, using parchment instead of paper. They are without officials. They worship the God of Heaven and the God of Fire. Every day they go outside [of their tents] to sacrifice to the gods and then they take breakfast. They prostrate themselves only once. When there is a death the coffin is made of wood; when a parent dies, the child will cut off one of his ears. As soon as the funeral is over, things go on as usual. Their language is intelligible only through oral interpretation conducted by the people of Henan 河南. The inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Hua in the extant fragment of Liang Zhigongtu reads: [Its people were the detached stock of the Jushi. In the first year of the Yongjian reign-period of the Han Dynasty] Bahua followed Ban Yong [to attack the northern savages and rendered great service.] [Thus Ban Yong submitted a written report to request the Emperor make Bahua the — 101 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) Marquis of Further Jushi Allied with Han.] When the savages with plaits had their residence at Sanggan, Hua was still a small state subject to the Ruirui. In Qi times they reached the Moxian 莫 獻 and lived there. Later they gradually became stronger and captured the neighboring states of Bosi, Panpan, Jibin, Yanqi, Qiuci, Shule, Gumo, Yutian, Goupan, among others, and opened up territories which extended for over 1,000 li. The soil is warm, and there are many rivers and mountains, but few trees, and the five grains are grown. The staple diet consists of dried oatmeal and mutton. Beasts native to it are the lion, the two-footed camel, and the wild donkey with horns. The men all excel at shooting arrows from horseback, and they wear a long robe with small sleeves and decorate their belts with gold and jade. The women wear fur cloaks and on their heads there is a piece of wood carved into a horn six chi long, which is decorated with gold and silver. There are few women, and older and younger brothers marry the one wife. They are without walled towns, living in felt tents with a door open to the east. Their king sits on a golden couch, which is revolved following the planet Jupiter. The king and his wife sit shoulder to shoulder to receive visitors. They have no script, but use wooden slips as tallies, approximate numbers of things are carved on them. In communications with neighboring states, they make the barbarians from neighboring states prepare documents in Hu (barbarian) languages, using parchment instead of paper. They are without officials. They made slaves out of the kings of smaller states who had surrendered. They worship the God of Heaven. Every day they go outside [of their tents] to sacrifice to the gods and then they take breakfast. They prostrate themselves only once; after this they kiss the hand or the foot of the king, while those of lower social status kiss the garments of the king. When there is a death the coffin is made of wood; when a parent dies, the child will cut one of his ears. As soon as the burial is over, things go on as usual. From Wei to Jin times it did not communicate with the Middle Kingdom. In the fifteenth year of the Tianjian reign-period, its king Yandaiyilituo first sent envoys, Puduoda 蒲多達 [and the others] to present its local products, woolen carpets with floral patterns and cups for entertaining guests. In the first year [520] of the Putong reign-period, the king also sent his envoy Fuheliaoliao 富何了了 to present yellow lions, white marten coats, Persian brocade, and other gifts. The king’s wife also sent an envoy, by the name of Kang Fuzhen, to present tribute at the same time. The envoy has his hair clipped but does not wear any hair dressing, and wears an upper garment made of Persian brocade and brocade trousers, and long boots of red elk hide. Their language is intelligible only through oral interpretation conducted by the people of Henan. — 102 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” Comparing the item on the state of Hua in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu with the inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Hua, it is not difficult to find that the latter was based on the former. For this reason, the damaged parts in the opening can be roughly recovered as following: “The state of Hua 滑: The people originate from a branch of the Jushi people. In the first year of the Yongjian reign-period of the Han Dynasty, Bahua 八滑 followed Ban Yong 班勇 to attack the northern savages and rendered great service. Thus [Ban] Yong submitted a written report to request [the Emperor] make Bahua the Marquis of Further Jushi Allied with Han. From Wei 魏 to Jin 晉 times it did not communicate with the Middle Kingdom”. The original character “yu 與” is likely the character “yi 以”, the similarity of the pronunciations having caused the error. The item “Xirong 西戎, the Fifth” of the section titled “Bianfang 邊防, the Ninth” of Tongdian (ch. 193) reads “以八滑爲後部親漢侯” (meaning, “... make Bahua the Marquis Enjoying Friendly Relations with Han in the Tribe of Further Jushi”). Moreover, “Suolu” 索虜 directly follows the character “bu” 部, which was probably caused by pasting on paper, and thus this is not the original appearance of the inscription.[44] However, the editor of the item on the state of Hua in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu embellished and omitted text on the basis of the latter. The main omissions are: 1. The important omission is after the statement that the state was “subject to the Ruirui”, there is this sentence: “In Qi times they reached the Moxian and lived there”. The time when they occupied the east of Iran was implied, since “Moxian 莫獻 [mak-xian]” may well be seen as an abbreviated transcription of Margiana.[45] 2. Following “they … use wooden slips as tallies” there are five additional characters, “ke zhi yue wu-shu” 刻之約物數, meaning “approximate numbers of things are carved on them”. 3. Following “they are without officials” there is an additional sentence: “They made slaves out of the kings of smaller states who had surrendered”. 4. Following the statement “they prostrate themselves only once” there are twelve characters “zhi ji ming qi-wang shou-zu jian-zhe ming wang-yi” 止卽鳴其王手足賤者鳴王衣 (...after this they kiss the hand or the foot of the king, while those of lower social status kiss the garments of the king). 5. The names of the envoys who were sent by the king of the Hua, Yandaiyilituo, state in the fifteenth year of the Tianjian reign-period, “Puduoda and the others”, the names of the local products presented by them, and the name of the envoys who were sent by the king of the Hua state in the first year of the Putong reign-period: “富何了了 Fuheliaoliao”. — 103 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) 6. The sentence “the king’s wife ... also sent an envoy, by the name of Kang Fuzhen 康符真, to present tribute at the same time”. The envoy sent by the king’s wife, “Kang Fuzhen”, could possibly have been someone from the state of Samarkand. The people of Samarkand were famous traders; perhaps this is why someone from that state was sent by the wife of the king of Hua. 7. The sentence “The envoy has his hair clipped but does not wear any hair dressing, and wears an upper garment made of Persian brocade and brocade trousers, and long boots of red elk hide”. This is a description for the image of the envoy of the Hua state. From this, it can be seen that the first image is the portrait of the envoy from the state of Hua. According to the current view, the eliminated content contained important data. Comparing the item on state of Hua in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu with the inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Hua, it can also be found that there are additions in the former. These are mainly the seven characters following “the seventh year”. The source of the additions is the same as that of the “Wudi Ji” of Liangshu (ch. 3). The inscription only mentions the “God of Heaven”, not the “Fire God”, which was likely omitted in the copy.[46] In addition, Li Gonglin’s note states that the painting “opens with the savages” and “ends with the Dan barbarians”, which indicates that the first state should be the state of the savages, i.e., Wei of the Tuoba. The evidence is in Liang Zhigongtu itself: The inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Hua calls the Wei of the Tuoba “the savages with plaits”. B. The item on the state of Zhouguke in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu. The state of Zhouguke: It is a small state near the state of Hua. In the first year of the Putong reign-period it sent envoys, accompanying [the envoys] of Hua, to present its local products. The remaining inscriptions for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Zhouguke read: The envoy from the state of Zhouguke: The state of Zhouguke is a small state near the state of Hua. In the 1st year [520] of the Putong reign period, accompanying the envoys of the state of Hua, the envoy presented tribute. The memorial which he presented included the following statements: “Everything respectful is proffered; all auspiciousness is amply provided. Like the cloudless clear sky, like a bright full moon, the Son of Heaven himself is peaceful and quiet and is perfect like this. Your great aspiration is to serve as a sail in the four seas. Jambu-dvīpa in Yangzhou, the greatest country in the world, in which people throng, and everything is joyful and awesome, as in heaven. — 104 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” The king of Zhouguke, kneeling and bowing in worship, greets the Son of Heaven with his palms clasped... Now I present a golden ..., a crystal bowl, and a horse”. The item on the state of Zhouguke in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu was compiled by abbreviating the data on which the remaining inscription was based. C. The item on the state of Hebatan in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu reads: The state of Hebatan: It is another small state near the state of Hua. For all states that are near Hua, their clothes and appearance are the same as those of Hua. In the first year of the Putong reign-period it sent envoys, accompanying the envoys of Hua, to present its local products. The remaining inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Hebatan reads: The envoy from the state of Hebatan: The state of Hebatan is a small state near the state of Hua. In the first year [520] of the Putong reign period, accompanying the envoys of the state of Hua, the envoy presented tribute. The memorial presented by him reads: “...The most honorable, fortuitous Son of Heaven, who rules the eastern earth, the king of Hebatan greets him with his palms put together innumerable times to wish the Son of Heaven tranquility and peace. Now I send the envoy to take this letter by hand, and in order to show that these words are not empty, I present a horse and a silver vessel”. The item on the state of Hebatan in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu was compiled by abbreviating the data on which the remaining inscription was based. The thirteen characters “fan Hua pang zhi guo yifu rongmao jie yu Hua tong” 凡滑旁之國衣服容貌皆與滑同 (meaning, “for all states that are near Hua, their clothes and appearance are the same as those of Hua”) do not appear in the remaining inscription. The thirteen characters were added by the editor of “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu, but they are not correct. From the portraits of the envoys from Hua and the neighboring states we can only see that their clothes are the same, but we cannot conclude that they are of the same appearance. Since the editors of the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu relied mainly on the basis of the inscriptions on the portraits in the fragment, and had no other means to observe the appearance of the people of Hua and the neighboring states, we cannot help but conclude that the so-called similarity in appearance is only an association occasioned by their — 105 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) similar clothes. One cannot consider that the people of the Hua state were West Eurasian on the basis of this record. D. The item on the state of Humidan in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu reads: The state of Humìdan: It is also a small state near the state of Hua. In the first year of the Putong reign-period it sent envoys, accompanying the envoys of Hua, to present its local products. The remaining inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Humidan reads: The envoy from the state of Humidan: The state of Humidan is a small state near the state of Hua. In the first year [520 CE] of the Putong reign-period, [the king] sent an envoy, accompanying the envoys of the state of Hua, to present tribute. In the memorial presented by him, he wrote: “The Son of Heaven in Yangzhou, the Holy Lord of the great nation, in which the sun rises, king of Humi[dan], whose name is ...ye 㒒, falling on his knees and holding his palms together at a distance, salutes innumerable times. Now the envoy of the state of Hua will arrive in the holy country, and with him we present a letter, as well as a bell of shuijing (crystal glass) and a horse. If the Holy Lord orders me I dare not disobey”. The item on the state of Humidan in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu was compiled by abbreviating the data on which the remaining inscription was based. E. The item for the state of Baiti in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu reads: The state of Baiti: Its king is surnamed Zhī, and named Shijiyi. Its ancestors were the detached stock of the Xiongnu. When he fought with the Xiongnu in Han times, Guan Ying killed a cavalryman from the Baiti [state]. At present, the state is to the east of the state of Hua at a distance of a six-day’s journey. To the west one proceeds and reaches Bosi. The land produces millet, wheat, watermelons, and other kinds of fruit. Their food more or less resembles that of Hua. In the third year of the Putong reign-period, it sent envoys to present its local products. The remaining inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Baiti reads: The envoy from the state of Baiti: The Baiti people were the detached stock of Hu, who were close to the Xiongnu. When he fought with the Xiongnu, Guan Ying 灌嬰 killed a cavalryman — 106 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” from the Baiti [state] in early Han times. At present, the state lies to the east of the state of Hua, and one reaches the state of Hua after a sixty days’ journey. [From the state of Hua one proceeds] west and reaches Bosi [Persia] after twenty days’ journeying. The land produces millet, wheat, watermelons, and other kinds of fruit. Their foods more or less resemble those of Hua. Its king is surnamed Zhi 支, and named Shǐjiyi 使稽毅. In the third year [522] of the Putong reign period, Baiti sent a Buddhist monk, Zhanduhuo 氊獨活, and an envoy, An Yuanlianjia 安遠憐伽, to the capital to present tribute. The item on the state of Baiti in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu was compiled by abbreviating and embellishing the original basis of the remaining inscription. The statement, “Baiti sent a Buddhist monk, Zhanduhuo 氊獨活, and an envoy, An Yuanlianjia 安遠憐伽, to the capital to present tribute”, in the current inscription is somewhat impenetrable; it seems that something is omitted or copied erroneously. The memoir deleted it and changed it directly into “it sent envoys to present its local products”, the basis of which is unknown. On the journey from Baiti to Hua, the memoir reads “six days’ journey”, but the inscription reads “sixty days’ journey”. It seems difficult to judge which one is right. If the following text of the inscription, “[From the state of Hua one proceeds] west and reaches Bosi [Persia] after twenty days’ journeying”, is not incorrect, “six days” would be correct. The state of Hua was situated to the east of the state of Bosi, and if someone went west to the state of Bosi from the state of Baiti that was a journey of sixty days to the east of the state of Hua, it would obviously be impossible to need only “twenty days”. In this memoir the four characters, “er-shi ri xing” 二十日行 (reaches Bosi after twenty days), are omitted, perhaps because, to the editors of the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu, it was impossible for someone from the state of Baiti, which was six days’ journey to the east of the state of Hua, to reach Bosi in twenty days. F. The item on the state of Qiuci in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu reads: [The state of] Qiuci: It is an old state in the Western Regions. During the reign of Emperor Guangwu in Later Han times, its king, who was named Hong 弘, was killed by Xian 賢, the king of Suoju 莎車, and his clan was exterminated. Xian established his son Zeluo 則羅 as king of Qiuci. The countrymen in turn killed Zeluo. The Xiongnu established a nobleman of Qiuci, Shendu 身毒, as king. From then on it was subject to the Xiongnu. However, Qiuci had been a — 107 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) large state for generations in Han times. It capital is called the town of Yan 延. When Emperor Wen 文 of the Wei Dynasty had just ascended the throne, it sent envoys to present tribute. During the Taikang 太康 reign-period of the Jin Dynasty it sent its prince to attend at court. In the seventh year of the Taiyuán 太元 reign-period Fu Jian 苻堅, the ruler of Qin, sent the general Lü Guang 呂光 to attack the Western Regions and he reached Qiuci. Bo Chun 帛純, the king of Qiuci, escaped with loads of treasure. [Lü] Guang entered the town, which has three sets of enclosing walls. [The girth of] the outer town is equal to that of the town of Chang’an. The buildings are splendid and beautiful, decorated with langgan, gold, and jade. [Lü] Guang established Bo Chun’s younger brother Zhen 震 as king and returned. From then on there were no communications [between Qiuci] and the Middle Kingdom. In the second year [521] of the Putong reign-period, the king of Qiuci, Niruimozhunasheng 尼瑞摩珠那勝, sent envoys to offer a memorial and present tribute. The remaining inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Qiuci reads: The envoy from the state of Qiuci 𪚾茲: The state of Qiuci is situated at the town of Yan in the Western Regions. Han had sent a princess to marry the king of the Wusun 烏孫. The princess of Wusun had sent her daughter to the capital of Han to study lute-playing. The king of Qiuci requested permission to marry the daughter in order to obtain the hand of a granddaughter of the Han [imperial family] for his king, Jiang[bin]. After he had arrived at the capital both the king and his wife were presented with seals and ribbons. His wife was granted the style and title of princess, and given carriages and a complement of riders, reed flutes and drummers. On returning to their own state he delighted in the Han institutions and built residences, with an outside road running round the perimeter; they arranged a relay system of calls to announce their arrival or departure. The state was very strong during the Wei and Jin dynasties. At the time of Liang, it sent the envoys to present fine horses. In the second year [521] of the Putong reign-period, [the king] sent the envoys, Kang Shiyi 康石憶 and Qiubona 丘波郍 to offer a memorial and present its local products. The item on the state of Qiuci in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu was compiled mainly on the original basis of the remaining inscription, but also referenced earlier histories to provide some supplementary material. The phrase, “in the second year of the Putong reign-period” and the — 108 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” following text, should have been taken from the remaining inscription, but the names of the envoys were omitted. The name of the Qiuci king, Niruimozhunasheng, does not appear in the remaining inscription, and so there might have been another source. However, the possibility cannot be ruled out that originally the name of the king of Qiuci who was on the throne in the second year of the Putong reign-period was in the inscription; the name was omitted or lost by the copier of the original source of the current fragment when he copied the inscription. G. The item on the state of Mo in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu reads: The state of Mo 末: It was originally the state of Qiemo 且末 in Han times. There are more than 10,000 households able to bear arms. It adjoins Dingling 丁零 in the north, Baiti in the east, and Bosi in the west. The natives all clip their hair and wear felt hats and short-sleeved clothes, simply making an opening for the neck and sewing the front. There is an abundance of cattle, sheep, mules, and donkeys. Their king, An Moshenpan 安末深盤, in the fifth year of the Putong reign-period, sent envoys to present tribute. The remaining inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Mo reads: The envoy from the state of Mo: The state of Mo was originally the state of Qiemo in Han times. There are more than 10,000 households able to bear arms. [It adjoins Dingling in the north,] Baiti is in the east, and Bosi in the west. The natives all clip their hair and wear felt [hats and short-sleeved clothes, simply making an opening for the neck and sewing the front. There is an abundance of cattle, sheep,] mules, and donkeys. The current king, An Shimoshenpan 安石末深盤, [in the fifth year of the Putong reign-period, sent envoys to present tribute.] The item on the state of Mo in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu is compiled completely on the basis of the remaining inscription. H. The item on the state of Bosi in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu reads: The state of Bosi: Of their ancestors there was King Bosini 波斯匿, whose descendants took the courtesy name of their grandfather as their family name, and then the name was turned into the title of their state. In the state there is a town that is 32 li in circumference. The town wall is four zhang high, and there are buildings everywhere upon it. There are several hundred to 1,000 houses — 109 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) and temples inside the town, and there are two or three hundred Buddhist temples outside the town. Fifteen li west of the town there are mountains of earth. The mountains are not too high, but they stretch far into the distance. Among the mountains there are vultures that devour sheep, troubling the natives greatly. In the state there is a flower named youbotan 優鉢曇, which is lovely and brightly colored. The land produces spirited colts. In soda pools there are shanhu 珊瑚 (coral) trees whose length is one or two chi. There are also hǔpo 琥珀, ma’nǎo 馬腦, “true pearls”, and meigui 玫㻁 (mica), which are not valued highly in the state. In the markets goods are paid for with gold and silver. The wedding ritual is as follows: having presented betrothal gifts, the son-in-law (i.e., the groom) leads men who can be numbered in the tens to the bride’s home to bring her back to his home. The son-in-law wears a brocade robe embroidered with golden thread and brocade trousers with a lion design, as well as a heavenly hat, and his bride is similarly attired. The bride’s brothers then come and grasp her by her wrist to hand her over to the son-in-law. At that point, the wedding ceremony is completed. This state adjoins the state of Hua in the east, the state of Poluomen 婆羅門 (Brahman) to the west and south, and the state of Fanli 汎慄 in the north. In the second year of the Zhong Datōng reign-period it sent envoys to present a Buddha’s tooth. The remaining inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Bosi reads: The envoy from the state of Bosi: It was a descendant of King Bosini 波斯匿 [Prasenajit], the offspring of Prince Zhituo 祇陁. They took the courtesy name of their grandfather as their family name, and then the name turned into the title of their state. According to Xiyu Zhuguozhi 西域諸國 志 by Dao’an 道安, a Monk, to the west of Jiantuoyue 揵陁越 and in the middle of the Western Sea 西海 is the state of Anxi 安息, to the south of Jiantuyue is the state of Boluotuo 波羅陁, and to the west of Boluotuo is the state of Boluosi 波羅斯. In the state there is a town that is 32 li in circumference. The town wall is four zhang 丈 high, and people use rammed earth as the base of buildings. There are buildings at every town gate. There are several hundred houses and temples inside the town, and there are one or two hundred [Buddhist] temples outside the town. Fifteen li west of the town there are earthen mountains. From the mountains springs flows south. In the mountains there are vultures that devour sheep; the vultures often come down upon the earth to devour sheep and fly away, troubling the natives. In the state there is a flower named udumnara [Ficus glomerata]. The land produces spirited colts. In soda pools there is coral. There are also — 110 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” amber, agate, true pearls and mica, which are not valued highly by the natives. In transactions goods are paid for with gold and silver. The betrothal presents at weddings are gold and silk, slaves, oxen and horses, and so on, as well as the carriage with a multicolored cover, pulled by four horses. [The son-in-law (i.e., the groom) leads men who can be numbered in the tens] to the bride’s home to bring her back to his home. The bride’s brothers then come and grasp her by her wrist to hand her over to the son-in-law. To the east it is 15,000 li to the state of Hua. From the state one proceeds west and reaches the state of Puluomen after 10,000 li journey. To the south it is 10,000 li to .... In addition, there is a state of Fanli to the north of the state of Puluomen at a distance of 10,000 li. In the second year [530] of the [Zhong] Datong 中大通 reign-period it sent envoys, An ...yue 安□越 and so on to present a Buddha’s tooth. The item on the state of Bosi in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu was compiled by abbreviating and embellishing the basis of the remaining inscription. The deletions are mainly as follows: 1. The sentence “the offspring of Prince Zhituo”. 2. “According to Xiyu Zhuguozhi 西域諸國志 by Shi Dao’an 釋道安, to the west of Jiantuoyue 揵陁越 and in the middle of the Western Sea is the state of Anxi, to the south of Jiantuyue is the state of Boluotuo 波羅陁, and to the west of Boluotuo is the state of Boluosi 波羅斯”. 3. The name of the envoy sent by the state of Bosi in the second year [530] of the Zhong Datōng 中大通 reign-period. As for the differences in some texts, it is possible that the text that was seen by the editor of the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu is different from the inscription in the current fragment. The current fragment is a copy, and there are many omissions and errors in the inscriptions of the fragment. Generally speaking, we cannot revise the item on the state of Bosi in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu based on the inscription. For example, Fanli, the current fragment reads “Chen[lan]” 沉𡒄. The latter is an error owing to their similarity in form. Also, “the second year of the Zhong Datōng”, the current fragment reads “the second year of the Datōng”, in which the character “zhong” is very possibly omitted. There are other examples which will not be enumerated here. In addition, there is a quotation from “Yiji Pian 遺跡篇, the Fourth” of Shijia Fangzhi 釋迦方 誌 [47] by Shi Daoxuan 釋道宣 [596-667] of Tang times as follows: — 111 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) According to Liang Zhigongtu, “to the north, it is 10,000 li from Bosi, there is an island in the southwest. In the island there is the state of West Women 女 (which is not subject to India), to which Fulin 懍 sends men to marry with them yearly”. Liang Zhigongtu also states that “to the west of Boluosi 波羅斯 it is 10,000 li extending as far as the state of Poluomen. To the south, it is 10,000 li from Poluomen, there is another Poluomen”. The “Shengji Bu” 聖迹部 of “Tonggan Pian” 感通篇 of Shi Daoshi’s Fayuan Zhulin[48] (ch. 29), which was compiled in 668 CE (the first year of the Zongzhang 總章 reign-period of Emperor Gaozong 高宗) also quotes Liang Zhigongtu: To the north, it is 10,000 li from Bosi, there is an island in the southwest. In the island there is the state of West Women (which is not subject to India), to which Fulan 拂壈 sends men to marry with them yearly. There are some differences between the passages in each book and the inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Bosi, but it is impossible that the latter was the work of Xiao Yi, because the current fragment is just a copy after all. That is to say, we can consider that the quotations in Shijia Fangzhi and Fayuan Zhulin are close to the original text of Pei’s Fangguoshitu.[49] I. The item on the state of Dangchang in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu reads: The state of Dangchang 宕昌: It is located to the southeast of the state of Henan, and to the northwest of Yizhou 益州, to the west of Longxi 隴西. They are the Qiang race. During the reign of Emperor Xiaowu 孝武 of the Song 宋 Dynasty, its king, Liang Guangcong 梁瓘怱 first presented its local products. In the fourth year [505 CE] of the Tianjian reign-period, its king, Liang Mibo 梁彌博 presented liquorice and Angelica sinensis. The Emperor issued an edict to appoint him the Imperially Commissioned to Bear Emblems of Command, Inspector General of Military Operations in both He and Liang Provinces, General Pacifying the West, Colonel of the Eastern Qiang, Governor of both Hezhou and Liangzhou Provinces, Duke of Longxi, King of Dangchang, being presented with a gold seal. After [Liang] Mibo had died, his son, Mitai 彌泰, ascended the throne. [The Liang Court] also conferred on him the title of nobility of his father in the seventh — 112 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” year [541] of the Datong reign-period. Their clothing and the customs are generally similar to those of the state of Henan. The remaining inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Dangchang reads: ... presented its local products. During the Yongming 永明 reign-period of the Qi 齊 Dynasty.... In the tenth year [511 CE] of the Tianjian reign-period Liang Mibo, submitting a memorial, presented liquorice and Angelica sinensis. The Emperor issued an edict to appoint him [Commissioned with Extraordinary Power, Commander-in-chief of] the Two Provinces [of He and Liang], General Pacifying the West, Colonel Protecting the Qiang, Governor of the Provinces of Hezhou and Liangzhou, and Duke of Longxi. Their clothing and the customs are generally similar to those of the state of He’nan. The item on the state of Dangchang in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu was compiled by abbreviating and embellishing the original source of the remaining inscription. The omission is mainly of the text following “During the Yongming reign-period of the Qi Dynasty”, and the addition is the section from “After [Liang] Mibo had died” to “in the seventh year [541] of Datong reign-period”. The original basis of the former may be the same as the records in the “Wudi Ji” of Liangshu (ch. 2). Besides, the “tenth year” of Tianjian reign-period is an error of copying. The date should be “fourth year” in Fangguoshitu that was seen by the editor of the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” Liangshu. Besides, “Colonel of the Eastern Qian” is read as “Colonel Protecting the Qiang” in the current fragment. J. The item on the state of Dengzhi 鄧至 in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu reads: The state of Dengzhi: it is situated in the territory of the Western Liang Province. Its people were the detached stock of the Qiang. It was known as Commissioned with Special Powers, the General Pacifying the North, Governor of Western Liangzhou Province from generation to generation. During the reign of Emperor Wen of the Song Dynasty, its king, Xiang Qudan 象屈耽 sent the envoys to present horses. In the first year of the Tianjian reign-period, the Emperor issued an edict to appoint the king of Dengzhi, Xiang Shupeng 象舒彭, Commander-in-chief of Military Operations in Western Liang Province, and General Pacifying the North. In the fifth year [502] of Tianjian reign-period, [Xiang] Shupeng sent the envoys to present 400 jin of astragalus and four — 113 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) horses. According to the customs, their hats are called “tuhe” 突何. Their clothing is generally similar to that of the state of Dangchang. The remaining inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Dengzhi reads: The envoy from the state of Dengzhi: The state of Dengzhi is situated in the territory of the Western Liangzhou Province. It comprises divergent stock from the Qiang. During the reign-period of Emperor Wen of the Song Dynasty, its king, Xiang Qudan sent [the envoys] .... Commander of the Defense Command of ...shui 水, Xiang Poqiang, presented a memorial and a fine horse. In the fifth year of the Tianjian reign-period, its king, Xiang Shupeng sent Lisengcong 厲僧崇 to present 400 jin of astragalus and four horses. According to the customs, hat is called “tu’a” 突阿. Their clothing is generally similar to those of the state of Dangchang. The item on the state of Dengzhi in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu was compiled by abbreviating and embellishing the original basis of the inscription in the current fragment. The omissions are mainly the official positions and names of the envoys from the state of Dengzhi; and additions are the sentence “it was known as Commissioned with Special Powers, the General Pacifying the North, Governor of Western Liang Province from generation to generation”, and the section from “In the first year of the Tianjian reign-period” to “General Pacifying the North”. The basis of the latter may be the same as that of the “Wudi Ji” of Liangshu (ch. 2), in which it is recorded: In the eighth month, on the day yisi 乙巳, the General Pacifying the North and Governor of Western Liang Province, Xiang Shupeng, was promoted to the title of General Pacifying the West, and was invested with the title of king of Dengzhi. “General Pacifying the West” should read “General Pacifying the North”. The previous text records that in the intercalary fourth month of the same year, “on the day dingyou 丁酉, [he] appointed the adjunct king of Dangchang, Liang Miyong 梁彌邕, General Pacifying the West, Governor of both He and Liang Provinces, and invested with the title of king of Dangchang in due form”. From this, it can be seen that Xiang Shupeng was undoubtedly appointed “General Pacifying the North”. — 114 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” Apart from the above-mentioned ten states, there are three inscriptions for the portraits of envoys from the states of Baiji, Wo, and Langyaxiu in the current fragment. Contrasting the items on Baiji, Wo, and Langyaxiu in the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu, it can be seen that the latter do not rely on the basis of the former. Therefore, it seems that we can draw the following conclusions: 1. The above-mentioned corresponding relationship between the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu and the inscriptions for the portraits of the envoys from the states in the north-western area show that both rely on the same data. 2. Since as above-mentioned, the inscriptions for the portraits of the envoys from the various states originate from the inscriptions of Pei Ziye’s Fangguoshitu, it can be seen the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu (the ten items on the ten states at least) originates with Pei Ziye’s Fangguoshitu. 3. Since the “Xibei Zhurong Zhuan” of Liangshu derives mainly from Pei Ziye’s Fangguoshitu, it is possible that Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu (at least the ten inscriptions for the portraits of the envoys from the ten states) was compiled when the former was no longer handed down.[50] BIBLIOGRAPHY I. CHINESE SOURCES (1) Beishan Xiaoji 北山小集, composed by Cheng Ju 程俱 (Northern Song). In “Belles-lettres Division” (Book 1130) of Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 文淵閣四庫全書). Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House 上海古籍出版社, 1987. Congshu Jicheng Chubian 叢書集成初編. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1985. Daguanlu 大觀錄, collected and edited by Wu Sheng 吳升 (Qing). Wujin 武進: Li’s 李 Shengyilou 聖譯樓 Press, 1920. Deyuzhai Huapin 德隅齋畫品, composed by Li Jian 李薦 (Northern Song). In Huapin Congshu, pp. 149-166. Fayuan Zhulin 法苑珠林 (Pearl-grove of the garden of the law), composed by Dao Shi 道世 (Tang), emended and annotated by Zhou Shujia 周叔迦 and Su Jinren 蘇晉仁. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1988. T53, No. 2122. — 115 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) Fushuiji 滏水集, composed by Zhao Bingwen 趙秉文 (Jin 金). In the “Belles-lettres Division” (Book 1190) of Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 文淵閣四庫全書. Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House 上海古籍出版社, 1987. Gongkuiji 攻媿集, composed by Lou Yao 樓鑰 (Southern Son). In Sibu Congkan Chubian 四部叢刊初 編. Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1929. Guoshi Jingjizhi 國史經籍志, composed by Jiao Hong (Ming). In Congshu Jicheng Chubian 叢書集成 初編. Hanyuan 翰苑, composed by Zhang Chujin 張楚金 (Tang). In Liaohai Congshu 遼海叢書, Book IV. Shenyang: Liaoshen Publishing House, 1985, pp. 2509-2529. Houcun Tiba 後村題跋, composed by Liu Kezhuang 劉克莊 (Southern Song). Beijing: Commercial Press, 1936. Huapin Congshu 畫品叢書, edited by Yu Anlan 于安瀾. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Fine Arts Press, 1982. Jilouzi 金樓子, composed by Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (Liang). In the “Philosophy Division” (Book 848) of Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 文淵閣四庫全書. Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House 上海 古籍出版社, 1987. Jiu Tangshu 舊唐書, compiled by Liu Xu 劉昫 (Later Jin) et al., Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1975. Liangshu 梁書, compiled by Yao Silian 姚思廉 (Tang). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1983. Lidai Minghuaji 歷代名畫記, composed by Zhang Yanyuan 張彥遠. Beijing: People’s Fine Arts Publishing House, 1963. Nanqishu 南齊書, compiled by Xiao Zixian 蕭子顯 (Liang). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1974. Nanshi 南史, compiled by Li Yanshou 李延壽 (Tang). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1974. Shanhuwang 珊瑚網, composed by Wang Keyu (Ming). In the “Philosophy Division” (Book 818) of Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 文淵閣四庫全書. Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House 上海 古籍出版社, 1987. Shijia Fangzhi 釋迦方志 (A record of Śakyamuni’s country), compiled by Daoxuan 道宣 (Tang); punctuated and emendated by Fan Xiangyong 范祥雍. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1983. T51, No. 2088. — 116 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” Shiqu Baoji Chubian 石渠寶笈初編, composed by Zhang Zhao 張照, Liang Shizheng 梁詩正 et al. (Qing). In the “Philosophy Division” (Book 824-825) of Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 文淵閣四庫全 書. Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House 上海古籍出版社, 1987. Shiqu Baoji Xubian 石渠寶笈續編, compiled by Wang Jie 王傑 (Qing). In Midian Zhulin 秘殿珠林, compiled and published by Taiwan National Palace Museum. Taipei: 1971. Shuhuaji 書畫記, compiled by Wu Qizhen 吳其貞 (Qing). Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Fine Arts Publishing House, 1963. Shuofu Sanzhong 說郛三種, edited by Tao Zongyi 陶宗儀 (Ming) et al. Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989. Sibu Congkan Chubian 四部叢刊初編 (Integrated Collection of the Four Branches of Literature, Preliminary Series). Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1929. Siku Quanshu Zhongmu 四庫全書總目, compiled by Yong Rong 永瑢 (Qing) et al. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1983. Song Wenxiangong Quanji 宋文憲公全集, composed by Song Lian (Ming). In the “Belles-lettres Division” (Book 614-616) of Sibu Beiyao 四 部 備 要 . Taibei: Zhonghua Book Company, 1968-1982. Songshi 宋史, compiled by Tuotuo 脫脫 (Yuan) et al. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1977. Songshu 宋書, compiled by Shen Yue 沈約 (Liang). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1983. Su Shi Shiji 蘇軾詩集, composed by Su Shi 蘇軾 (Northern Song). collected and annotated by Wang Wengao 王文誥 (Qing); punctuated and emended by Kong Fanli 孔凡禮. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1982. Suichutang Shumu 遂初堂書目. Compiled by Tou Mao 尤袤 (Southern Song). In Shuofu Sanzhong 說 郛三種, edited by Tao Zongyi 陶宗儀 (Ming) et al. Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1989, pp. 480-502. Suishu 隋書, compiled by Wei Zheng 魏征 and Linghu Defen 令狐德棻 (Tang). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1982. Sungong Tanpu 孫公談圃, composed by Sun Sheng 孫升 (Song); edited by Liu Yanshi 劉延世 (Song). In the “Philosophy Division” (Book 1037) of Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 文淵閣四庫全書. Taiping Yulan 太平御覽 (a photocopied edition), compiled by Li Fang 李昉 (Song) et al. Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1985. — 117 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō 大正新修大藏經 (Taishō Revised Tripiṭaka, The Japanese Dazang Buddhist scriptures revised in the reign of Taishō), ed., by Takakusu Junjirō 高楠順次郎, Watanabe Kaigyoku 渡邊海旭, Ono Genmyō 小野玄妙 et al. Tokyo: Daizō Shuppan 大藏出版, 1924 1934. Tongdian 通典, compiled by Du You 杜佑 (Tang), punctuated and emendated by Wang Wenjin 王文 錦 et al., Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1988. Tongzhi 通志 (a photocopied edition), compiled by Zheng Qiao 鄭樵 (Song). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1987. Xin Tangshu 新唐書, compiled by Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 (Song) and Song Qi 宋祁 (Song). Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1975. Xu Shuhua Tiba 續書畫題跋, edited by Yu Fengqing 郁逢慶 (Ming). In the “Philosophy Division” (Book 816) of Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 文淵閣四庫全書. Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House 上海古籍出版社, 1987.學齋佔畢 Xuanhe Huapu 宣和畫譜, anonymous (Song). In the “Philosophy Division” (Book 813) of Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 文淵閣四庫全書. Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House 上海古籍出版社, 1987. Xuezhai Zhanbi 學齋佔畢, composed by Shi Shengzu 史繩祖 (Song). In the “Philosophy Division” (Book 854) of Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 文淵閣四庫全書. Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House 上海古籍出版社, 1987. Yiwen Leiju 藝文類聚, compiled by Ouyang Xun 歐陽詢 (Tang); collected by Wang Shaoying 汪紹楹. Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1985. Yuesheng Suocang Shuhu Bielu 悅生所藏書畫別錄, composed by anonymous. In Meishu Congshu 美術 叢書, ser. 4 (Book 10); edited by Huang Binhong 黃賓虹 and Deng Shi 鄧實. Nanjing: Jiangsu Classics Publishing House, 1997. Yuhai 玉海, compiled by Wang Yinglin 王應麟 (Song). In the “Philosophy Division” (Book 943) of Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 文淵閣四庫全書. Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House 上海 古籍出版社, 1987. Yunyan Guoyanlu 雲煙過眼錄. Composed by Zhou Mi 周密 (Southern Song Dynasty). In Huapin Congshu, pp. 313-389. Zhenguan Gongsi Huanshi 貞觀公私畫史, composed by Pei Xiaoyuan 裴孝源 (Tang). In Huapin Congshu 畫品叢書, pp. 23-43. — 118 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” Zhenji Rilu 真蹟日錄, composed by Zhang Chou 張醜 (Ming). In the “Philosophy Division” (Book 817) of Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 文淵閣四庫全書. Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House 上海古籍出版社, 1987. II. CHINESE SOURCES (2) CenZhm1981J(z) = Cen Zhongmian 岑仲勉, “Xiancun de ‘Zhigongtu’ shi Liang Yuandi Yuanben ma?” 現存的 ‘職貢圖’ 是梁元帝原本嗎? (Is the existing “Zhigongtu” the original manuscript of Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty). In CenZhm1981J, pp. 476-483. JinWn1960 = Jin Weinuo 金維諾, “Zhigongtu de Shidai yu Zuozhe” 職貢圖的時代與作者 (Age and author of the Zhigongtu). Wenwu 文物 (Cultural Relics), 1960 (7), pp. 14-17. YuTsh1986 = Yu Taishan 余太山, Yedashi Yanjiu 嚈噠史研究 (A study of the history of the Hephthalites). Jinan: Qilu Publishing House, 1986. III. JAPANESE SOURCES Enoki1964 = Enoki Kazuo 榎一雄, “Katsukoku ni Kansuru Ryō Shokukōzu no Kizi ni tsuite” 滑國に 關する梁職貢圖の記事について (On the account on the state of Hua in Liang Zhigongtu). Tōhōgaku 東方學 27 (1964), pp. 12-32. Enoki1965 = Enoki Kazuo 榎一雄, “Lōran no Ichi wo Shimesu Futatsu no Karosyutī Monzyo ni tsuite” 樓蘭の位置を示す二つのカロシュティー文書について (Two Kharosthī inscriptions indicating the site of Loulan). In Ishida Hakase Syōzyu Kinen Tōyōshi Ronsō 石田博士頌壽記念東洋史論叢, Tokyo: Kyōritsusha 共立社, 1965, pp. 107-125. Shiratori1971(f) = Shiratori Kurakichi 白鳥庫吉, “Futsurin Mondai no Shinkaishaku” 拂菻問題の新解 釋 (A new interpretation on the Fulin problem). In Shiratori1971, pp. 403-592. NOTES [1] Based on the version from Wenyuange Siku Quanshu. [2] See Yiwen Leiju. [3] According to “Wudi Ji” of Liangshu (ch. 3), he entered the court “on the day jimao, in the seventh month in the autumn” of the fifth year, and left the court “on the day renzi, twelfth month” of the sixth year. [4] Cf. CenZhm1981J(z). [5] Lianghai Congshu, Book IV, pp. 2519-2520. — 119 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) [6] Based on the version of Shanghai People’s Fine Arts Publishing House. [7] The item “Li Boshi Hua Shiguotu” 李伯時畫十國圖 (The Shiguotu Painted by Li Boshi) of Houcun Tiba (ch. 4) by Liu Kezhuang (1187-1269) in Song times states: “According to the old inscription, this is a copy of Wu Daozi’s painting by Li Boshi. In my opinion, Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty himself painted Zhigongtu, which was not yet lost in Tang times. It does not seem to be the case that Wu Daozi modeled his work on an antiquity. This painting should have had a long history”. Liu suggests that Zhigongtu was not yet lost in Tang times. I do not know the basis for his assertion. [8] JinWn1960. [9] Based on the version from Wenyuange Siku Quanshu. [10] Hupin Congshu, p. 157. “Biography of Li Jian”, see Songshi, ch. 444. He was active in the last twenty years of the 11th century. Cf. Enoki1963. [11] Based on the version in Sibu Congkan Chubian. “Biography of Li Gonglin”, see Songshi, ch. 444. Moreover, in the “Tu” section of the “Yiwen” of Yuhai by Wang Yinglin (ch. 56) it is recorded: “Li Gonglin’s note says that Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty created Zhigongtu when he guarded Jingzhou Province. The work opens with the savages, and ends with the Dan barbarians, [encompassing] a total of more than thirty states, of which only 22 states remain. The first is the state of Lu, but there are no states of Lu or Bingbing in Nanshi, Tongdian, and Taiping Yulan. The following twenty states are there: Henan, Middle Tianzhu, Shizi, Northern Tianzhu, Kepantuo, the Fan Barbarians of Wuxing, Hua, Bosi, Baiji, Qiuci, Wo, Zhouguke, Hebatan, Humidan, Baiti, Mo, Liyi, Poli, Danchang, and Langyaxiu, which all presented tribute to the Liang Dynasty. In the ‘Wudi Ji’ [of Liangshu] there are also Funan, Dengzhi, Yutian, Ruru, Gaoli, Gantuoli, Xinluo, Panpan, and Dandan, a total of nine states. Would these be missing in the painting? Dan also does not appear. I suspect that Bingbing 丙丙, which is similar to Ruirui 芮芮 in form, should be the Ruru. Tongzhi says that ‘There are 28 states’. The Congwen [Shu]mu also records that Zhigongtu was in three scrolls”. In my opinion, the section of text from “Li Gonglin’s note” to “should be the Ruru” was excerpted from Lou Yao’s Gongkui Ji. [12] Enoki1963 suggests that “lu” 虜 is an error for “lǔ” 魯, and “lǔ” 魯 is an error for “bing” 稟 or “lan” 壈, which is caused by their similarity in form. In fact, both “lin” 稟 and “lan” 壈 are errors for “Fulin” 拂稟 or “Fulan” 拂壈 (Frum). In my opinion, his theory is too tortuous, and unacceptable. In the current fragment (it has the same original basis as that of the painting described by Li Gonglin) Frum is translated as “(沉) [沕]壈” [Fulan = Fulin], which can be regarded as evidence. [13] The “Ming Sengshao Zhuan” of Nanshi (ch. 50) records that Huizhao, the son of Sengshao, “was the Governor of Ba Province in the first year [479 CE] of the Jianyuan reign-period [of Emperor Gao of the Qi Dynasty] and pacified the Man and Dan Barbarians”. From this, it can be seen that there were the Dan Barbarians in the Southern Dynasties period. [14] Cf. Enoki1964 suggests that these records are intrinsic in the painting collected by Fu. His view is incorrect. There are only the portraits of envoys, but no inscriptions in this painting, as evidenced by the statement, “only copied the images of the envoys”. Reading carefully the section from “looking through” to “came to pay respects to the Liang court” explains it. — 120 — The Relationship between the “Memoir on the North-western Barbarians” [15] The item titled “Xie Zhigongtu (drew Zhigongtu), the Second” by Li in the “Renwu 3” of Xuanhe Hupu (ch. 7), based on the version from Wenyuange Siku Quanshu. [16] Based on the version from Wenyuange Siku Quanshu. [17] Enoki1963. [18] Shuofu, ch. 28, based on the version from Hanfen Lou, see Shuofu Sanzhong. [19] Meishu Congshu, Series IV, Volume 10. Edited by Huang Binhong and Deng Shi. Nanjing: Jiangsu Classics Publishing House, 1997, p. 2928. [20] See Huapin Congshu, p. 324. [21] Based on the version that is printed with imitation Song-style typeface of Zhonghua Book Company. [22] The “Zonglei” of Congshu Jicheng Chubian. [23] Enoki1964. [24] In Zhenguan Gongsi Hulu it is recorded: “Zhigongtu in three scrolls, Xiao’er Xiyatu in one scroll, in total 4 scrolls, painted by Jiang Sengbao, which were collected by the Palace in the Sui Dynasty. There are reign-titles of the Liang and Chen dynasties”. See Huapin Congshu, p.37. [25] See JinWn1960. [26] Printed by Li. Wujin: Shengyi Lou, 1920. [27] Based on the version from Wenyuange Siku Quanshu. [28] See JinWn1960. [29] Cf. Enoki1963. [30] See JinWn1960. [31] Lack of 6 characters here at least. [32] To say “Gongzhi” here in order to rhyme. This may be the origin of another name, Gongzhitu, for Xiao Yi’s Zhigongtu. [33] Cf. vol. IV-1 [Yu1986/2012(1), pp. 8-/43]. [34] Based on the version from Wenyuange Siku Quanshu. [35] Shuhuaji, pp. 650-651. [36] Based on the version from Wenyuange Siku Quanshu. [37] The poem see Su Shi Shiji (ch. 34), p.1830. [38] See the “Nanman Zhuan” of Jiu Tangshu (ch. 197) and the “Nanman Zhuan” of Xin Tangshu (ch. 222C). However, the memoirs do not mention the author of Wanghuitu. [39] Based on the version from Wenyuange Siku Quanshu. In addition, the other of Zhao’s two poems titled “Inscribing the Copy of Yan Liben’s Zhigongtu” reads: “With gold buckles and ritual scars of the steppe, they come to the emperor’s court, In Painting of the Kings’ Meetings, they observe the imperial statutes. The emperor’s military might has now been proclaimed through the desert, prompting our Chancellor of the Right, to capture this scene in a painting”. [40] Based on the version from Wenyuange Siku Quanshu. [41] Based on the version from Wenyuange Siku Quanshu. [42] Based on the version from Wenyuange Siku Quanshu. [43] Shiqu Baoji Xubian (Shiqu Baoji II), p.923. [44] Cf. Enoki1964. — 121 — Eurasian Studies (Volume VI) [45] Cf. vol. IV-4 [Yu1986/2012(1), pp.76-84/93-103]. [46] Cf. Enoki1964. [47] See Luoyang Qielanji Jiaozhu. [48] T53, No. 2122, p.505. [49] Cf. Shiratori1971(f), esp. 503-510. [50] The inscription for the portrait of the envoy from the state of Gaoli, which is quoted in Zhang Jinchu’s Hanyuan, is likely a fragment from Pei Ziye’s Fangguoshitu. However, the possibility cannot be completely ruled out that it is the fragment of Zhigongtu by Xiao Yi or others in Liang times. — 122 —